350 
PA5h 
y/.  7L 
co^.  ^ 


Return  this  book  on  or  before  the 
Latest  Date  stamped  below.  A 
charge  is  made  on  all  overdue 
books. 

University  of  Illinois  Library 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign  Alternates 


https://archive.org/details/economicwritings02pett 


THE 


ECONOMIC  WRITINGS 

OF 


Sir  william  PETTY 


aonDon:  C.  J.  CLAY  and  SONS, 
CAMBRIDGE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS  WAREHOUSE, 
AVE  MARIA  LANE. 

ffilasgoto:  263,  ARGYLE  STREET. 


Ecipjig;  F.  A.  BROCKHAUS. 

Hork:  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 
ISombag:  E.  SEYMOUR  HALE. 


Petty  to  Southwell,  July,  1687,  from  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne’s  MSS.  at  Bowood. 


']'o  face  Title  l ~ol.  II. 


Petty  to  Southwell,  July,  1687,  from  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne’s  MSS.  at  Bowood. 


THE 


ECONOMIC  WRITINGS 

OF 

Sir  william  PETTY 


TOGETHER  WITH  THE 

OBSERVATIONS  UPON 
THE  BILLS  OF  MORTALITY 


MORE  PROBABLY  BY 

CAPTAIN  JOHN  GRAUNT 


EDITED  BY 

CHARLES  HENRY  HULL,  Ph.D. 

CORNELL  UNIVERSITY 


VOL.  II 


CAMBRIDGE 

AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
1899 

[A//  Rights  reserved'] 


CambriUgc : 

PRINTED  BY  J.  AND  C.  F.  CLAY, 
AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS. 


3-3.. 

TAL-' 

'v . 2- 

1.  ^ = 

i 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  II. 


Natural  and  Political  Observations  upon  the  Bills 
OF  Mortality.  By  Capt.  John  Graunt.  The 
Fifth  Edition.  London,  1676  . . . . 

Sir  William  Petty’s  Quantulumcunque  concerning 
Money,  1682.  London,  1695  . . . . 

Another  Essay  in  Political  Arithmetick  concerning 
THE  Growth  of  the  City  of  London,  1682. 
London,  1683  ....... 

Observations  upon  the  Dublin-Bills  of  Mortality, 
1681,  AND  THE  State  of  that  City.  London,  1683. 
Further  Observation  upon  the  Dublin-Bills  : or, 
Accompts  of  the  Houses,  Hearths,  Baptisms,  and 
Burials  in  that  City.  London,  1686 
Two  Essays  in  Political  Arithmetick,  concerning 
THE  People,  Housing,  Hospitals,  &c.  of  London 
AND  Paris.  London,  1687  . . . . 

Observations  upon  the  Cities  of  London  and  Rome. 

London,  1687  ....... 

Five  Essays  in  Political  Arithmetick.  London,  1687 
A Treatise  of  Ireland,  1687.  From  the  Additional 
MS.  IN  THE  British  Museum  . . . . 

Appendix  ......... 

Bibliography  of  the  Printed  Writings  of  Sir  William 
Petty  ........ 

Supplement  to  the  Bibliography  of  Petty’s  Works 
Bibliography  of  the  Natural  and  Political  Obser- 
vations ........ 

List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  used 

Index  

II.  P. 


pages 


314-435 

437-44S 

451-478 

479-491 

493-498 


501-513 

515-51^ 

521-544 

545-621 

622-632 

633-652 

653-657 

658-660 

661-672 

673-700 

b 


Tuesday,  June  20.  1665. 

At  a Meeting  of  the  Council  of  the 
Royal  Society. 

Ordered, 

THat  the  Observations  upon  the  Bills  of  Mortality  by 
Mr.  John  Graiint  be  Printed  by  John  Martyn  and 
James  Allestry,  Printers  to  the  Royal  Society. 

BROUNCKER,  Pres. 


Natural  and  Political 


OBSERVATIONS 

Mentioned  in  a following  INDEX, 
and  made  upon  the 

Bills  of  Mortality. 


B Y 

Capt.  JOHN  GRHUNT, 

Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 


With  reference  to  the  Government,  Religion, 

Trade,  Growth,  Air,  Diseases,  and  the  several 
Changes  of  the  said  CITY\ 

Non,  me  ut  miretur  Turba,  laboro, 

Coiitentiis  paucis  Lecloribiis. 


The  Fifth  Edition,  much  Enlarged^ 


L OND  ON, 

Printed  by  John  Martyn,  Printer  to  the  Royal  Society, 
at  the  Sign  of  the  Bell  in  St.  Raid's  Church-yard. 
MDCLXXVI. 


^ The  title  of  the  first  edition  (1662)  ran,  “ Natural  and  Political  Observations... 
By  John  Graunt,  Citizen  of  London.”  etc.  On  the  title-page  of  the  third  edition 
(1665)  “Citizen  of  London”  was  superseded  by  “ Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society” 
but  the  reference  to  “ the  said  City  ” was  retained. 

' This  phrase  is  retained  from  the  title-page  of  the  third  edition.  In  the  fifth 
edition  nothing  is  new  save  the  “ further  observations  ” and  the  Paris  bills, 
pp.  141 — 146. 


NOTE  ON  GRAUNT’S  “OBSERVATIONS. 


The  first  edition  of  Graunt’s  Observations  upon  the  Bills  of 
Mortality*  was  published  between  25  January,  1662,  the  date  of  the 
first  epistle  dedicatory,  and  5 February,  1662,  when  Graunt  presented 
fifty  copies  to  the  Royal  Society  to  be  distributed  among  its  mem- 
bers^. In  the  world  outside  Gresham  College  as  well  as  among  the 
Fellows  of  the  Royal  Society,  Graimt’s  work  soon  attracted  attention. 
Pepys  bought  a copy  at  Westminster  Hall,  the  24  March^,  and  the 
book  proved  so  widely  successful  that  a second  edition  was  called 
for  before  the  close  of  the  year.  With  the  return  of  the  plague  in 
the  early  summer  of  1665,  interest  in  the  Observations  revived. 
On  the  twentieth  of  June,  at  the  same  meeting  at  which  the  Council 
of  the  Royal  Society  recommended  the  Society  to  intermit  their 
public  weekly  meetings  until  the  present  sickness  should  cease,  it 
also  ordered  “ that  upon  a report  of  Sir  William  Petty  of  his  having 
perused  the  additions  of  Mr  Graunt  to  his  Observations  upon  the 
Bills  of  Mortality,  the  president  be  desired  to  license  the  reprinting 
of  that  book,  together  with  such  additions'*.”  As  the  4 July  is  the 
latest  date  in  the  “ table  shewing  how  many  died  weekly,”  it  is 
probable  that  the  new  edition  appeared  before  the  ii  July.  It 
certainly  appeared  before  the  25  July,  on  which  day  Brouncker  sent 
to  Pepys®  a copy  of  the  book,  “ new  printed  and  enlarged.”  The 
enlargement  of  this  third  edition  was  effected  chiefly  by  the  addition 
of  the  appendix,  the  tables  for  Tiverton  and  Cranbrook,  and  the 
“table  shewing  how  many  died  weekly”;  the  other  changes,  which 
are  slight,  are  noted,  in  this  reprint,  where  they  occur.  A “ fourth 
impression,”  reprinted  from  the  third,  soon  appeared  at  Oxford.  The 
latest  date  in  the  weekly  table  of  this  edition  is  the  26  September? 

^ See  Bibliography.  2 Birch,  i.  75.  ^ Diary,  ii.  209-210. 

^ Birch,  II.  57.  5 Diary,  v.  24. 


3i8 


Note  on  Graunt’s  Observations. 


and  a copy  of  it  in  Cornell  University  Library  bears  the  inscription 
“ Ex  dono  Authoris  Octob:  22°  1665.”  No  further  edition  was  pub- 
lished during  Graunt’s  life,  but  in  1676  a fifth  edition  was  put  out, 
it  is  said  under  Petty’s  supervision  ^ To  this,  the  completest  edition, 
here  reprinted,  there  were  added  “ wSonie  further  Observations  of 
Major  John  Graunt.”  Since  1676  the  Observations  have  been 
printed  but  once  in  English,  viz.  in  A Collection  of  the  Yearly 
Bills  of  Mortality  from  1657  to  1758,  London:  1759,  which  speaks 
erroneously  of  “the  sixth  edition,  in  1676.”  There  is  also  an  anony- 
mous German  translation^  published  at  Leipzig  in  1702. 

Concerning  the  disputed  authorship  of  the  Observations  see  the 
Introduction.  No  MSS.  of  the  book  are  known. 

^ Dr  John  Campbell  in  the  Biographia  Britannica^  iv.  2262-2263,  note. 
Dr  Campbell’s  account  of  the  earlier  editions,  however,  is  sadly  incorrect. 

^ The  translator  was  Dr  Gottfried  Schultz,  born  at  Breslau  20  April,  1643, 
died  there  14  May,  1698.  Travel,  says  his  eulogist,  had  made  him  master  of 
many  tongues,  “non  autem  legisse  tantum  exterorum  scripta  ipsi  sufficiebat,  sed 
ut  aliorum  etiam  usibus  prostarent,  multoties  Interpretem  accuratum  egit.  Cum 
vero  modestia  insignis,  qua  ubique  usus,  nomen  praefigere  versionibus  typis 
divulgandis  vetaret,  tale  saltern  in  praesenti  versionis  Specimen  exhibeo,  de  quo 
(cum  in  aliis  dubius  haeram)  certo  constat,  ejus  solertiam  illud  parasse.  Scilicet 
Joannis  Grauntii,  Membri  Societatis  Regiae  Anglicanae,  Observationes  Physicas 
et  Politicas  de  Schedulis  Mortalitatis  Londinensibus  Todten-Zettuln  Germanico 
Idiomate  donavit,  in  gratiam  eorum,  qui  propter  commodum  publicum  passim  in 
Germanicam  similem  computum  desiderarunt.” — Memoria  excellentissimi  apiid 
Vratislavienses  polyhistori  medici  douiitii  D.  Godofriedi  Schidzii  qiiam  posiens 
cojumeudat  Sanmel  Grass,  pp.  201-224  of  the  Appendix  ad  Ephemeridiim  acadeniiae 
Caesar-eo-leopoldinae  nat.  curiosorntn  in  Germania  centnrias  ill.  & IV.,  Nori- 
bergae,  1715. 


TO  THE 


RIGHT  HONOURABLE 


JOHN  Lord  ROBERTS 


Baron  of  Truro,  Lord  Privy  Seal, 

and  one  of  His  Majesties  most  Honourable 
Privy  CoiLiicil. 

My  Lord, 

S the  favours  I have  received  from  your  Lordship  oblige 


me  to  present  you  with  some  token  of  my  gratitude : so 
the  especial  Honour  I have  ||  for  your  Lordship  hath  made  me 
solicitous  in  the  choice  of  the  Present,  For,  if  I could  have 
given  your  Lordship  any  choice  Excerptions  out  of  the  Greek 
or  Latin  Learning,  I should  (according  to  our  English 
Proverb)  thereby  but  carry  Coals  to  Newcastle,  and  but 
give  your  Lordship  Pnddlc-zvater,  who,  by  your  own  eminent 
Knowledge  in  those  learned  Languages,  can  drink  out  of  the 
very  Fountains  yourself. 

1 John  Lord  Roberts  (or  Robartes)  was  born  in  1606.  He  was  two  years  a 
student  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford,  where,  Wood  intimates,  he  acquired  from 
Prideaux  those  prepossessions  which  led  him  into  the  Army  of  the  Commonwealth. 
At  the  Restoration,  however,  he  received  a number  of  honours  and  was  made  Lord 
Privy  Seal  in  1661.  He  became  a member  of  the  Royal  Society  in  1666  and  in 
1669  he  was  appointed  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland  to  succeed  Ormond,  but  was 
recalled  in  1670.  He  was  four  times  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Lords  and  in  1679 
he  became  Earl  Radnor  and  Lord  President  of  the  Council,  an  office  which  he 
held  almost  until  his  death  17  July,  1685.  He  was  uniformly  considered  an  able 
but  morose  man.  Wood,  Athenae  Oxon.  ii.  787  ; Doyle,  Official  Baronage,  III. 
91  ; Carte,  Ortnond,  ii.  378. 


320 


The  Epistle 


Moreover,  to  present  your  Lordship  with  tedious  Nar-\ra- 
tiojis,  were  but  to  speak  my  own  Ignorance  of  the  Vahte, 
which  His  Majesty,  and  the  Publick,  have  of  your  Lordship’s 
Time.  And  in  brief,  to  offer  any  thing  like  what  is  already 
in  other  Books,  were  but  to  derogate  from  your  Lordships 
learning,  which  the  world  knows  to  be  universal,  and  unac- 
quainted with  few  useful  things  contained  in  any  of  them. 

Now  having  (I  know  not  by  what  accident)  engaged  my 
thoughts  upon  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  and  so  far  succeed-||ed 
therein,  as  to  have  reduced  several  great  confused  Volumes 
into  a few  perspicuous  Tables,  and  abridged  such  Observations 
as  naturally  flowed  from  them,  into  a few  succin6l  Para- 
graphs, without  any  long  Series  of  mnltiloqnious  DedtiTlions,  I 
have  presumed  to  sacrifice  these  my  small,  but  first  publish’d, 
Laboiirs  unto  your  Lordship,  as  unto  whose  benign  accep- 
tance of  some  other  of  my  Papers^,  even  the  birth  of  these  is 
due  ; hoping  (if  I may  without  vanity  say  it)  they  may  be  of 
as  much  use  ||  to  persons  in  your  Lordships  place,  as  they  are 
of  little  or  none  to  me,  which  is  no  more  than  the  fairest 
Diamonds  are  to  the  Jonrneymen  Jeweller  that  works  them, 
or  the  poor  Laboin^er  that  first  digg’d  them  from  the  Earth. 
For,  with  all  humble  submission  to  your  Lordship,  I con- 
ceive, That  it  doth  not  ill  become  a Peer  of  the  Parliament 
or  Member  of  his  Majesties  Conncil,  to  consider  how  few 
starve  of  the  many  that  beg  : That  the  irreligious  Proposals 
of  some,  to  multiply  people  ||  by  Polygamy,  is  withal  irrational, 
and  fruitless : That  the  troublesome  seclusions  in  the 
Plagne-time  are  not  a remedy  to  be  purchased  at  vast 
inconveniences^:  That  the  greatest  Plagues  of  the  City  are 
equally,  and  quickly  repaired  from  the  Country  : That  the 
wasting  of  Males  by  Wars  and  Colonies  do  not  prejudice  the 
due  proportion  between  them  and  Females : That  the  opinions 
of  Plagues  accompanying  the  Entrance  of  Kings,  is  false,  and 
seditious : That  Londo7i,  the  Metropolis  of  England,  ||  is 

^ Wood  says  that  Graunt  also  wrote  “Observations  on  the  advance  of  excise, 
and  something  about  religion,  but  these  two  are  not  yet  published.”  Athenac 
Oxon.  I.  31 1. 

“ The  contagion  being  in  the  air,  p.  350. 


Dedicatory. 


32 


perhaps  a Head  too  big  for  the  Body',  and  possibly  too 
strong:  That  this  Head  grows  three  times  as  fast  as  the 
Body  unto  which  it  belongs  ; that  is,  It  doubles  its  People  in 
a third  part  of  the  time : That  our  Parishes  are  now  grown 
madly  disproportionable : That  our  Temples  are  not  sutable 
to  our  Religion : That  the  Trade,  and  very  City  of  London, 
removes  Westward : That  the  walled  City  is  but  a fifth  of 
the  whole  Pyle : That  the  old  Streets  are  unfit  for  the 
present  frequency  of  Coaches  : 1|  That  the  passage  of  Lndgate  is 
a throat  too  streight  for  the  Body : That  the  fighting  men 
about  London  are  able  to  make  three  as  great  Armies  as  can 
be  of  use  in  this  Island : That  the  number  of  Heads  is  such, 
as  hath  certainly  much  deceived  some  of  our  Senators  in 
their  appointments  of  Poll-money‘s,  &c.  Now,  although  your 
Lordship’s  most  excellent  Discourses  have  well  informed  me, 
That  your  Lordship  is  no  stranger  to  these  Positions  ; yet 
because  I knew  not,  that  your  Lordship  had  ever  deduced  || 
them  from  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  I hoped  it  might  not  be 
ungrateful  to  your  Lordship,  to  see  unto  how  much  profit 
that  one  Talent  might  be  improved,  besides  the  many 
curiosities  concerning  the  waxing  and  waning  of  Diseases, 
the  relation  between  healthfid  and  fniitful  Seasons,  the 
difference  between  the  City  and  the  Country  Air,  &c.  All 
which  being  new,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  and  the  whole 
Pamphlet  not  two  hours  reading,  I did  make  bold  to  trouble 
your  Lordship  with  a per-||usal  of  it,  and  by  this  humble 
Dedication  of  it,  let  your  Lordship  and  the  world  see  the 
Wisdom  of  our  City,  in  appointing  and  keeping  these  Ac- 
compts,  and  with  how  much  affedlion  and  success,  I am. 


My  Lord, 


Birchen-lane, 
25  fannary, 
i66i. 


Yonr  Lordships  most  obedient, 

and  most  faithful  Servant, 
John  Graunt.  || 


^ Sir  Thomas  Roe  applied  the  same  figure  to  London  in  a speech  in 
Parliament  in  1641.  Hart.  Misc.,  IV.  433,  436. 

‘s  See  Treatise  of  Taxes,  note  on  p.  62. 


21 


H.  P. 


To  the  Honourable 


S"  Robert  M or ay\  Knight,  One  of  His 
Majestie’s  Privy  Council  for  His  Kingdom 
of  Scotland,  and  President  of  the  Royal 
Society  of  Philosophers  meeting  at  C77'esham- 
Coltedg,  and  to  the  rest  of  that  honourable 
Society. 

HE  Observations  ivJiich  I happened  to  make  {for  I designed 


JL  them  not)  npon  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  have  fain  out 
to  be  both  Political  and  Natural,  some  concerning  Trade  and 
Government,  others  concerning  the  Air,  |!  Countries,  Seasons, 
Fruitfulness,  Health,  Diseases,  Longevity,  and  the  propoi'tions 
between  the  Sex  and  Ages  of  Mankind.  All  ivhich  {because 
Sir  PVancis  Bacon  reckons  his  Discourses  ^?/Life  and  Death  to 
be  Natural  History-;  and  because  I undei'stand  your  selves  are 
also  appointing  means,  how  to  measure  the  Degrees  of  Heat, 
Wetness,  and  Windiness  in  the  several  Parts  of  His  Majestids 
Dominions)  I am  humbly  bold  to  think  Natural  History  also, 

^ Sir  Robert  Moray  (or  Murray)  was  born  about  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  He  was  educated  at  St  Andrews  and  in  France,  and,  being 
devoted  to  the  royal  cause,  lived  chiefly  on  the  continent  until  the  Restoration, 
lie  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Royal  Society  and  presided  over  its  meetings 
from  March  1661  to  July  1662.  Moray  died  4 July,  1673. 

2 The  History  of  Life  and  Death,  or  the  second  Title  in  natural  and  ex- 
perimental History  for  the  Foundation  of  Philosophy  : being  the  third  Part  of  the 
Instauratio  magna.  ]Vorks,  x.  q — 176. 


The  Epistle  Dedicatory. 


323 


and  co7iscquently  that  I am  obliged  to  cast  in  this  small  Mite 
into  yonr  great  Treasury  of  that  kind. 

His  Majesty  being  not  07ily  by  anemit  Right  siipreamly 
concerned  in  matters  of  Government  and  Trade,  bnt  also  by 
happy  accidefit  Prince  of  Philosophers,  and  of  Physico-Mathe- 
matical  Learning,  not  called  so  by  Flatterer's  and  Parasites,  || 
bnt  really  so,  as  well  by  his  oivn  personal  Abilities,  as  Ajfedtion 
concerning  those  matters',  npon  ivhich  account  I shonld  have 
hnmbly  dedicated  both  sorts  of  my  Observations  nnto  His  most 
Sacred  Majesty  : bnt,  to  be  short,  I knew  neither  my  Work  nor 
my  Person  fit  to  bear  His  Name,  nor  to  deserve  His  Patronage. 
Nevertheless,  as  I have  presumed  to  present  this  Pamphlet,  so 
far  as  it  relates  to  Government  and  Trade,  to  one  of  His 
Majesties  Peers,  and  eminent  Ministers  of  State : so  I do  desire 
yonr  leave  to  present  the  same  nnto  Yon  also,  as  it  relates  to 
Natural  History,  arid  as  it  depends  npon  the  Mathematicks  of 
my  Shop-Arithmetick.  For  Yon  are  not  only  His  Majesties 
Pi'ivy  Council  for  Philosophy,  but  also  His  Great  Council. 
Yon  are  the  three  Estates,  viz.  the  Mathematical,  Mechanical,  || 
and  Physical.  Yon  are  his  Parliament  of  Nature;  and  it  is 
no  less  disparagement  to  the  meanest  of  yonr  number,  to  say 
there  may  be  Commoners  as  well  as  Peers  in  Philosophy 
amongst  yon.  For  my  own  part,  I count  it  happiness  enough 
to  my  self,  that  there  is  such  a Council  of  Nature,  as  yonr 
Society  is,  in  Being',  and  I do  with  as  much  earnestness 
enquire  after  yonr  Expeditions  against  the  Impediments  of 
Science,  as  to  know  what  Armies  and  Navies  the  several 
Princes  of  the  World  are  setting  forth.  I concern  my  self  as 
much  to  know  who  are  Cnratonrs  of  this  or  the  other  Experi- 
ment as  to  knoiv  zvho  are  Mareschals  of  France,  or  Chancellor 
of  Sweden.  1 am  as  zvell  pleased  to  hear  you  are  satisfied  in 
a Inciferons  Expeidment,  as  that  a breach  hath  been  made  in 
the  Enemie  s Works:  and  \\yonr  ingenious  argitings  immediately 
from  sense,  and  fall,  are  as  pleasant  to  me  as  the  noise  of 
victorious  Guns  and  Trumpets. 

Moreover,  as  I contend  for  the  Decent  Rights  and  Ceremonies 
of  the  Church,  so  I also  contend  against  the  envious  Schismaticks 
of  your  Society  {who  think  yon  do  nothing  unless  you  presently 


21 — 2 


324 


The  Epistle 


traiisiniife  Metals,  make  Butter  and  Cheese  ivithout  Milk  ; and 
(as  their  ozvn  Ballad  hath  it)  make  Leather  ivithout  Hides^)  by 
asserting  the  usefulness  of  even  all  your  preparatory  and  hiciferous 
Experiments,  being  not  the  Ceremonies,  but  the  substance  and 
principles  of  useftl  Arts.  For,  I find  in  Trade  the  ivant  of  afi 
universal  measure,  and  have  heard  Musicians  wrangle  about 
the  just  and  uniform  keeping  of  tinic  in  their  Consorts,  |l  and 
therefore  cannot  with  patience  hear,  that  yo7ir  Labours  abo7it 
Vibrations,  eminently  conducing  to  both,  should  be  slighted,  nor 
yo7tr  Pendula^  called  Swingswangs  unth  scorn.  Nor  ca7i  I 
better  endure,  that  yoiir  Exercitatioiis  about  Air  should  be 
termed  fit  imployment  only  for  Airy  Fancies,  and  not  adequate 
Tasks  for  the  most  solid  and  piercing  heads.  This  is  my  Opinion 
cojiccrning  you : afid  although  I am  no7ie  of  yotir  number,  nor 
have  the  least  ambition  to  be  so,  otherzvise  than  to  beco^ne  able 


1 A l^allad  of  twenty-eight  stanzas,  “ In  praise  of  the  choice  Company  of 
Philosophers  and  Wittes  who  meet  on  Wednesdaies  weekely  at  Gresham  Colledge,” 
is  in  Ashmole  ms.  36,  37,  f.  310 — 3 [2.  The  first,  fifteenth  and  seventeenth 
stanzas  are  : 

If  to  bee  rich,  & to  be  learnd 

Be  every  nations  chiefest  glory, 

I low  much  are  Englishmen  concerned 
Gresham  to  celebrate  in  story 

Who  built  th’  Exchange  t’  inrich  the  Citty 
And  Colledge  founded  for  the  Witty. 


A second  hath  described  at  full 
The  Philosophy  of  making  Cloth 
Tells  you,  what  Grass  doth  make  course  Wooll 
And  what  it  is  that  breedes  the  Moth 
Great  learning  is  ’ith  art  of  Clothing 
Though  vulgar  People  think  it  nothing. 


A new  designe  how  to  make  Leather 
A third  Collegiate  is  now  scanning 
The  question’s  most  debated  whether 

Since  without  Barke  there  may  be  Tanning 
Some  cheaper  way  may  not  be  tryed 
Of  making  Leather  without  a Hyde. 

^ Petty  was  among  those  interested  in  the  experiments  upon  pendulums 
which  were  made  in  January,  1662.  Birch,  i.  70,  74,  also  46,  53. 


Dedicatory. 


325 


for  your  service,  and  zvorthy  of  your  Trust  \ yet  I am  covetous 
to  have  the  right  of  being  represented  by  you : to  zvhich  end  I 
desire,  that  this  little  Exhibition  of  mine  may  be  looked  upon  as 
a Free-holderV  Vote  for  the  choosing  of  Y^mghts  a7 id  Burgesses 
to  sit  in  the  Parliament  of  Nature,  meaning  thei^eby,  ||  that  as 
the  Parliament  ozvns  a Free-holder,  though  he  hath  but  forty 
shillings  a year,  to  be  one  of  them  ; so  in  the  same  manner  and 
degree,  I also  desire  to  be  ozvned  as  one  of  you,  and  that  no 
longer  than  I continue  a faithful  Friend  and  Servant  of  your 
Designs  and  Persons. 


J.  G. 


An  INDEX 


OF  THE 

Positions,  Observations,  and  Questions  contained 
in  this  Discourse. 


1.  ' I ^HE  Occasion  of  keeping  the  Acconipt  of  Burials  arose  first  fi'oni 

^ the  Plague,  A7i7to  1592.  pag.  2 [335] 

2.  Seve7i  Alterations,  a7id  Augmentations  of  the  published  Bills,  betwee7i 

the  years  1592,  a7id  1662.  p.  3,  17  [336-46] 

3.  Reasons,  why  the  Acco77ipts  of  Burials  a7id  Christenings  should  be 
kept  tmiversally,  and  noiv  called  for,  a7id  perused  by  the  Magist7'ate, 

p.  18  [346] 

4.  A t7'ue  Acconipt  of  the  Plague  caimot  be  kept  without  the  Accoiiipt  of 

other  Diseases,  ibid.  [347] 

5.  The  Ig7iora7ice  of  the  Searchers  7io  inipedi-fiient  to  the  keepmg  of 

sufiicie7tt,  and  useful  Acconifts,  p.  19  [347] 

6.  That  about  one  third  of  all  that  zuere  ever  quick  die  under  five  years 

old,  a77d  about  thirty  six  per  Centum  tinder  six,  p.  20 ^ [349] 

7.  That  two  farts  of  7iine  die  of  Acute,  and  seve7ity  of  two  himdred 

twenty  7iine  of  Chronical  Diseases,  and  four  of  two  hundred  twenty 
7ime  of  outward  Griefs,  p.  22  [349] 

8.  A Table  of  the  Proportions  dymg  of  the  7nost  7iotorious,  a7id  for- 

77iidable  Diseases,  or  Casualties,  p.  24  [351] 

9.  That  seven  per  Centum  die  of  Age,  p.  26  [352] 

10.  That  some  Diseases,  and  Casualties  keep  a C077sta7it  proportio7i, 

wluxeas  so7ne  other  ai'e  ve7y  irregular,  ibid.  [352] 

1 1.  That  7iot  above  one  m four  thousa7id  are  Starved,  p.  27  [352] 

12.  That  it  we7x  better  to  niamtam  all  Beggars  at  the  publick  Cha7ge, 

^ 20  should  be  22;  there  are  several  similar  misprints  in  the  index  of  original 
pages. 


328 


The  Index. 


though  earning  nothings  than  to  let  them  beg  about  the  Streets  ; ajid 
that  imploying  them  without  discretion^  may  do  more  harm  than 
good,  ibid.  [353] 

13.  That  not  one  in  tivo  thousand  are  Murthered  i7i  London,  with  the 

Reasons  thereof,  p.  30  [354]  || 

14.  That  not  one  in  fifteeji  hundf’ed  dies  Lunatick,  p.  31  [355] 

15.  That  few  of  those,  who  die  of  the  French- Pox,  are  set  down,  but 

coloured  under  the  Consumption,  &^c.  p.  33  [356] 

16.  That  the  Rickets  is  a new  Disease,  both  as  to  name,  and  thing-,  that 

from  fourteen  dying  thereof.  An.  1634.  it  hath  gradually  increased  to 
above  five  hundred.  An.  1660.  p.  34  [356] 

17.  That  there  is  another  neiv  Disease  appearing  as  A Stopping  of  the 

Stomach,  which  hath  increased  in  twenty  years,  from  six,  to  near 
tJu'ee  Jnuidred,  p.  37  [358] 

18.  That  the  Rising  of  the  Lights  {supposed  iti  most  Cases  to  be  the  Fits 

of  the  Mother)  have  also  increased  in  thb'ty  years,  from  fo7irty  four, 
to  two  hundred fouriy  7iine,  p.  38  [359] 

19.  That  both  the  Stopping  of  the  Stomach,  aiid  Rising  of  the  Lights, 
are p7'obably  Religues  of,  or  depe7idi7ig  upo7i  the  Rickets,  p.  39  [359] 

20.  That  the  Stone  decreases,  and  is  wearmg  away,  p.  40  [360] 

21.  The  Gout  stands  at  a stay,  ibid.  [360] 

22.  The  Scurvy  i7iC7'eases,  ibid.  [360] 

23.  The  Deaths  by  reaso7i  of  Agues,  ar'e  to  those  caused  by  Fevers,  as 

G7ie  to  fo7'ty,  p.  41  [360]  II 

24.  Abortives,  a7id  Stilborn,  to  those  that  are  Christned,  a7'e  as  07ie 

to  twe7ity,  ibid.  [360] 

25.  That  si7tce  the  differences  in  Religion,  the  Christnings  have  bee7i 

7iegleRed  half  i7i  half,  ibid.  [361] 

26.  That  7iot  07ie  Wo77ia7i  in  an  Jm7idred  dies  i7i  Child-bed,  nor  07ie  of 

two  himdred  i7i  her  Labour,  p.  42  [361] 

27.  Th7'ee  Reaso7is  zvhy  the  Regi string  of  Childre7i  hath  bee7i  7iegleRed, 

P-  43  [362] 

28.  There  was  a co7if7isio7i  i7i  the  Acco77ipts  of  Chrysoms,  Infants,  a7id 

Convulsions  ; but  reHified  m this  Discourse,  ibid.  [362] 

29.  There  have  bee7i  m London,  withm  this  Age,  four  ti77ies  of  great 

Mortality,  viz.  Anno  1592,  1603,  1625,  and  1636,  whereof  that  of 
1603  was  the  greatest,  p.  46  [363] 

30.  Annis  1603,  a7id  1625,  about  a fifth  part  of  the  zvhole  died,  a7id  eight 

times  77i07'e  t/um  were  bor7i,  p.  47  [364] 

31.  That  a fourth  pa7't  77i07'e  die  of  the  Plague  tJum  a7'e  set  down, 

P-  48  [365] 

32.  The  Plague  A71710  1603  lasted  eight  years,  that  hi  1636  twelve  years, 

but  that  i7i  1625  C07iti7iued  but  07ie  shigle  year,  p.  49  [365] 

33.  That  Alterations  in  the  Air  do  i7ico77iparably  77iore  operate  as  to  the 

Plague,  tha7i  the  Contagion  of  Converse,  p.  50  [366]  || 


The  Index. 


329 


34.  That  Purples,  Small-Pox,  and  other  malignant  Diseases,  fore-run 

the  Plague,  ibid.  [366] 

35.  A disposition  m the  Air  tozuards  the  Plague  doth  also  dispose 

Women  to  Abortions,  P-52  [367] 

36.  That  as  about  one  fifth  part  of  the  whole  people  died  in  the  great 

V\2igwQ-yea?'s,  so  tivo  other  fifth  parts  fled,  ibid,  which  shews  the 
large  7'elation,  and  interest,  which  the  Londoners  have  in  the 
Country,  p.  53  [367] 

37.  That  {be  the  Plague  great  or  small)  the  City  is  fully  re-peopled 

withm  two  years,  ibid.  [367] 

38.  The  years,  1618,  20,  23,  24,  32,  33,  34,  1649,  52,  54,  5^,  5^,  and  61, 

were  sicJdy  years,  P-55  [368] 

39.  The  more  sickly  the  year  is,  the  less  fertile  of  Births,  ibid.  [368] 

40.  That  Plagues  always  co7ne  in  with  King's  Reigns  is  most  false, 

ibid.  [369] 

41.  The  Autumn,  or  the  Fall,  is  the  most  unhealthful  season,  p.  56  [369] 

42.  That  m London  there  have  been  twelve  Burials  for  eleven  Christ- 

nmgs,  p.  57  [370] 

43.  That  in  the  Country  there  have  been,  contrariwise,  sixty  three 

ChristJiings  for  fifty  two  Burials,  P-58  [370]  || 

44.  A Supposition,  that  the  people  in  and  about  London,  are  a fifteenth 

part  of  the  people  of  all  England,  Wales,  ibid.  [370] 

45.  That  there  are  about  six  Millions  and  an  half  of  people  hi  England, 

Wales,  ibid.  [371] 

46.  That  the  people  in  the  Country  double  by  Procreation  but  in  two 
hundred  and  eighty  years,  and  in  London  in  about  seventy,  as 
hereafter  will  be  shewn  ; the  reason  whereof  is,  that  many  of  the 
Breeders  leave  the  Country,  and  that  the  Breeders  of  London  come 

from  all  parts  of  the  Country,  such  persons  breeding  in  the  Country 
almost  only  as  were  born  there,  but  in  London  multitudes  of  others, 

P-  59  [371] 

47.  That  about  6000  per  Annum  come  up  to  London  out  of  the  Country, 

ibid.  [371] 

48.  That  in  London  about  three  die  yearly  out  of  eleven  Families, 

P-  60  [371] 

49.  There  are  about  tzventy  five  Millions  of  aci'cs  of  Land  in  England, 

and  Wales,  ibid.  [372] 

50.  Why  the  Pi'oportion  of  Breeders  in  London,  to  the  rest  of  the 

people,  is  less  than  in  the  Country,  p.  61  [372] 

51.  That  in  London  are  more  hnpediments  of  Breeding,  than  in  the 

Country,  ibid.  [373] 

52.  That  there  are  fourteen  Males  for  thhdeen  Females  in  London,  and 
in  the  ||  Country  but  fifteen  Males  for  fourteen  Females,  p.  64  [374] 

53.  Polygamy  useless  to  the  multiplication  of  Mankind,  without  Cas- 
trations, p.  65  [374] 


330  The  Index. 

54.  Why  Sheep,  aiid  Oxen  oiit-breed  Foxes,  a7id  Vermin-Animals, 

P-  66  [375] 

55.  There  bemg  fourteen  Males  to  thirteen  Females,  and  Males  being 

prolifiqiie  for'ty  years  and  Females  but  tiventy  five^  it  follows^  that 
in  efiedl  there  be  560  Males  to  325  Females,  p.  67  [375] 

56.  The  said  inequality  is  7‘ednced  by  the  latter  marriage  of  the  Males, 
and  their  imploymeiit  in  Wars,  Sea-voyages,  and  Colonies,  ibid.  [375] 

57.  Physicians  have  two  Women  Patients  to  one  Man  ; and  yet  more 

Men  die  than  Women,  ibid.  [376] 

58.  The  g7'eat  e77iissio7i  Males  i7ito  the  Wars  out  of  London  A777to  1642 

was  i7ista7itly  supplied^  p.  68  [376] 

59.  Castration  is  7iot  used  07ily  to  77ielio7‘ate  the  flesh  of  Eatable  Animals, 

but  to  p7'077iote  their  i7icrease  also,  p.  69  [377] 

60.  The  true  ratio  formalis  of  the  evil  Adulteries  a7id  Fornications, 

P-  70  [377] 

61.  Where  Polygamy  is  allozved,  Wives  ca7i  be  710  other  tha7i  Servants, 

ibid.  [378]  II 

62.  That  7ii7iety  seve7i,  a7id  sixtee7i  Pa7'ishes  of  London  are  m twe7tty 

years  e7ic7'eased  f7'077i  seve7i  to  twelve,  and  m fo7'ty  yea7‘s  f7'077i  twe7ity 
three  to  fifty  two,  p.  72  [379] 

63.  The  sixtee7i  Pa7'ishes  have  e7iereased  farther  tha7i  the  7ii7iety  seve7i, 
the  07ie  havi7ig  e7icreased  but  f7'07n  7ii7ie  to  te7i  hi  the  said  fo7dy  years, 

P-  73  [379] 

64.  The  te7i  Out-Parishes  have  in  fifty  four  years  eiicreased  fro7n  07ie 

to  fou7',  P- 75  [380] 

65.  The  ni7iety  seven,  sixteen,  a7id  te7i  Parishes  have  hi  fifty  four  years 

encixased  fi’om  tzvo  to  five,  ibid.  [380] 

66.  What  great  Houses  within  the  Walls  have  been  turned  into 

Tenements,  p.  76  [380] 

67.  Cripplegate-Parish  hath  most  eiicreased,  &c.  p.  77  [380] 

68.  The  City  ixmoves  Westwards,  with  the  reaso7is  thereof,  ibid.  [381] 

69.  Why  Ludgate  is  become  too  nai'rozu  a throat  for  the  City,  ibid.  [381] 

70.  That  there  be  some  Paiishes  in  London  two  himdixd  times  as  big 

as  othei's,  ibid.  [382] 

71.  The  7tatu7'al  bigness  aiid  Figure  of  a Chwxh  for  the  Reformed 

Religio7i,  p.  78  [382] 

72.  The  City  of  London  aiid  Subin'bs,  being  equally  divided,  would 

make  100  Paiishes,  about  the  largeness  Christ-Church,  Black-friers, 
or  Colemanstreet,  ibid.  [383]  || 

73.  Thei'e  are  about  24000  Teeming  women  hi  the  ninety  seveii,  sixteen, 

and  ten  Parishes  in  and  about  London,  p.  81  [384] 

74.  That  about  three  die  yearly  out  of  eleveii  Families  containhig  each 

eight  persons,  ibid.  [385] 

75.  Thc7'e  a7'e  about  12000  Families  within  the  walls  of  London, 

P*  83  [385] 


The  Index. 


33 


76.  The  housing  of  the  sixteen  and  ten  Suburh- Parishes  is  thrice  as  big 

as  that  of  the  ninety  seven  Parishes  within  the  walls,  ibid.  [385] 

77.  The  number  of  souls  in  the  ninety  seven,  sixteen,  and  two  out- Parishes 

is  about  384000,  ibid.  [386] 

78.  IVhereof  iggooo  are  Males,  and  185000  Females,  ibid.  [386] 

79.  A Table  shewing  of  100  quick  conceptions  how  many  die  within  six 

years,  how  many  the  7iext  Decad,  aiid  so  for  every  Decad  till  76, 

p.  84  [387] 

80.  Tables,  whereby  may  be  collefled  how  many  there  be  in  London  of 

every  Age  Assig7ld,  ibid.  [387] 

81.  That  there  be  i7i  the  97,  16,  a7id  te7i  Parishes  7iear  70000  Fightmg 

Me7i,  that  is,  Me7i  betwee7i  the  Ages,  of  16,  a7id  56,  p.  85  [387] 

82.  That  Westminster,  Lambeth,  Islington,  Hackney,  Redriff,  Stepney, 

Newington,  C07ttai7i  as  7na7iy  people  as  the  97  Parishes  H withm  the 
walls,  a7id  are  co7iseque7itly  \ of  the  whole  Pile,  ibid.  [387] 

83.  So  that  m,  a7id  about  London  a7'e  about  81000  Fighti7ig  77ie7i,  a7id 

460000 1 hi  all,  ibid.  [387] 

84.  Adam  a7id  Eve  in  5610  years  7night  have  by  the  07'di7iary  proportio7i 

(^Procreation,  begotteii  77iore  people,  than  are  7iow probably  up07i  the 
face  of  the  earth,  p.  86  [388] 

85.  Wherefore  the  World  cannot  be  older  tlum  the  Scriptures  7'eprese7it 

it,  ibid.  [388] 

86.  That  every  Wedding  07ie  with  another  produces  jour  Childre7i, 

p.  87  [388] 

87.  That  in  several  places  the  proportioii  betweeii  the  Males  a7id 

Females  differ,  ibid.  [389] 

88.  That  in  7ii7tety  years  there  were  just  as  7na7iy  Males  as  Females 
Buried  wiihi7i  a certai7i  g7'eat  Parish  in  the  Country,  ibid.  [389] 

89.  That  a Parish,  consisthig  of  about  2700  I7ihabita7its,  had  i7t  go  years 

but  1059  7nore  Christnings,  tha7i  Burials,  p.  88  [389] 

90.  There  co7ne  yearly  to  dwell  at  London  about  6000  st7‘a7igers  out  oj 
the  Countrey,  which  swells  the  Burials  about  200  per  Annum, 

ibid.  [389] 

91.  I7i  the  Coimtry  there  have  bee7i  five  Christnings  for  four  Burials, 

p.  89  [390] 

92.  A Co7ifir77iatio7i,  that  the  77iost  healthful  years  are  also  the  7nost 

fruitful,  ibid.  [390]  || 

93.  The  proportion  betwee7i  the  greatest,  a7id  least  7nortalities,  m the 

Coimtrey  are  greater  tha7i  the  same  i7i  the  City,  p.  91  [391] 

94.  The  Coimtrey  Air  7nore  capable  of  good,  a7id  bad  ii7ip7'essions,  than 

that  of  the  City,  p.  92  [392] 


X 

^ The  calculation  of  a total  population  of  460000  is  not  made  in  the  text  at 
p.  387,  but  that  estimate  is  used  at  pp.  371,  399,  400  and  401. 


332 


The  Index. 


95.  The  difference  also  of  Births  are  greater  in  the  Countrey,  than  at 

London,  p,  93  [392] 

96.  In  the  CoiDitrey  but  about  one  of  fifty  dies  yearly^  but  at  London  one 

of  thirty^  over  and  above  the  Plague,  ibid.  [393] 

97.  London  not  so  heatthfut  now  as  heretofore^  p.  94  [393] 

98.  It  is  doubted  whether  increase  of  people^  or  the  burning  of  Sea-Coal 

were  the  cause^  or  both,  p.  95  [394] 

89.  The  Art  of  making  of  Gold  woicld  be  neither  benefit  to  the  Wo7'ld, 
or  the  Ai'tist,  p.  97  [395] 

100.  The  Elements  of  B'lie  Policy  are  to  understand  throughly  the 

Lands,  a?id  hands  of  a?iy  Coinitrey,  p.  98  [395] 

10 1.  Upon  what  conside7'ations  the  i7it)-i7isick  value  of  Lands  doth 

depe7id,  ibid.  [396] 

102.  A7id  i7i  what  the  Accidental,  p.  99  [396] 

103.  So77ie  of  the  few  be7iefits  of  havmg  a true  Accompt  of  the  people, 

ibid.  [396] 

104.  That  but  a S77iall  pa7't  of  the  whole  people  are  i77ipioyed  up07i 

7iecessa7y  affairs,  ibid.  [396]]  | 

105.  That  a t7'ue  Accompt  of  people  is  7iecessary  for  the  Government, 

a7id  Trade  of  the77i,  and for  their  peace  a7id  plenty  p.  100  [397] 

106.  Whether  this  Accompt  ought  to  be  C07ifi7ied  to  the  Chief  Governours, 

ibid.  [397]  II 


T H E 


PREFACE. 


HAving  been  bor?i,  anel  bred  m the  City  of  London,  and 
haznng  ahvays  observed,  that  most  of  them,  zvho  eon- 
stantly  took  m the  weekly  Bills  of  Mortality,  made  little  other 
nse  of  them,  than  to  look  at  the  foot,  hoiv  the  Burials  inereased, 
or  decreased ; and,  among  the  Casualties,  zvhat  had  happened 
rare,  a7id  extraordinary  in  the  week  current : so  as  they  might 
take  the  same  as  a to  talk  tipon  in  the  next  Company  ; and 
withal,  in  the  ||  Plague-time,  how  the  Sickness  increased,  or 
decreased,  that  so  the  Rich  might  judg  of  the  necessity  of  their 
removal,  and  Trades-men  might  conjecture  what  doings  they 
tve7'e  like  to  have  in  their  respective  dealings: 

2.  Now,  I thought  that  the  Wisdom  of  our  City  had 
certamly  designed  the  laizdable  pi'aClice  of  taking,  and  distri- 
buting these  Accompts,  for  other,  and  greater  uses,  than  those 
above-mentioned,  or  at  least;  that  some  other  uses  might  be  made 
of  them  ; aiid  thereupon  I casting  mine  Eye  upon  so  many  of  the 
General  Bills,  as  next  came  to  hand,  I foimd  encouragement 
from  II  them,  to  look  out  all  the  Bills  I coidd,  and  {to  be  shoi't) 
to  furnish  my  self  zvith  as  much  matter  of  that  kind,  even  as 
the  Hall  of  the  Parish-Clarks  coidd  afford  me ; the  zvhich  zvhen 
I had  7^educed  into  Tables  {the  Copies  whereof  are  hci'c  inse^ded') 
so  as  to  have  a view  of  the  whole  together,  in  order  to  the  more 
ready  comparing  of  one  Year,  Season,  Parish,  or  other  Division 
of  the  City,  zvith  another,  in  respeCt  of  all  the  Burials,  and 


334 


The  Preface. 


Christnings,  and  of  all  the  Diseases,  and  Casualties,  happening 
in  each  of  them  respectively ; I did  then  begin  not  only  to 
examine  the  Conceits,  Opinions,  ||  and  ConjecltLres,  which  upon 
view  of  a fezv  scattered  Bills  I had  taken  np ; bid  did  also 
admit  nezv  ones,  as  I found  reason,  and  occasion  from  my 
Tables. 

3.  Moreover,  finding  some  Truths,  and  not  commonly- 
believed  Opinions,  to  arise  from  my  Meditations  upon  these 
neglected  Papers,  / proceeded  further,  to  consider  what  benefit 
the  knoivledg  of  the  same  would  bring  to  the  World ; that  I 
might  not  engage  my  self  in  idle,  and  useless  Speculations : but, 
(like  those  Noble  Virtuosi  of  Gresham-Colledg,  ivho  reduce  their 
subtile  Disquisitions  upon  Nature  into  ||  doivnright  Mechanical 
uses')  present  the  World  zvith  some  real  Fruit  from  those  airy 
Blossoms. 

4.  Hozv  far  I have  succeeded  in  the  Premisses,  I now  offer 
to  the  World's  censure.  Who,  I hope,  will  not  expect  from 
me,  not  professing  Letters,  things  demonstrated  zvith  the  same 
certainty,  zidierezvith  Learned  men  determine  in  their  Schools ; 
but  zvill  take  it  zvell,  that  I should  offer  at  a new  thing,  and 
could  forbear  presuming  to  meddle  where  any  of  the  Learned 
Pens  have  ever  touched  before,  and  that  I have  taken  the  pams, 
and  been  at  the  charge  of  setting  out  those  Ta-||bles,  whereby  all 
men  may  both  corixcl  my  Positions,  and  raise  others  of  their 
own.  For  herein,  L have,  like  a silly  School-boy,  coming  to  say 
my  Lesson  to  the  World  (that  Peevish,  and  Tetchy  Master) 
brought  a bundle  of  Rods,  zvherewith  to  be  zvhifd  for  every 
mistake  I have  committed.  || 


Natural  and  Political 


(') 


OBSERVATIONS,  &c. 


C II  A P.  I. 


Of  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  their  beginning,  and  progress.^ 
HE  first  of  the  continued  Weekly  Bills  of  Mortality 


-L  extant  at  the  Parish  Clerks  Hall-,  begins  the  Twenty 
ninth  of  December  1603,  being  the  first  year  of  King  James 
his  Reign;  since  when  a weekly  Accompt  hath  been  kept 
there  of  Burials  and  Christnings.  It  is  true,  There  were 
Bills  II  before,  viz.  for  the  Years  1592,  -93,  -94;  but  so  {2) 
interrupted  since,  that  I could  not  depend  upon  the  sufficiency 
of  them,  rather  relying  upon  those  Accompts,  which  have  been 
kept  since  in  order,  as  to  all  the  uses  I shall  make  of  them. 

2.  I believe,  that  the  rise  of  keeping  these  Accompts 
was  taken  from  the  Plague : for  the  said  Bills  (for  ought 
appears)  first  began  in  the  said  year  1592,  being  a time  of 
great  Mortality ; and,  after  some  disuse,  were  resumed  again 

^ On  the  history  of  the  London  bills  of  mortality  see  the  Introduction. 

^ Maitland,  writing  before  1739,  could  not  find  the  part  of  the  Paidsh  Clerks’ 
register  for  the  years  before  1664.  He  records  that  “the  Company  are  of  the 
opinion  that  the  same  was  lent  to  Mr  Graunt,  to  enable  him  to  write  his  Natural 
and  Political  Observations,  and  by  some  accident  never  returned.”  History  of 
LoJidon,  II.  738. 


33^  Graiinfs  Observations. 

in  the  year  1603,  after  the  great  Plague  then  happening 
likewise^ 

3.  These  Bills  were  printed  and  published,  not  only 
every  Week  on  Thursdays,  but  also  a general  Accompt  of 
the  whole  Year  was  given  in  upon  the  Thursday  before 
Chrisfuias-day : which  said  general  Accompts  have  been 
presented  in  the  several  manners  following,  from  the 
Year  1603,  Year  1624,  inclusive,  according  to  the 

Pattern  here  inserted  I 

1623.  1624. 

The  general  Bill  for  the  whole  Year,  of  all  the  Burials  and 
Christnings,  as  zvell  zvithin  the  City  of  London,  and  the 
Liberties  thereof,  as  in  the  Nine  out  Parishes  adjoyning  to 
(3)  the  City,  zvith  the  Pest-house  be-\\longing  to  the  same:  from 
Thursday  the  18.  of  December  1623,  to  Thursday  the  16. 
of  December,  1624,  according  to  the  Report  made  to  the 
King's  most  Excellent  Majesty  by  the  Company  of  the 
Parish-Clerks  of  London. 

B Dried  this  Year  in  the  Fourscore  and  seventeen 
Parishes  of  London  within  the  Walls, 

Whereof  of  the  Plague,  . } i 


^ Graunt’s  conjecture  of  a connection  between  the  Plague  and  the  origin  of  the 
bills  is  confirmed  by  their  earlier  history.  Cf.  Introduction,  also  Creighton, 
Epidemics,  i.  294 — 295,  Ogle  \x\.yotir.  of  the  Stat.  Soc.,  LV.  438. 

“ A printed  weekly  bill  for  5 — 12  November,  1607,  a MS.  weekly  bill  for 
ro — 17  August,  1609,  and  a blank  form  for  a weekly  bill  with  printed  date  of 
i6io  are  preserved  at  the  Record  Office.  State  Papers,  Dom.,  James  I.,  xxviii. 
89;  XLVii.  85 — 86;  LViii.  102.  All  vary  in  unimportant  particulars  from  the 
pattern  of  a yearly  bill  which  Graunt  gives.  The  bill  of  1607  lacks  the  entry  of 
those  buried  of  the  plague  without  the  liberties  in  Middlesex  and  Surrey,  the  bill 
of  1609,  though  it  gives  them  does  not  include  them  in  its  total  burials,  while  the 
form  for  a bill  dated  1610  both  includes  them  in  its  total  and  also  omits  to  enter 
separately  “the  whole  sum  of  all  the  burials  in  London  and  the  liberties  thereof.” 
The  MS.  bill  of  1609  is  further  ireculiar  in  that  it  consists  of  two  independent  parts. 
The  second  part  is  devoted  to  the  nine  out  parishes  enumerated  by  Graunt  on  p.  341 
below.  These  parishes  the  bill  locates  “in  Westminster,”  and  the  first  part  omits 
their  figures  in  making  up  the  total  of  burials. 


Yearly  Bill  for  1624. 


337 


5924 

5 

9310 

6 


Buried  this  Year  in  the  Sixteen  Parishes  of  London 
and  the  Pesthonse^  being  within  the  Liberties,  and  !- 
without  the  Walls,  I 

Whereof,  of  the  Plague,  } 

The  whole  Sum  of  all  the  Burials  in  London,  and] 
the  Liberties  thereof,  is  this  Year  ( 

Whereof,  of  the  Plague,  } 

Buried  of  the  Plague  without  the  Liberties,  in] 
Middlesex  and  Surrey,  this  whole  Year,  i 

Christened  in  L^ondon,  and  the  Liberties  thereof,)  . 
this  Year;  | 

Buried  this  Year  in  the  Nine  out-Parishes,  ad-| 

joyning  to  London,  and  out  of  the  Freedom,  j 

Whereof,  of  the  Plague,  } 

The  Total  of  all  the  Burials  in  the  places  afore-] 
said  is  1 

Whereof,  of  the  Plague,  } 

Christened  in  all  the  aforesaid  places  this  Year, 
Parishes  clear  of  the  Plague, 

Parishes  that  have  been  Infe6led  this  Year, 


2900 

5 II 

1 2210 


(4) 


1 1 

8299 
1 16 
6 


4.  In  the  Year  1625,  every  Parish  was  particularized \ 
as  in  this  following  Bill : where  note,  That  this  next  year  of 
Plague  caused  the  Augmentation,  and  Corre6lion  of  the  Bills', 
as  the  former  year  of  Plague  did  the  very  being  of  them. 


1624.  1625. 

A general,  or  great  Bill  for  this  Year,  of  the  whole  number  of 
Burials,  whieh  have  been  biiried  of  all  Diseases,  and  also 
of  the  Plague  in  every  Parish  ivithin  the  City  of  London, 
and  the  Liberties  thereof ; as  also  in  the  Nine  ont  Parishes 
adjoyning  to  the  said  City ; zvith  the  Pest-house  belonging 
to  the  same : from  Thursday  the  16.  day  of  December,  1624. 
to  Thursday  the  15.  day  of  December,  1625.  according  to 
the  Report  |1  inade  to  the  King's  most  Excellent  Majesty  by  (^) 
the  Company  of  Pa^dsh  Clerks  of  London. 

^ In  the  weekly  bills,  at  least,  every  parish  was  particularized  as  early  as  i53'2. 

See  Introduction. 


II.  r. 


22 


Grnmtf s Observations. 


33S 


LONDON, 

Bitr. 

Flag. 

\ Lbaiies  in  Woodstrect 

188 

78 

Alhallows  Barking 

397 

263 

Alhallows  Brcadstreet 

34 

14 

Alhallows  the  Great 

442 

I 302 

Alhallows  Hony-lane 

18 

8 

Alhallows  the  Less 

259 

205 

Alhallows  in  Lombard-street 

86 

44 

Alhallows  Stainings 

183 

138 

Alhallows  the  Wall 

301 

.55 

Alphage  Cripple-gate 

240 

190 

And  re  w-  H u bbard 

146 

lOI 

Andrews  Undershaft 

219 

I 149 

Andrews  by  Wardrobe 

373 

191 

Anns  at  Aldersgate 

196 

128 

Anns  Black-Fryers 

336 

215 

Antholins  Parish^ 

62 

31 

Austins  Parish^ 

72 

1 40 

Bartholomew  at  the  Exchange 

52 

24 

Bennets  Fink^ 

108 

57 

Bennets  Grace  Church 

48 

14 

Bennets  at  Pauls  Wharf 

226 

131 

Bennets  Shearhog 

24 

8 

Botolphs  Billings-gate 

99 

66 

Christ’s-Church  Parish 

611 

371 II 

(6)  Christophers  Parish 

48 

28 

Clements  by  Eastcheap 

87 

72 

Diony’s  Back-Church 

99 

59 

Dunstans  in  the  East 

335 

j 225 

Edmunds  Lumbardstreet 

78 

49 

Ethelborow  in  Bishops-gate 

205 

lOI 

St.  Faiths 

89 

i 45 

St.  Fosters^  in  Foster-lane 

149 

102 

Gabriel  Fen-Church 

71 

54 

George  Botolphs-lane 

30 

19 

Gregories  by  Pauls 

296 

196 

Properly  vSt  Antliony. 
Properly  St  Penedict. 


- Properly  St  Augustin. 
Otherwise  St  Vedast. 


Yearly  Bill  for  1625. 

339 

LONDON, 

Bnr. 

1 PL 

Hellens  in  Bishops-gate  street 

136 

i 71 

James  by  Garlick-hith 

180 

109 

John  Baptist 

122 

1 79 

John  Evangelist 

7 

i ° 

John  Zacharies 

143 

i 97 

James  Dukes- place 

310 

154 

Katherine  Colemanstreet 

26 

175 

Katherine  Cree-Church 

886  i 

373 

Lawrence  in  the  Jewry 

91  I 

55 

Lawrence  Pountney 

206 

127 

Leonards  Eastcheap 

55 

26 

Leonards  Foster-lane 

292 

209 

Magnus  Parish  by  the  Bridge 

137  1 

85 

Margarets  Lothbury 

114  i 

64 

Margarets  Moses 

37  ^ 

25 

Margarets  new  Fishstreet 

123 

82 

Margarets  Pattons 

77 

50  II 

Mary  Ab-Church 

98 

58(7) 

Mary  Aldermanbury 

126 

79 

Mary  Aldermary 

92  1 

54 

Mary  le  Bow 

35  ^ 

19 

Mary  Botha w 

22 

14 

Mary  Coal-Church 

26 

1 1 

Mary  at  the  Hill 

152 

84 

Mary  Mounthaw 

76 

58 

Mary  Sommerset 

270 

! 192 

Mary  Stainings 

70 

44 

Mary  Woolchurch 

58 

35 

Mary  Woolnoth 

82 

50 

Martins  Ironmonger-lane 

25 

18 

Martins  at  Ludgate 

254  i 

164 

Martins  Orgars 

88  i 

47 

Martins  Outwich 

60 

30 

Martins  in  the  Vintry 

339 

208 

Matthew  Friday-street 

24 

II 

Maudlins  in  Milk-street 

401  1 

23 

Maudlins  Old-fish-street 

225  1 

142 

22—2 


340 


Grmtnf s Observations. 


LONDON, 

Bur. 

PL 

Michael  Ihissishaw 

199 

139 

Michael  Cornhill 

159 

79 

Michael  Crooked  lane 

144 

91 

Michael  Oueen-hith 

215 

157 

Michael  in  the  Quern 

53 

30 

Michael  in  the  Royal 

1 1 1 

61 

Michael  in  Wood-street 

1 89 

68 

Mildreds  Bread -street 

60 

44  II 

(H)  Mildreds  Poultrey 

94 

45 

Nicholas  Aeons 

33 

13 

Nicholas  Coal-Abby 

87 

67 

Nicholas  Olaves 

70 

43 

Olaves  in  Hart-street 

266 

195 

Olaves  in  the  Jewry 

43 

25 

Olaves  in  Silver-street 

274 

103 

Pancras  by  Soper-lane 

17 

8 

Peters  in  Cheap 

68 

i 44 

Peters  in  Cornhill 

318 

78 

Peters  at  Pauls  Wharf 

97 

68 

Peters  Poor  in  Broad-street 

52 

27 

Stevens  in  Coalman-street 

506 

350 

Stevens  in  Walbrook 

25 

13 

Swithins  at  London-stone 

99 

60 

Thomas  Apostles 

141 

107 

Trinity  Parish 

148 

87 

Buried  ivitJiin  the  97  Parishes  within  the 
of  all  Diseases 

Walls'y 

14340 

Whereof  of  the  Plague 

i 

9197  II 

(9) 

Bur. 

Plag. 

Andrews  in  Holborn 

2190 

1636 

Bartholomew  the  Great 

516 

360 

Bartholomew  the  Less 

1 1 1 

65 

Brides  Parish 

1481 

1031 

Botolph  Algate 

2573 

i<353 

B rid  ewe  1 Precin6l 

213 

152 

Yearly  Bill  for  1625. 


Bur. 

Botolphs  Bishops-gatc 

2334 

Botolphs  Alders-gate 

578 

Dunstans  the  West 

860 

Georges  Southwark 

1608 

Giles  Cripplegate 

3988 

Olaves  in  Southwark 

3689 

Saviours  in  Southwark 

2746 

Sepulchres  Parish 

3425 

Thomas  in  Southwark 

335 

Trinity  in  the  Minories 

131 

At  the  Pesthouse 

194 

Buried  in  the  16  Parishes  ivithout  the  Walls, \ 
standing  part  ivithin  the  Liberties,  and  part\ 
withont,  in  Middlesex,  and  Surrey,  and  at  the  [ 
Pest-house,  ) 

Whereof  of  the  Plague  j 


341 

PL 

714 

307 

642 

912 

233^ 

2609 

1671 

2420 

277 

87 

189 


26972 


171531 


Buried  in  the  Nine  otU  Parishes.  [' 


Bur. 

Plag. 

Clements  Temple-bar 

1284 

755 

Giles  in  the  Fields 

1333 

947 

James  at  darken -well 

1 191 

903 

Katherins  by  the  Tower 

998 

744 

Leonards  in  Shoreditch 

1995 

1407 

Martins  in  the  Plelds 

1470 

973 

Mary  White-chapel 

3305 

2272 

Magdalens  Bermondsey 

1127 

889 

Savoy  Parish 

250 

176 

Buried  in  the  Nine  out  Parishes, 

in  M iddlesex  and] 

i 

Surrey, 

12953 

Whereof  of  the  Plague, 

) 

i 

9067 

The  'Total  of  all  the  Burials  of  all  Diseases,  zvithin  \ 
the  Walls,  zvithout  the  Walls,  in  the  Liberties,  ^ 
in  Middlesex  and  Surrey:  zvith  the  Nine  out\ 
Parishes,  and  the  Pest-house,  j 


54265 


342 


Graunts  Observations. 


Whereof,  Buried  of  the  l^lagne,  this  present  year,  is  \ 35417 
Christnings  this  present  year,  is  } 6983 

Parishes  elear  this  year,  is  } i 

Parishes  infePted  this  year,  is  } 121  || 


(*‘)  5-  Iri  the  Year  1626,  the  City  of  Westminster,  in  imitation 

of  London,  was  inserted.  The  gross  Accompt  of  the  Burials 
and  Christenings,  with  distindlion  of  the  Plague  being  only 
taken  notice  of  therein  ; the  fifth,  or  last  Canton,  or  Lined- 
space,  of  the  said  Bill,  being  varied  into  the  form  following, 
viz. 

( Buried  47 1 

In  W estmmster  this  Ye'dr  l Plague  13 

[ Christn  ings  36 1 


6.  In  the  Year  1629,  an  Accompt  of  the  Diseases  and 
Casualties,  whereof  any  dyed,  together  with  the  distinction  of 
Males  and  Females,  making  the  sixth  Canton  of  the  Bill,  was 
added  in  manner  following.^ 

The  Caiiton  of  Casualties  ; and  of  the  Bill  for  the  Year 
1632,  being  of  the  saine  form  with  that  of  1629.  |1 


(12)  The  Diseases  and  Casualties  this  Year,  being  1632. 


A Bortive  and  Stilborn 

415 

Affrighted 

I 

Aged 

628 

Ague 

43 

Apoplex  and  Meagrim 

17 

Bit  with  a mad  Dog 

I 

Bleeding 

3 

^ The  diseases  and  casualties  were  reported  to  the  Parish  Clerks  as  early  as 
1604.  Bell,  London's  Rcineiiib7'ancer,  unpaged,  Graunt,  p.  346.  Upon  the  back 
of  the  weekly  bill  for  5 — 12  November,  1607,  the  deaths  due  to  each  of  twenty-one 
causes  are  enumerated  in  M.S.,  and  in  the  bill  for  10 — 17  August,  1609,  similar 
information  is  given,  likewise  in  MS.,  for  the  parishes  severally,  e.g.  : 

“Katharines  Creechurch.  pla.  i crisom  i small  pox  2 fever  i 5 i.”  The  last 
two  figures  occupy  the  columns  uniformly  reserved  for  total  burials  and  for  ljurials 
of  the  plague  respectively. 


Yearly  Bill  for  1632. 


Bloody  flux,  wScowring,  and  flux,  348 

Bruised,  Issues,  Sores,  and  Ulcers,  28 

Burnt  and  Scalded  5 

Burst  and  Rupture  9 

Cancer  and  Wolf  10 

Canker  i 

Childbed  17 1 

Chrisomes  and  Infants  2268 

Cold  and  Cough  55 

Colick,  Stone,  and  Strangury  56 

Consumption  i797 

Convulsion  241 

Cut  of  the  Stone  5 

Dead  in  the  street,  and  starved  6 

Dropsie  and  Swelling  267 

Drowned  4 

Executed  and  Brest  to  death  38  || 

Falling  Sickness  17 

Fever  1108 

Fistula  13 

Flox  and  Small  Pox  531 

French  Pox  12 

Gangrene  5 

Gout  4 

Grief  1 1 

Jaundies  43 

Jaw-fain  78 

Imposthume  44 

Kill’d  by  several  accidents  6 

King’s  Evil  38 

Lethargy  2 

Livergrown  87 

Lunatick  • 5 

Made  away  themselves  1 5 

Measles  80 

Murthered  7 

Overlaid,  and  starved  at  Nurse  7 

Palsie  25 


344 


Graiint’s  Observations. 


(14) 


Piles 

I 

Plague 

8 

Planet 

13 

Pleuresie  and  Spleen 

36 

Purples  and  Spotted  Fever 

3^ 

Quinsie 

7 

Rising  of  the  Lights 

98 

Sciatica 

III 

Scurvy  and  Itch 

9 

Suddenly 

62 

Surfet 

86 

Swine  Pox 

6 

Teeth 

470 

Thrush  and  Sore-mouth 

40 

Tympany 

13 

Tissick 

34 

Vomiting 

I 

Worms 

27 

ristned  j Males  4994]  Z 

Males 

4932 

- Females  45901-  ^ j 

F'emales  4603 

(in  all  9584)  2.  ^ 

In  all 

9535 

Whereof,  of  the  Plague 

8 

Increased  in  the  Burials  in  the  122  Parishes,  and  at 
the  Pest-house  this  year, 

Decreased  of  the  Plague  in  the  122  Parishes,  and  at 
the  Pest-house  this  year, 


993 


662 


7.  In  the  Year  1636,  the  Accompt  of  the  Burials  and 
Christnings,  in  the  Parishes  of  Islington,  Lantbcth,  Stepney, 
Newington,  Hackney,  and  Redrijf  were  added in  the  manner 
following,  making  a seventh  Canton,  viz.  || 


(15) 


In  Maigarets  ( 
Westminster  ] 


Christned 

440 

Buried 

890 

Plague 

0 

’ This  should  be  973  to  correspond  with  the  tables  at  pp.  408  and  411,  since 
both  of  them  put  the  total  burials  for  1631  at  8562. 

- Probably  a misprint  for  266,  which  the  first  edition  had.  The  plague  burials, 
according  to  the  table,  p.  408  were  274  in  1631  and  8 in  1632. 

In  the  bill  for  21  April,  see  table,  p.  426. 


Yearly  Bill  for  1636. 


345 


fChristned 

36 

Islington  j Buried 

113 

i Plague 

0 

jChristned 

132 

Lambeth  \ Buried 

220 

(Plague 

0 

fChristned 

892 

Stepney  j Buried 

i486 

(plague 

0 

I'Christned 

99 

Nezvington  1 Buried 

181 

(plague 

0 

jChristned 

30 

Haekney  -j  Buried 

91 

(plague 

0 

fChristned 

16 

Redriff  j Buried 

48 

(plague 

0 

The  Total  of  all  the  Burials  in\ 

the  seven  last  Parishes] 

CO 

c^ 

this  Year  J 

Whereof,  of  the  Plague, 

1 0 

The  Total  of  all  the  Christ-^ 

1 ^ r 

[■  1645  || 

iiings,  \ 

8.  Covent- Gar  den  being  made  a Parish^  the  Nine  out  (16) 
Parishes  were  called  the  Ten  out  Parishes,  the  which  in 
former  years  were  but  Eight. 

9.  In  the  Year  1660,  the  last-mentioned  ten  Parishes, 
with  Westminster y Islington,  Lambeth,  Stepney,  Nezvington, 
Haekney,  and  Redriff,  are  entred  under  two  Divisions,  viz. 
the  one  containing  the  Twelve  Parishes  lying  in  Middlesex 
and  Surrey,  and  the  other  the  Pdve  Parishes  within  the 
City  and  Liberties  of  Westminster,  viz.  St.  Clement  Danes, 


^ The  Act  erecting  the  parish  of  St  Paul,  Covent  Garden,  passed  the  House 
of  Commons  7 January,  1645.  Coinvions'  Journal,  iv.  398. 


Graimts  Observations. 


St.  Pant's  Covent-Garden^  St.  Martin's  in  the  Fields,  St.  Mary- 
Savoy,  and  St.  Margaret's  Westminster. 

10.  We  have  hitherto  described  the  several  steps  whereby 
the  Bills  of  Mortality  are  come  up  to  their  present  state; 
we  come  next  to  shew  how  they  are  made  and  composed, 
which  is  in  this  manner,  viz.  When  any  one  dies,  then,  either 
by  tolling-,  or  ringing  of  a Bell,  or  by  bespeaking  of  a Grave 
of  the  Sexton,  the  same  is  known  to  the  Searchers,  corre- 
sponding with  the  said  Sexton. 

11.  The  Seai'chers  hereupon  (who  are  ancient  Matrons, 
sworn  to  their  Office)  repair  to  the  place  where  the  dead 
Corps  lies,  and  by  view  of  the  same,  and  by  other  enquiries, 

(17)  they  examine  by  what  Disease  or  Ca-\snalty  the  Corps  died. 
Hereupon  they  make  their  Report  to  the  Parish  Clerk,  and 
he,  every  Tuesday  night,  carries  in  an  Accompt  of  all  the 
Burials  and  Christnings  happening  that  Week,  to  the  Clei'k 
of  the  Hall.  On  Wednesday  the  general  Accompt  is  made 
up  and  printed,  and  on  Thursday  published  and  dispersed  to 
the  several  Families  who  will  pay  four  Shillings  per  Annum 
for  them. 

12.  Memorandum,Ti\\'dX  although  the  general  yearly 
have  been  set  out  in  the  several  varieties  aforementioned,  yet 
the  Original  Entries  in  the  Hall-books  were  as  exadl  in  the 
very  first  year,  as  to  all  particulars,  as  now;  and  the  specifying 
of  Casualties  and  Diseases  was  probably  more. 


[CHAP.  H.]^ 

General  Observations  upon  the  Casualties. 

IN  my  Discourses  upon  these  Bills,  I shall  first  speak  of 
the  Casualties,  then  give  my  Observations  with  reference 
to  the  Places  and  Parishes  comprehended  in  the  Bills',  and 
next  of  the  Years  and  Seasons. 


This  line,  omitted  from  the  fifth  edition,  occurs  in  the  first  four. 


T^'ustivorthiness  of  the  Bills. 


347 


1.  There  seems  to  be  good  reason,  why  the  Magistrate 
should  himself  take  notice  of  the  ||  numbers  of  Burials  and  (i8) 
Christnings,  viz.  to  see  whether  the  City  increase  or  decrease 

in  People;  whether  it  increase  proportionably  with  the  rest  of 
the  Nation  ; whether  it  be  grown  big  enough,  or  too  big,  &c. 

But  why  the  same  should  be  made  known  to  the  People, 
otherwise  than  to  please  them,  as  with  a curiosity,  I see  not. 

2.  Nor  could  I ever  yet  learn  (from  the  many  I have 
asked,  and  those  not  of  the  least  Sagacity)  to  what  purpose 
the  distin6lion  between  Males  and  Females  is  inserted,  or  at 
all  taken  notice  of.'*  or  why  that  of  Ma^miages  was  not  equally 
given  in?  Nor  is  it  obvious  to  every  body,  why  the  Accompt 
of  Casualties  (whereof  we  are  now  speaking)  is  made  ? The 
reason,  which  seems  most  obvious  for  this  later,  is,  That  the 
state  of  health  in  the  City  may  at  all  times  appear. 

3.  Now  it  may  be  Objedled,  That  the  same  depends  most 
upon  the  Accompts  of  Epidemical  Diseases,  and  upon  the 
chief  of  them  all,  the  Plague  \ wherefore  the  mention  of  the 
rest  seems  only  matter  of  curiosity. 

4.  But  to  this  we  Answer,  That  the  knowledge  even  of 
the  numbers  which  dye  of  the  Plague,  is  not  sufficiently 
deduced  from  the  meer  Report  of  the  Searchers,  which  only 
the  Bills  afford;  but  from  other  Ratiocinations,  ||  and  com- (19) 
parings  of  the  Plague  with  some  otliQr  Casualties. 

5.  For  we  shall  make  it  probable^  that  in  the  Years  of 
Plague,  a quarter  part  more  dies  of  that  Disease  than  are  set 
down ; the  same  we  shall  also  prove  by  other  Casualties. 
Wherefore,  if  it  be  necessary  to  impart  to  the  world  a good 
Accompt  of  some  few  Casualties,  which  since  it  cannot  well 
be  done  without  giving  an  Accompt  of  them  all,  then  is  our 
common  pradbice  of  so  doing  very  apt  and  rational. 

6.  Now,  to  make  these  Corredtions  upon  the,  perhaps, 
ignorant  and  careless  Searchers  Reports,  I considered  first  of 
what  Authority  they  were  of  themselves,  that  is,  whether  any 
credit  at  all  were  to  be  given  to  their  Distinguishments  : and 
finding  that  many  of  the  Casualties  were  but  matter  of  sense, 
as  whether  a Child  were  Abortive  or  Stilboru\  whether  men 

1 See  p.  365. 


348 


Graunfs  Observations. 


were  Aged,  that  is  to  say,  above  sixty  years  old,  or  thereabouts 
when  they  died,  without  any  curious  determination  ; whether 
such  Aged  persons  died  purely  of  Age,  as  for  that  the  Innate 
heat  was  quite  extindl,  or  the  Radical  moisture  quite  dried  up 
(for  I have  heard  some  Candid  Physicians  complain  of  the 
darkness  which  themselves  were  in  hereupon^)  I say,  that 

(20)  these  Distin-||guishments  being  but  matter  of  sense,  I concluded 
the  Searchers  Report  might  be  sufficient  in  the  Case. 

7.  As  for  Consumptions,  if  the  Searchers  do  but  truly 
Report  (as  they  may)  whether  the  dead  Corps  were  very 
lean  and  worn  away,  it  matters  not  to  many  of  our  purposes, 
whether  the  Disease  were  exadlly  the  same,  as  Physicians 
define  it  in  their  Books.  Moreover,  In  case  a man  of  seventy 
five  years  old  died  of  a Cough  (of  which  had  he  been  free,  he 
might  have  possibly  lived  to  ninety)  I esteem  it  little  errour 
(as  to  many  of  our  purposes)  if  this  Person  be  in  the  Table  of 
Casualties,  reckoned  among  the  Aged,  and  not  placed  under 
the  Title  of  Coughs. 

8.  In  the  matters  of  Infants  I would  desire  but  to  know 
clearly,  what  the  Searchers  mean  by  Infants,  as  whether 
Children  that  cannot  speak,  as  the  word  Infant  seems  to 
signifie,  or  Children  under  two  or  three  years  old,  although 
I should  not  be  satisfied,  whether  the  Infant  died  of  Wind, 
or  of  Teeth,  or  of  the  Convulsion,  See.  or  were  choaked  with 
Phlegm,  or  else  of  Teeth,  Convulsion,  and  Scoivring,  apart,  or 
together,  which,  they  say,  do  often  cause  one  another ; for,  I 
say,  it  is  somewhat  to  know  how  many  die  usually  before 
they  can  speak,  or  how  many  live  past  any  assigned  number 
of  years  ||. 

(2t)  9.  I say,  it  is  enough,  if  we  know  from  the  Searchers  but 

the  most  predominant  Symptoms ; as  that  one  died  of  the 
Headach,  who  was  sorely  tormented  with  it,  though  the 
Physicians  were  of  Opinion,  that  the  Disease  was  in  the 
Stomach.  Again,  if  one  died  suddenly,  the  matter  is  not 
great,  whether  it  be  reported  in  the  Bills,  Suddenly,  Apoplexy, 
or  Planet-strucken,  &c. 

^ “ For  both  the  common  phrases  of  physicians  concerning  Radical  Heat  and 
Natural  Moisture  are  deceptive.”  Bacon,  x.  11. 


Mortality  of  CJiildren. 


349 


10.  To  conclude,  In  many  of  these  Cases  the  Searchers 
are  able  to  report  the  Opinion  of  the  Physician,  who  was 
with  the  Patient,  as  they  receive  the  same  from  the  Friends 
of  the  Defundl : and  in  very  many  Cases,  such  as  Droivn- 
ing,  Scaldmg,  Bleeding,  Vomiting,  making  azvay  themselves, 
Litnaticks,  Sores,  Small-pox,  &c.  their  own  senses  are  sufficient, 
and  the  generality  of  the  World  are  able  pretty  well  to  distin- 
guish the  Gout,  Stone,  Dropsie,  Falling  sickness,  Palsie,  Agues, 
Pleuresie,  Rickets,  one  from  another. 

11.  But  now  as  for  those  Casualties,  which  are  aptest  to 
be  confounded  and  mistaken,  I shall  in  the  ensuing  Discourse 
presume  to  touch  upon  them  so  far,  as  the  Learning  of  these 
Bills  hath  enabled  me. 

12.  Having  premised  these  general  Advertisements,  our 
first  Observation  upon  the  Casualties  shall  be.  That  in  Twenty 
Years^  |1  there  dying  of  all  Diseases  and  Casualties  229250,  {22) 
that  71124-  died  of  the  Thrush,  Conindsion,  Rickets,  Teeth 
and  Worms;  and  Abortives,  Chrysomes,  Infants,  Live7grozvn, 
and  Overlaid ; that  is  to  say,  that  about  J of  the  whole  died 

of  those  Diseases,  which  we  guess  did  all  light  upon  Children 
under  four  or  five  years  old. 

13.  There  died  also  of  the  Small  Pox,  Sivine  Pox,  and 
Measles,  and  of  Worms  without  Convulsions,  12210'^  of  which 
number  we  suppose  likewise,  that  about  ^ might  be  Children 
under  six  years  old.  Now,  if  we  consider  that  sixteen of 
the  said  229250  died  of  that  extraordinary  and  grand  Casualty, 
the  Plague,  we  shall  find  that  about  thirty  six  per  CenUim  of 
all  quick  conceptions  died  before  six  years  old. 

14.  The  second  Observation  is,  That  of  the  said  229250 
dying  of  all  Diseases,  there  died  of  acute  Diseases,  (the  Plag^te 
excepted)  but  about  50000,  or  f parts.  The  which  proportion 

^ The  years  are  1629 — 1636,  and  1647 — 1658,  see  the  Table  of  Casualties,  p.  406. 

These  figures  do  not  correspond  to  Graunt’s  table  (p.  406)  which  gives  thrush 
21 1,  convulsion  9,073,  rickets  3,681,  teeth  and  worms  14,236,  abortive  and  still- 
born 8,559,  chrisoms  and  infants  32,106,  liver-growm,  spleen,  and  rickets  1,42 r, 
overlaid  and  starved  at  nurse  529,  or  in  all  but  69,816. 

^ According  to  the  table  (p.  406)  there  died  of  swine-pox  57,  of  flox  and  small- 
pox 10,576,  of  measles  757,  of  worms  (without  convulsions)  830,  or  in  all  12,220. 

^ That  is,  sixteen  thousand;  according  to  the  table  (p.  406),  16,384. 


350 


Gi'muifs  Observations. 


doth  give  a measure  of  the  State,  and  disposition  of  this 
Climate  and  Air  as  to  health;  these  acute  and  Epidemical 
Diseases  happenning  suddenly  and  vehemently,  upon  the  like 
corruptions  and  alterations  in  the  Air.  || 

(23)  15.  The  third  Observation  is,  That  of  the  said  229250, 
about  seventy^  died  of  Chronical  Diseases,  which  shews  (as  I 
conceive)  the  State  and  Disposition  of  the  Country  (including 
as  well  its  Food  as  Ah')  in  reference  to  health,  or  rather  to 
longevity ; for  as  the  proportion  of  acute  and  Epidemical 
Diseases  shews  the  aptness  of  the  Air  to  sudden  and  vehement 
Impressions  ; so  the  Chronical  Diseases  shew  the  ordinary 
temper  of  the  place  : so  that  upon  the  proportion  of  Chronical 
Diseases  seems  to  hang  the  judgment  of  the  fitness  of  the 
Country  for  long  life.  For,  I conceive,  that  in  Countries 
subje6l  to  great  Epidemical  sweeps,  men  may  live  very  long, 
but,  where  the  proportion  of  the  Chronical  distempers  is  great, 
it  is  not  likely  to  be  so ; because  men  being  long  sick,  and 
alwaies  sickly,  cannot  live  to  any  great  Age,  as  we  see  in 
several  sorts  of  Metal-men,  who,  although  they  are  less 
subject  to  acute  Diseases  than  others,  yet  seldom  live  to  be 
old,  that  is,  not  to  reach  unto  those  years,  which  David  says 
is  the  Age  of  Man. 

16.  The  fourth  Observation  is,  That  of  the  said  229250, 
not  4000  died  of  outward  Griefs,  as  of  Cancers,  Fistula’s,  Sores, 
Cf leers,  broken  and  bruised  Limbs,  Imposthumes,  Itch,  King’s 

(24)  Evil,  Leprosie,  Scald-head,  ||  Swine  Pox,  Wens,  &c.  viz.  not 
one  in  sixty. 

17.  In  the  next  place,  whereas  many  persons  live  in 
great  fear  and  apprehension  of  some  of  the  more  formidable 
and  notorious  Diseases  following ; I shall  only  set  down  how 
many  died  of  each  : that  the  respe6live  numbers,  being  com- 
pared with  the  total  229250,  those  persons  may  the  better 
understand  the  hazard  they  are  in. 

^ That  is,  seventy  thousand.  The  German  translator  of  the  Observations 
writes  “70  vom  hundert.” 


Formidable  and  Notoidons  Diseases.  351 

Table  of  notorious  Diseases. 

Apoplex  1 306 

Cut  of  the  Stone  38 

Falling  Sickness  74 

Dead  in  the  Streets  243 

Gout  1 34 

Head-ach  5 1 

Jaundice  998 

Lethargy  67 

Leprosie  6 

Lunatick  158 

Overlaid  and  Starved  529 

Palsie  423 

Rupture  201 

Stone  and  Strangur}^  863 

Sciatica  5 

Suddenly  454  || 

Table  of  Casualties.  (2 

Bleeding  69 

Burnt  and  Scalded  125 

Drowned  829 

Excessive  drinking  2 

Frighted  22 

Grief  279 

Hanged  themselves  222 

Kill’d  by  several  accidents  1021 

Murdered  86 

Poysoned  14 

Smothered  26 

Shot  7 

Starved  5 1 

Vomiting  136 


18.  In  the  foregoing  Observations  we  ventured  to  make 
a Standard  of  the  healthfulness  of  the  Air  from  the  proportion 
of  acute  and  Epidemical  Diseases,  and  of  the  wholsomness  of 


352 


Grajmf s Observations. 


the  food,  from  that  of  the  CJironical.  Yet,  for  as  much  as 
neither  of  them  alone  do  shew  the  longevity  of  the  Inhabitants, 
we  shall  in  the  next  place  come  to  the  more  absolute  Standard 
and  Corre6lion  of  both,  which  is  the  proportion  of  the  Aged, 
viz.  15757  to  the  Total  229250.  That  ||  is,  of  about  i to  15, 
or  7 per  Cent.  Only  the  question  is,  What  number  of  years 
the  SeareJiers  call  Aged,  which  I conceive  must  be  the  same 
that  David  calls  so,  viz.  70.  For  no  man  can  be  said  to  die 
properly  of  Age,  who  is  much  less.  It  follows  from  hence. 
That  if  in  any  other  Country  more  than  seven  of  the  100  live 
beyond  70,  such  Country  is  to  be  esteemed  more  healthful 
than  this  of  our  City. 

19.  Before  we  speak  of  particular  Casualties,  we  shall 
observe.  That  among  the  several  Casualties  some  bear  a 
constant  proportion  unto  the  whole  number  of  Burials ; such 
are  Chronical  Diseases,  and  the  Diseases  whereunto  the  City 
is  most  subje6l;  as  for  Example,  Consumptions,  Dropsies, 
Jaundice,  Gold,  Stone,  Palsie,  Scurvy,  Rising  of  the  Lights 
or  Mother,  Rickets,  Aged,  Agues,  Fevers,  Bloody  Flux  and 
Scoivring'.  nay,  some  Accidents,  as  Grief,  Drownmg,  Mens 
making  away  themselves,  and  being  KiW d by  several  Accidents, 
&c.  do  the  like  ; whereas  Epidemical  and  Malignant  Diseases, 
as  the  Plague,  Purples,  Spotted  Fever,  Small  Pox  and  Measles 
do  not  keep  that  equality  : so  as  in  some  Years,  or  Months, 
there  died  ten  times  as  many  as  in  others.  || 


(27)  CHAP.  III. 

Of  Particular  Casualties. 

I.  1\  /r  Y first  Observation  is,  that  few  are  starved.  This 
IVi  appears,  for  that  of  the  229250,  which  have  died, 
we  find  not  above  fifty  one  to  have  been  starved,  excepting 
helpless  Infants  at  Nurse,  which  being  caused  rather  by 
carelessness,  ignorance,  and  infirmity  of  the  Milch-women, 
is  not  properly  an  effeCt  or  sign  of  want  of  food  in  the 
Country,  or  of  means  to  get  it. 


Beggars.- 


353 


2.  The  Observation  which  I shall  add  hereunto,  is,  That 
the  vast  number  of  Beggars,  swarming  up  and  down  this  City, 
do  all  live,  and  seem  to  be  most  of  them  healthy  and  strong; 
whereupon  I make  this  question,  Whether,  since  they  do  all 
live  by  begging,  that  is,  without  any  kind  of  labour ; it  were 
not  better  for  the  State  to  keep  them,  even  although  they 
earned  nothing  ? that  so  they  might  live  regularly,  and  not 
in  that  Debauchery,  as  many  Beggars  do ; and  that  they 
might  be  cured  of  their  bodily  Impotencies,  ||  or  taught  to  (28) 
work,  dfc.  each  according  to  his  condition  and  capacity ; or 
by  being  imployed  in  some  work  (not  better  undone)  might 

be  accustomed  and  fitted  for  labour  ? 

3.  To  this  some  may  Objedl,  That  Beggars  are  now 
maintained  by  voluntary  Contributions,  whereas  in  the  other 
way  the  same  must  be  done  by  general  Tax;  and  conse- 
quently, the  Obje<S:s  of  Charity  would  be  removed  and  taken 
away. 

4.  To  which  we  Answer,  That  in  Holland,  although  no 
where  fewer  Beggars  appear  to  charm  up  commiseration  in 
the  credulous,  yet  no  where  is  there  greater  or  more  frequent 
Charity : only  indeed  the  Magistrate  is  both  the  Beggar,  and 
the  Disposer  of  what  is  got  by  begging  \ so  as  all  Givers  have 
a Moral  certainty  that  their  Charity  shall  be  well  applyed. 

5.  Moreover,  I question.  Whether  what  we  give  to  a 
Wretch  that  shews  us  lamentable  sores  and  mutilations,  be 
alwaies  out  of  the  purest  Charity  ? that  is,  purely  for  God’s 
sake ; for  as  much  as  when  we  see  such  Objedls,  we  then  feel 
in  our  selves  a kind  of  pain  and  passion  by  consent,  of  which 
we  ease  our  selves,  when  we  think  we  ease  them,  with  whom 
we  sympathised  ; or  else  we  bespeak  aforehand  the  like 
commiseration  in  ||  others  towards  our  selves,  when  we  shall  (29) 
(as  we  fear  we  may)  fall  into  the  like  distress. 

6.  We  have  said,  'Tzvere  better  the  Pnblick  should  keep  the 
Beggars,  though  they  earfied  nothing.  Sic.  But  most  men  will 
laugh  to  hear  us  suppose,  That  any  able  to  work  (as  indeed 
most  Beggars  are,  in  one  kind  of  measure  or  another)  should 
be  kept  without  earning  any  thing.  But  we  Answer,  That  if 
there  be  but  a certain  proportion  of  work  to  be  done,  and 

23 


H.  P. 


354 


Graiinf s Observations. 


that  the  same  be  already  done  by  the  non-Bcggars,  then  to 
imploy  the  Beggars  about  it,  will  but  transfer  the  want  from 
one  hand  to  another;  nor  can  a Learner  work  so  cheap  as 
a skilful  pradlised  Artist  can.  As  for  example,  a pra6tised 
Spinner  shall  spin  a pound  of  Wool,  worth  two  shillings,  for 
six  pence ; but  a Learner,  undertaking  it  for  three  pence, 
shall  make  the  wool  indeed  into  yarn,  but  not  worth  twelve 
pence. 

7.  This  little  hint  is  the  model  of  the  greatest  work  in 
the  World,  which  is  the  making  of  England  as  considerable 
for  Trade  as  Holland'.,  for  there  is  but  a certain  proportion  of 
Trade  in  the  World,  and  Holland  is  prepossessed  of  the 
greatest  part  of  it,  and  is  thought  to  have  more  skill  and 
experience  to  manage  it ; wherefore,  to  bring  England  into 

(.so)  Holland' condition,  as  to  this  particular,  ||  is  the  same,  as  to 
send  all  the  Beggars  about  London  into  the  West  Conntry  to 
Spin,  where  they  shall  only  spoil  the  Clothiers  Wool,  and 
beggar  the  present  Spinners  at  best ; but,  at  worst,  put  the 
whole  Trade  of  the  Country  to  a stand,  until  the  Hollander, 
being  more  ready  for  it,  have  snapt  that  with  the  rest. 

8.  My  next  Observation  is,  That  but  few  are  Mnrthei'ed, 
viz.  not  above  86  of  the  229250,  which  have  died  of  other 
Diseases  and  Casualties ; whereas  in  Paris  few  nights  .scape 
without  their  Tragedy. 

9.  The  Reasons  of  this  we  conceive  to  be  Tivo : One  is 
the  Government  and  Guard  of  the  City  by  Citizejis  themselves, 
and  that  alternately.  No  man  setling  into  a Trade  for  that 
employment.  And  the  other  is.  The  natural  and  customary 
abhorrence  of  that  inhuman  Crime,  and  all  Bloodshed,  by  most 
English  men  : for  of  all  that  are  Exeented,  few  are  for  Mnrther. 
Besides  the  great  and  frequent  Revolutions  and  Changes  in 
Government  since  the  Year  1650,  have  been  with  little  blood- 
shed ; the  Usurpers  themselves  having  Exeented  few  in  com- 
parison, upon  the  Accompt  of  disturbing  their  Innovations. 

10.  In  brief,  when  any  dead  Body  is  found  in  England, 
(31)  no  Algelmaist,  or  Uiieypherer  of  j|  Letters,  can  use  more  subtile 

suppositions  and  variety  of  conje6lures  to  find  out  the  Demon- 
stration or  Cipher,  than  every  common  unconcerned  person 


Various  Casualties.  355 

doth  to  find  out  the  Murthcrers,  and  that  for  ever,  until  it 
be  done. 

11.  The  Lunaticks  are  also  but  few,  viz.  158  in  229250, 
though  I fear  many  more  than  are  set  down  in  our  Bills, 
few  being  entred  for  such,  but  those  who  die  at  Bedlam ; and 
there  all  seem  to  dye  of  their  Liuiacy,  who  died  Lunaticks  \ 
for  there  is  much  difference  in  computing  the  number  of 
Lunaticks,  that  die  (though  of  Fevers  and  all  other  Diseases, 
unto  which  Lunacy  is  no  Supersedeas')  and  those  that  dye  by 
reason  of  their  Madness. 

12.  So  that,  this  Casualty  being  so  uncertain,  I shall  not 
force  my  self  to  make  any  inference  from  the  numbers  and 
proportions  we  find  in  our  Bills  concerning  it : only  I dare 
ensure  any  man  at  this  present,  well  in  his  Wits,  for  one  in 
a thousand,  that  he  shall  not  dye  a L'unatick  in  Bedlam  within 
these  seven  years,  because  I find  not  above  one  in  about  one 
thousand  five  hundred  have  done  so. 

13.  The  like  use  may  be  made  of  the  Accompts  of  men 
that  made  away  themselves,  ||  who  are  another  sort  of  Mad  (32) 
men,  that  think  to  ease  themselves  of  pain  by  leaping  into 
Ffell ; or  else  are  yet  more  Mad,  so  as  to  think  there  is  no 
such  place ; or  that  men  may  go  to  rest  by  death,  though 
they  dye  in  Self-murther,  the  greatest  Sin. 

14.  We  shall  say  nothing  of  the  numbers  of  those  that 
have  been  Drowned,  Killed  by  falls  from  Scaffolds,  or  by 
Carts  running  over  them,  &c.  because  the  same  depends  upon 
the  casual  Trade  and  Employment  of  men,  and  upon  matters 
which  are  but  circumstantial  to  the  Seasons  and  Regions 
we  live  in,  and  affords  little  of  that  Science  and  Certainty  we 
aim  at. 

15.  We  find  one  Casualty  in  our  Bills,  of  which,  though 
there  be  daily  talk,  there  is  little  effedl,  much  like  our 
abhorrence  of  Toads  and  Snakes  as  most  poisonous  Creatures, 
whereas  few  men  dare  say  upon  their  own  knowledge  they 
ever  found  harm  by  either ; and  this  Casualty  is  the  French 
L^ox,  gotten,  for  the  most  part,  not  so  much  by  the  intemperate 
use  of  Veiiery  (which  rather  causeth  the  Gout)  as  of  many 
common  Women. 


C rauiif s Observations. 


35^^ 


1 6.  I say,  the  Bills  of  Mortality  would  take  off  these 
Bars,  which  keep  some  men  within  bounds,  as  to  these 

(33)  extravagancies  : for  in  I'  the  aforementioned  229250,  we  find 
not  above  392  to  have  died  of  tlie  Pox.  Now,  forasmuch  as 
it  is  not  good  to  let  the  World  be  lulled  into  a security  and 
belief  of  Impunity  by  our  Bills,  which  we  intend  shall  not  be 
only  as  Deaths  heads  to  put  men  in  mind  of  their  Mortality, 
but  also  as  Merenrial  Statues  to  point  out  the  most  dangerous 
waics  that  lead  us  into  it  and  misery  ; We  shall  therefore 
shew,  that  the  Pox  is  not  as  the  Toads  and  Snakes  afore- 
mentioned, but  of  a quite  contrary  nature,  together  with  the 
reason  why  it  appears  otherwise. 

17.  Forasmuch  as  by  the  ordinary  discourse  of  the 
World  it  seems  a great  part  of  men  have,  at  one  time  or 
other,  had  some  speeies  of  this  Disease,  I wondering  why  so 
few  died  of  it,  especially  because  I could  not  take  that  to  be 
so  harmless,  whereof  so  many  complained  very  fiercely ; upon 
enquiry,  I found  that  those  who  died  of  it  out  of  the  Hospitals 
(especially  that  of  Kingsland,  and  the  Lock  in  Southwark) 
were  returned  of  Ulcers  and  Sores.  And  in  brief,  I found, 
that  all  mentioned  to  dye  of  the  French  Pox  were  returned 
by  the  Clerks  of  Saint  Giles’s  and  Saint  Martin’s  in  the  Fields 
only,  in  which  place  I understood  that  most  of  the  vilest  and 

(34)  most  miserable  Houses  of  Un-||cleanness  were:  from  whence 
I concluded,  that  only  hated  persons,  and  such,  whose  very 
Noses  were  eaten  off,  were  reported  by  the  Searchers  to  have 
died  of  this  too  frequent  Malady. 

18.  In  the  next  place,  it  shall  be  examined,  under  what 
Name  or  Casualty  such  as  die  of  these  Diseases  are  brought 
in  : I say,  under  the  Consumption ; forasmuch  as  all  dying 
thereof  dye  so  emaciated  and  lean  (their  Ulcers  disappearing 
upon  Death)  that  the  Old-women  Searchers,  after  the  mist  of 
a Cup  of  Ale,  and  the  bribe  of  a Two-groat  fee,  in  stead  of  one 
given  them\  cannot  tell  whether  this  emaciation  or  leanness 

^ Cromwell’s  act  of  24  August,  1653,  pi'ovided  for  the  election  by  each  parish 
of  a parish  registrar,  who  might  take  “ for  every  Birth  of  Childe,  Four  pence  and 
no  more;  and  for  every  Death,  Four  pence  and  no  more:  And  for  Publications, 
Marriages,  Births  or  Burials  of  poor  people  who  live  upon  Alms,  nothing  shall 


TJic  Rickets. 


357 


were  from  a Phthisis,  or  from  an  HePlick  Fever,  Atrophy,  &c. 
or  from  an  Infe6lion  of  the  Spermatick  parts,  which  in  length 
of  time,  and  in  various  disguises  hath  at  last  vitiated  the 
habit  of  the  Body,  and  by  disabling  the  parts  to  digest  their 
nourishment,  brought  them  to  the  condition  of  leanness  above- 
mentioned. 

19.  My  next  Observation  is.  That  of  the  Rickets  we  find 
no  mention  among  the  Casualties,  until  the  Year  1634,  and 
then  but  of  14  for  that  whole  Year. 

20.  Now  the  Question  is.  Whether  that  Disease  did  first 

appear  about  that  time  ; or  whether  a Disease,  which  had 
been  long  be-||fore,  did  then  first  receive  its  Name.^  (35) 

21.  To  clear  this  Difficulty  out  of  the  Bills  (for  I dare 
venture  on  no  deeper  Arguments)  I enquired  what  other 
Casualtie  before  the  Year  1634,  named  in  the  Bills,  was 
most  like  the  Rickets-,  and  found,  not  only  by  Pretenders  to 
know  it,  but  also  from  other  Bills,  that  Livergrozvn  was  the 
nearest.  For  in  some  years  I find  Livergrozvn,  Spleen,  and 
Rickets,  put  all  together,  by  reason  (as  I conceive)  of  their 
likeness  to  each  other.  Hereupon  I added  the  Livergrozvns 
of  the  Year  1634,  viz.  77,  to  the  Rickets  of  the  same  Year,  viz. 

14,  making  in  all  91  ; which  Total,  as  also  the  Number  77  it 
self,  I compared  with  the  T^ivergrozvn  of  the  precedent  Year 
1633,  viz.  82  : All  which  shewed  me,  that  the  Rickets  was  a 
new  Disease  over  and  above. 

22.  Now,  this  being  but  a faint  Argument,  I looked  both 
forwards  and  backwards,  and  found,  that  in  the  Year  1629, 
when  no  Rickets  appeared,  there  were  but  94  Livergrozvns-, 
and  in  the  Year  1636  there  were  99  Livergrozvn,  although 
there  were  also  50  of  the  Rickets  : only  this  is  not  to  be 
denied,  that  when  the  Rickets  grew  very  numerous  (as  in 
the  Year  1660,  viz.  521)  then  there  appeared  not  above  15 
of  Livergrozvn.  || 

23.  In  the  Year  1659  were  441  Rickets,  and  8 Livergrozvn.  (36) 
In  the  Year  1658  were  476  Rickets , -dvadi  51  Livergrozvn.  Now, 

be  taken,”  Scobell,  ii.  '236.  In  most  cases  the  old  parish  clerk  was  elected 
registrar  (Christie,  140),  and  in  London  the  parish  clerks  may  have  collected 
their  fees  through  the  searchers. 


35« 


Gran nfs  Observa tions. 


though  it  be  granted  that  these  Diseases  were  confounded  in 
the  Judgment  of  the  Nurses,  yet  it  is  most  certain,  that  the 
Livergroivn  did  never  but  once,  vies.  Anno  1630  exceed  100; 
wheresis  Anno  1660,  Liveigroivn  and  Rickets  were  536. 

24.  It  is  also  to  be  observed.  That  the  Rickets  were  never 
more  numerous  than  now,  and  that  they  are  still  increasing ; 
for  Anno  1649,  there  were  but  190,  next  year  260,  next  after 
that  329,  and  so  forwards,  with  some  little  starting  backwards 
in  some  years,  until  the  Year  1660,  which  produced  the 
greatest  of  all. 

25.  Now,  such  back-startings  seem  to  be  universal  in  all 
things  ; for  we  do  not  only  see  in  the  progressive  motion  of 
the  wheels  of  Watc/ies,  and  in  the  rowing  of  Boats,  that  there 
is  a little  starting  or  jerking  backwards  between  every  step 
forwards,  but  also  (if  I am  not  much  deceived)  there  appeared 
the  like  in  the  motion  of  the  Moon,  which  in  the  long  Tele- 
scopes at  Gresha7n  Colledge  one  may  sensibly  discern k || 

) 26.  There  seems  also  to  be  another  new  Disease,  called 

by  our  Bills  The  stopping  of  the  Stomach,  first  mentioned  in 
the  Year  1636,  the  which  Malady,  from  that  Year  to  1647, 
increased  but  from  6 to  29 ; Anno  1655  it  came  to  145.  In 
57,  to  277.  In  60  to  314.  Now  these  proportions  far 
exceeding  the  difference  of  proportion  generally  arising  from 
the  increase  of  Inhabitants,  and  from  the  resort  of  Advence  to 
the  City,  shews  there  is  some  new  Disease,  which  appeareth 
to  the  Vulgar,  as  A stopping  of  the  Stomach. 

27.  Hereupon  I apprehended  that  this  Stopping  might 
be  the  Green  sickness,  forasmuch  as  I find  few  or  none  to 
have  been  returned  upon  that  Account,  although  many  be 
visibly  stained  with  it.  Now,  whether  the  same  be  forborn 
out  of  shame,  I know  not : For  since  the  World  believes 
that  Marriage  cures  it,  it  may  seem  indeed  a shame,  that 
any  Maid  should  dye  uncured,  when  there  are  more  Males 
than  Females,  that  is,  an  overplus  of  Husbands  to  all  that 
can  be  Wives. 

" “ The  author,  going  iiltra  crepidam,  has  attributed  to  the  motion  of  the  moon 
in  her  orbit  all  the  tremors  which  she  gets  from  a shaky  telescope.”  De  Morgan, 
Budget  of  Paradoxes, 


359 


Stopping  of  the  Stomach. 

28.  In  the  next  place,  I conje6lured  that  this  stopping  of 
the  Stomach  might  be  the  Mother.,  forasmuch  as  I have  heard 
of  many  troubled  with  Mother  fits  (as  they  call  them)  || 
although  few  returned  to  have  died  of  them  ; which  con-  (38) 
jedlure,  if  it  be  true,  we  may  then  safely  say.  That  the 
Mother-fits  have  also  increased. 

29.  I was  somewhat  taken  off  from  thinking  this  stopping 
of  the  Stomach  to  be  the  Mother,  because  I ghessed  rather 
the  Rising  of  the  Lights  might  be  it.  For  I remembred  that 
some  Women,  troubled  with  the  Mother-fits,  did  complain  of 
a choaking  in  their  Throats.  Now,  as  I understand,  it  is  more 
conceivable,  that  the  Lights  or  Lungs  (which  I have  heard 
called  The  Belloivs  of  the  Bodj')  not  blowing,  that  is,  neither 
venting  out,  nor  taking  in  breath,  might  rather  cause  such  a 
Choking,  than  that  the  MotJier  should  rise  up  thither,  and  do 
it.  For  methinks,  when  a Woman  is  with  Child,  there  is  a 
greater  rising,  and  yet  no  such  Fits  at  all. 

30.  But  what  I have  said  of  the  Rickets  and  stopping  of 
the  Stomach,  I do  in  some  measure  say  of  the  Rising  of  the 
Lights  also,  viz.  that  these  Risings  (be  they  what  they  will) 
have  increased  much  above  the  general  proportion  ; for  in 
1629  there  were  but  44,  and  in  1660,  249,  viz.  almost  six 
times  as  many.  || 

31.  Now  forasmuch  as  Rickets  appear  much  in  the  Over-  {39) 
grozving  of  Childrens  Livers  and  Spleens  (as  by  the  Bills  may 
appear)  which  surely  may  cause  stopping  of  the  Stomach  by 
squeezing  and  crowding  upon  that  part.  And  forasmuch  as 
these  Chokings  or  Risings  of  the  Lights  may  proceed  from 
the  same  stuffings,  as  make  the  Liver  and  Spleen  to  over- 
grow their  due  proportion.  And  lastly,  forasmuch  as  the 
Rickets,  stopping  of  the  Stomach,  and  rising  of  the  Lights,  have 
all  increased  together,  and  in  some  kind  of  correspondent 
proportions ; it  seems  to  me  that  they  depend  one  upon 
another.  And  that  what  is  the  Rickets  in  Children,  may  be 
the  other  in  more  grown  Bodies ; for  surely  Children,  which 
recover  of  the  Rickets,  may  retain  somewhat  to  cause  what 

I have  imagined : but  of  this  let  the  Learned  Physicians 
consider,  as  I presume  they  have. 


36o 


G munis  Observations. 


32.  I had  not  medled  thus  far,  but  that  I have  heard, 
the  first  hints  of  the  circulation  of  the  Blood  were  taken  from 
a common  Person’s  wondering  what  became  of  all  the  blood 
which  issued  out  of  the  heart,  since  the  heart  beats  above 
three  thousand  times  an  hour,  although  but  one  drop  should 
be  pump’d  out  of  it  at  every  stroke.  || 

(40)  33.  The  Stone  seemed  to  decrease  : for  in  1632,  33,  34, 

35,  and  36,  there  died  of  the  Stone  and  Strangury  254.  And 
in  the  Years  1655,  56,  57,  58,  59,  and  1660,  but  250,  which 
numbers,  although  indeed  they  be  almost  equal,  yet  con- 
sidering the  Burials  of  the  first  named  five  Years  were  but 
half  those  of  the  later,  it  seems  to  be  decreased  by  about 
one  half 

34.  Now  the  Stone  and  Strangury  are  Diseases  which 
most  men  know  that  feel  them,  unless  it  be  in  some  few 
cases,  where  (as  I have  heard  PJiysieians  say)  a Stone  is  held 
up  by  the  Filins  of  the  Bladder^  and  so  kept  from  grating  or 
offending  it. 

35.  The  Gout  stands  much  at  a stay,  that  is,  it  answers 
the  general  proportion  of  Burials  ; there  dies  not  above  one 
of  1000  of  the  Gout^  although  I believe  that  more  dye  Gouty. 
The  reason  is,  because  those  that  have  the  Gout,  are  said  to 
be  long  livers)  and  therefore,  when  such  dye,  they  are  returned 
as  Aged. 

36.  The  Scurvy  hath  likewise  increased,  and  that 
gradually  from  12,  Anno  1629,  to  95,  Anno  1660. 

37.  The  Tyssick  seems  to  be  quite  worn  away,  but  that 
it  is  probable  the  same  is  entred  as  Cough  or  Consumption.  || 

{41)  [3^]-  Agues  and  Fevers  are  entred  promiscuously,  yet  in 

the  few  Bills  wherein  they  have  been  distinguished,  it  appears 
that  not  above  i in  40  of  the  whole  are  Agues. 

39.  The  Abortives  and  Stilborn  are  about  the  twentieth 
part  of  those  that  are  Christned,  and  the  numbers  seemed  the 
same  thirty  Years  ago  as  now,  which  shews  there  were  more 
in  proportion  in  those  years  than  now : or  else  that  in  these 
later  years  due  Accompts  have  not  been  kept  of  the  Abortives, 
as  having  been  buried  without  notice,  and  perhaps  not  in 
Church-yards. 


Neglect  of  Christenings. 


361 

40.  For  that  there  hath  been  a negle6l  in  the  Accompts 
of  the  Christnings,  is  most  certain,  because  until  the  Year 
1642,  we  find  the  Burials  but  equal  with  the  Christnings,  or 
near  thereabouts,  but  in  1648,  when  the  differences  in  Religion 
had  changed  the  Government,  the  Christnings  were  but  two 
thirds  of  the  Burials.  And  in  the  Year  1659,  not  half,  viz. 
the  Burials  were  14720  (of  the  Plague  but  36)  and  the 
Christnings  were  but  5670  ; which  great  disproportion  could 
be  from  no  other  Cause  than  that  abovementioned,  forasmuch 
as  the  same  grew  as  the  Confusions  and  Changes  grew.  || 

41.  Moreover,  although  the  Bills  give  us  in  Anno  1659,  (4^) 
but  5670  Christnings,  yet  they  give  us  421  Abortives,  and 
226  dying  in  Child-bed',  whereas  in  the  Year  1631,  when  the 
Abortives  were  410,  that  is,  near  the  number  of  the  Year 
1659,  Christnings  were  8288.  Wherefore  by  the  proportion 

of  Abortives,  Anno  1659,  the  Christnings  should  have  been 
about  8500  : but  if  we  shall  reckon  by  the  Women  dying  in 
Childbed,  of  whom  a better  Accompt  is  kept  than  of  Stilborns 
and  Abortives,  we  shall  find  Anno  1659,  there  were  226  Child- 
beds-, and  Anno  1631,  112,  viz.  not  Wherefore  I conceive 
that  the  true  number  of  the  Christnings,  Anno  1659,  is  above 
double  to  the  5690  set  down  in  our  Bills;  that  is,  about 
1 1 500,  and  then  the  Christnings  will  come  near  the  same 
proportion  to  the  Burials,  as  hath  been  observed  in  former 
times. 

42.  In  regular  Times,  when  Accompts  were  well  kept, 
we  find  that  not  above  three  in  200  died  in  CJdldbed,  and 
that  the  number  of  Abortives  was  about  treble  to  that  of  the 
Women  dying  in  Childbed : from  whence  we  may  probably 
colledl,  that  not  one  Woman  of  an  hundred  (I  may  say  of 
two  hundred)  dies  in  her  Labour ; forasmuch  as  there  be 
other  Causes  of  a Womans  dying  with-||in  the  Month,  than  (43) 
the  hardness  of  her  Labour. 

43.  If  this  be  true  in  these  Countries,  where  Women 
hinder  the  facility  of  their  Child-bearing  by  afifedled  straitening 
of  their  Bodies  ; then  certainly  in  America,  where  the  same  is 
not  pradlised.  Nature  is  little  more  to  be  taxed  as  to  Woman, 
than  in  Brutes,  among  whom  not  one  in  some  thousands  do 


362 


G ran  n fs  Obscrvai ions. 


dye  of  their  Deliveries:  what  I have  heard  of  the  Irish  women 
confirms  me  herein. 

44.  Before  we  quite  leave  this  matter,  we  shall  insert  the 
Causes,  why  the  Accompt  of  Christnings  hath  been  ncgledled 
more  than  that  of  Burials',  one,  and  the  chief  whereof,  was 
a Religious  Opinion  against  Baptizing  of  Infants,  either  as 
unlawful,  or  unnecessary.  If  this  were  the  only  reason,  we 
might  by  our  defe6ls  of  this  kind  conclude  the  growth  of  this 
Opinion,  and  pronounce,  that  not  half  the  People  of  England, 
between  the  years  1650  and  1660,  were  convinced  of  the  need 
of  Baptizing. 

45.  A second  Reason  was.  The  scruples  which  many 
publick  Ministers  would  make  of  the  worthiness  of  Parents 
to  have  their  Children  Baptized,  which  forced  such  questioned 
Parents,  who  did  also  not  believe  the  necessity  of  having  their 

(44)  Children  baptized  ||  by  such  Scruplers,  to  carry  their  Children 
unto  such  other  Ministers,  as  having  performed  the  thing,  had 
not  the  Authority  or  Command  of  the  Register  to  enter  the 
Names  of  the  baptized. 

46.  A third  Reason  was,  That  a little  I'ee  was  to  be  paid 
for  the  Registry^. 

47.  Upon  the  whole  matter  it  is  most  certain,  That  the 
number  of  Heterodox  Believers  was  very  great  between  the 
said  year  1650  and  1660;  and  so  peevish  were  they,  as  not 
to  have  the  Births  of  their  Children  Registred,  although 
thereby  the  time  of  their  coming  of  Age  might  be  known, 
in  respe6l  of  such  Inheritances  as  might  belong  unto  them  ; 
and  withal,  by  such  Registring  it  would  have  appeared  unto 
what  Parish  each  Child  had  belonged,  in  case  any  of  them 
should  happen  to  want  its  relief. 

48.  Of  Convulsions  there  appeared  very  few,  viz.  but  52 
in  the  year  1629,  which  in  1636  grew  to  709,  keeping  about 
that  stay  till  1659,  though  sometimes  rising  to  about  1000. 

49.  It  is  to  be  noted.  That  from  1629  to  1636,  when  the 
Convidsions  were  but  few,  the  number  of  Chrysoms  and  Infants 
was  greater:  for  in  1629,  there  were  of  Chrysoms  and  Infants 

(45)  2596,  and  of  the  Cojivnlsion  52,  ||  viz.  of  both  2648.  And  in 

’ See  p.  356  note. 


The  Plague, 


3C3 

1636  there  were  of  Infants  1895,  and  of  the  Convulsions  709; 
in  both  2604,  by  which  it  appears,  that  this  difference  is  likely 
to  be  only  a confusion  in  the  Accounts. 

50.  Moreover,  we  find  that  for  these  later  years,  since 
1636,  the  total  of  Convulsions  and  Chrysonis  added  together 
are  much  less,  viz.  by  about  400  or  500  per  Anmini,  than  the 
like  Totals  from  1629  to  36,  which  makes  me  think,  that  7'eeth 
also  were  thrust  in  under  the  Title  of  Cluysonis  and  Infants, 
inasmuch  as  in  the  said  years,  from  1629  to  1636,  the  number 
of  Worms  and  Teeth  wants  by  above  400  per  A nnum  of  what 
we  find  in  following  years.  || 


CHAP.  IV.  (46) 

Of  the  Plague. 

I.  Tj)  Efofe  we  leave  to  discourse  of  the  Casualties,  we  shall 
-U  add  something  concerning  that  greatest  Disease  or 
Casualty  of  all,  The  Plague. 

There  have  been  in  London,  within  this  Age,  four  times  of 


great  Mortality,  that  is  to  say,  the  years 

1592  and  1593,  1603, 

1625  and  1636. 

^ There  died  Anno  1592.  from  Mareh  to  December,  25886 

Whereof  of  the  Plague 

11503 

Anno  1593, 

17844 

Whereof  of  the  Plague 

10662 

Christned  in  the  said  year 

4021 

Anno  1603,  within  the  same  space 

of  time,  were 

Buried 

37294 

Whereof  of  the  Plague 

30561 

Anno  1625,  within  the  same  space 

51758 

Whereof  of  the  Plague 

35417 

Anno  1636,  from  April  to  Decemb. 

23359 

Whereof  of  the  Plague 

10460  1 

1 On  the  trustworthiness  of  the  following  figures  see  the  notes  to  the  “Table 
shewing  how  many  died  weekly,”  p.  426. 


364 


Grannfs  Observations. 


(47)  2.  Now  it  is  manifest  of  it  self,  in  which  of  these  years 
most  died  ; but  in  which  of  them  was  the  greatest  Mortality 
of  all  Diseases  in  general,  or  of  the  Plague  in  particular, 
we  discover  thus.  In  the  Years  1592,  and  1636,  we  find  the 
proportion  of  those  dying  of  the  Plague  in  the  whole  to  be 
near  alike,  that  is,  about  10  to  23,  or  ii  to  25,  or  as  about 
2 to  5. 

3.  In  the  Year  1625,  we  find  the  Plague  to  bear  unto  the 
whole  in  proportion  as  35  to  5 1,  or  7 to  10,  that  is  almost  the 
triplicate  of  the  former  proportion ; for  the  Ctihe  of  7 being 
343,  and  the  Cube  of  10  being  1000,  the  said  343  is  not 
of  1000. 

4.  In  Anno  1603,  the  proportion  of  the  Plague  to  the 
whole  was  as  30  to  37,  viz.  as  4 to  5,  which  is  yet  greater 
than  the  last  of  7 to  20^:  For  if  the  year  1625  had  been  as 
great  a Plague  year  as  1603,  there  must  have  died  not  only 
7 to  10,  but  8 to  10,  which  in  those  great  numbers  makes  a 
vast  difference. 

5.  We  must  therefore  conclude  the  year  1603  to  have 
been  the  greatest  Plague  year  of  this  Age. 

6.  Now  to  know  in  which  of  these  four  was  the  greatest 
Mortality  at  large,  we  reason  thus : || 

(48)  A)ino  (Buried 
1592  (Christned 

Anno  (There  died  in  the  whole  year  of  all 
1603  [Christned 

I to  8,  or)  Anno  (Died  in  the  whole  year 
ij  to  10  ji625  (Christned 

Anno  (There  died,  ut  supra, 

1636  (Christned 

7.  From  whence  it  appears,  That  Anno  1636,  the  Christ- 
nings  were  about  | parts  of  the  Burials:  Anno  1592  but  -J  ; 
but  in  the  year  1603,  and  1625,  not  above  an  eighth  : so  that 
the  said  two  years  were  the  years  of  greatest  Mortality.  We 
said  that  the  year  1603  was  the  greatest  Plague  year.  And 


26490)  or  (6 
4277]  as  (I 
38244]  or  (8 
4784]  as  [I 

54265|or  (8 
6983J  as  1 1 

233591  or  (5 
9522J  as  (2 


* isl.  cd. 


German  transL,  ‘ niclit  y’ 


20  is  a misprint  for  lo. 


Mortality  from  Various  Plagues. 


365 


now  we  say,  that  the  same  was  not  a greater  year  of  Mortality 
than  Anno  1625.  Now  to  reconcile  these  two  Positions,  we 
must  alledge,  that  Anno  *1625,  there  was  an  errour  in  the 
Accompts  or  Distindlions  of  the  Casualties ; that  is,  more 
died  of  the  Plague  than  were  re-||counted  for  under  that  (49) 
name.  Which  Allegation  we  also  prove  thus,  viz. 

8.  In  the  said  year  1625  there  are  said  to  have  died  of 
the  Plague  35417,  and  of  all  other  Diseases  18848;  whereas 
in  the  years,  both  before  and  after  the  same,  the  ordinary 
number  of  Burials  was  between  7 and  8000;  so  that  if  we  add 
about  1 1000  (which  is  the  difference  between  7 and  18)  to  our 
35,  the  whole  will  be  46000,  which  bears  to  the  whole  54000, 
as  about  4 to  5,  thereby  rendring  the  said  year  1625  to  be  as 
great  a Plague-y^d^r  as  that  of  1603,  and  no  greater;  which 
answers  to  what  we  proved  before,  viz.  that  the  Mortality  of 
the  two  years  was  equaP. 

9.  hVom  whence  we  may  probably  suspedl,  that  about 
-4-  part  more  died  of  the  Plague  than  arc  returned  for  such  ; 
which  we  further  prove  by  noting,  that  Anno  1636  there  died 
10400  of  the  Plague,  the  -4  whereof  is  2600.  Now  there  are 
said  to  have  died  of  all  other  Diseases  that  Year  12959,  out 
of  which  number  deducing  2600,  there  remain  10359,  more 
than  which  there  died  not  in  several  years  next  before  and 
after  the  said  Year  1636. 

10.  The  next  Observation  we  shall  offer  is.  That  the 
Plague  of  1603  lasted  eight  Years.  ||  In  some  whereof  there  (50) 
died  above  4000,  in  others  above  2000,  and  in  but  one  fewer 
than  600:  whereas  in  the  Year  1624  next  preceding,  and  in 
the  Year  1626  next  following  the  said  great  Plague-y^dOi  1625, 
there  died  in  the  former  but  ii,  and  in  the  later  but  134  of 
the  Plague.  Moreover,  in  the  said  Year  1625,  the  Plague 


^ The  report  of  a case  of  the  plague  in  any  family  led  to  the  “ shutting  up  ” of 
the  house  infected,  and  thus  increased  the  danger  of  the  other  members  of  the 
household.  This  danger  was  probably  avoided,  in  many  cases,  by  bribing  the 
searchers.  Creighton,  i.  312,  318,  663,  672,  also  in  Social  England,  iv.  469. 
The  probable  concealment  of  the  plague  was  noted  at  the  time.  SalvettPs 
Correspondence,  ii  July,  162^, //isi.  AfSS.  Com.  xi.  pt.  I.  p.  26 — 27;  Rev.  Joseph 
Mead  to  Sir  Martin  Stuteville,  Birch,  Court  and  Times  of  Charles  /.,  vol.  I.  p.  39. 


366 


Graunfs  Observations. 


decreased  from  its  utmost  number  4461  a week,  to  below 
1000  within  six  weeks. 

11.  The  Plague  of  1636  lasted  twelve  Years,  in  eight 
whereof  there  died  2000  per  amunn  one  with  another,  and 
never  under  300.  The  which  shews,  that  the  Contagion  of 
the  Plague  depends  more  upon  the  Disposition  of  the  Air, 
than  upon  the  Effluvia  from  the  Bodies  of  men. 

12.  Which  also  we  prove  by  the  suddain  jumps  which 
the  Plague  hath  made,  leaping  in  one  Week  from  118  to 
927  ; and  back  again  from  993  to  258  ; and  from  thence 
again  the  very  next  Week  to  852.  The  which  Effects  must 
surely  be  rather  attributed  to  change  of  the  Air,  than  of  the 
Constitution  of  Mens  Bodies,  otherwise  than  as  this  depends 
upon  that. 

13.  It  may  be  also  noted.  That  many  times  other  Pesti- 
lential Diseases,  as  Purple  Fevers,  Suiall-Pox,  &c.  do  fore-run 

(51)  the  Plague  a ||  Year,  two  or  three;  for  in  1622  there  died  but 
8000:  in  1623,  iiooo:  in  1624,  about  12000:  till  in  1625  there 
died  of  all  Disea.ses  above  54000. 


CHAP.  V. 

Other  Observations  upon  the  Plague,  and  Casualties. 

I.  I "'HE  Decrease  and  Increase  of  People  is  to  be  reckoned 
JL  chiefly  by  Christeiiiiigs,  because  few  bear  Children 
in  Loudon  but  Inhabitants,  though  others  die  there.  The 
Accounts  of  Christenings  were  well  kept,  until  differences  in 
Rcligio7i  occasioned  some  negle6l  therein,  although  even 
these  ncgle6ls  we  must  confess  to  have  been  regular  and 
proportionable. 

2.  By  the  numbers  and  proportions  of  Christenings 
therefore  we  observe  as  followeth,  viz. 

Pdrst,  That  (when  from  December  1602,  to  Mai'ch  following, 
there  was  little  or  no  Plague')  then  the  Christenings  at  a 
(y-)  Jlledi/zm  were  between  iio  and  130  per  Week,  few  ||  Weeks 


Repcopliiig  of  the  City. 


367 


being  above  the  one,  or  below  the  other;  but  when  from 
thence  to  July  the  Plague  increased,  that  then  the  Christenings 
decreased  to  under  90. 

Secondly,  The  Question  is.  Whether  Teeming-  Women 
died,  or  fled,  or  miscarried  ? The  latter  at  this  time  seems 
most  probable,  because  even  in  the  said  space,  between  Mareh 
and  July,  there  died  not  above  20  per  Week  of  the  Plague  \ 
which  small  number  could  neither  cause  the  death  or  flight 
of  so  many  Women,  as  to  alter  the  proportion  J part  lower. 

3.  Moreover,  We  observe  from  the  21  of  July  to  the  12 
of  October,  the  Plague  increasing  reduced  the  Christenings  to 
70  at  a Medium,  diminishing  the  above  proportion  down  to 
Now  the  cause  of  this  must  be  flying,  and  death,  as  well  as 
Miscarriages  and  Abortions  ; for  there  died  within  that  time 
about  25000,  whereof  many  were  certainly  Women-zvith  child: 
besides,  the  fright  of  so  many  dying  within  so  small  a time, 
might  drive  away  so  many  others,  as  to  cause  this  Effedl. 

4.  From  December  1624,  to  the  middle  of  April  1625, 
there  died  not  above  five  a Week  of  the  Plague,  one  with 
another.  In  this  time,  the  Christenings  were  one  with  ano-|| 
ther  180.  The  which  decreased  gradually  by  the  22  of  (53) 
September  to  75,  or  from  the  proportion  of  12  to  5,  which 
evidently  squares  with  our  former  Observation. 

5.  The  next  Observation  we  .shall  offer  is.  The  time 
wherein  the  City  hath  been  Re-peopled  after  a great  Plague ; 
which  we  affirm  to  be  by  the  second  year.  For  in  1627  the 
Christenings  (which  are  our  Standard  in  this  Case)  were  8408, 
which  in  1624,  next  preceding  the  Plague-y^d^x  1625  (that  had 
swept  away  above  54000)  were  but  8299;  and  the  Christenings 
of  1626  (which  were  but  6701)  mounted  in  one  year  to  the 
said  8408. 

6.  Now  the  Cause  hereof,  forasmuch  as  it  cannot  be  a 
supply  by  Procreations ; Ergo,  it  must  be  by  new  Affluxes 
to  London  out  of  the  Country. 

7.  We  might  fortifie  this  Assertion  by  shewing,  that 
before  the  Plague-yQdiY  1603,  the  Christenings  were  about 
6000,  which  were  in  that  very  year  reduced  to  4789,  but 
crept  up  the  next  year  1604  to  5458,  recovering  their  former 


ii.  OF  ILL  LIB. 


368 


Gt'annf s Observatio7is. 


ordinary  proportion  in  1605  of  6504,  about  which  proportion 
it  stood  till  the  year  1610. 

8.  I say,  it  followeth,  that,  let  the  Mortality  be  what  it 
will,  the  City  repairs  its  loss  of  Inhabitants  within  two  years  ; 

(54)  which  Ob-||servation  lessens  the  Objedlion  made  against  the 
value  of  Houses  in  London,  as  if  they  were  liable  to  great 
prejudice  thrc^ugh  the  loss  of  Inhabitants  by  the  Plagiie. 


CHAP.  VI. 

Of  the  Sickliness,  Healthf'idness,  and  Frnitfidness  of  Seasons. 

I.  T T Aving  spoken  of  Casualties,  we  come  next  to  compare 
i 1 the  Sickliness,  Healthfulness,  and  Fruitfulness  of 
the  several  Years  and  Seasons  one  with  another.  And  first, 
having  in  the  Chapters  afore  going  mentioned  the  several 
years  of  Plagne,  we  shall  next  present  the  several  other 
sickly  years  ; we  meaning  by  a sickly  Year  such  wherein  the 
Bni'ials  exceed  those,  both  of  the  precedent  and  subsequent 
years,  and  not  above  two  hundred  dying  of  the  Plagne,  for 
such  we  call  Plagnc-Years  \ and  this  we  do,  that  the  World 
may  see,  by  what  spaces  and  intervals  we  may  hereafter 
expedl  such  times  again.  Now,  we  may  not  call  that  a 
more  sickly  year,  wherein  more  die,  because  such  excess  of 
(5.'^)  Burials  |]  may  proceed  from  increase  and  access  of  People 
to  the  City  only. 

2.  Such  sickly  years  were  1618,  20,  23,  24,  1632,  33,  34, 
1649,  52,  54,  SC  58;  61,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  Tablesk 

3.  In  reference  to  this  Observation  we  shall  present 
another,  namely.  That  the  more  sickly  the  years  are,  the 
less  fecund  or  fruitful  of  Children  also  they  be.  Which  will 
appear,  if  the  number  of  Children  born  in  the  said  sickly 
years  be  less  than  that  of  the  years  both  next  preceding  and 
next  following;  all  which,  upon  view  of  the  Tables,  will  be 

^ According  to  the  table  on  p.  408  the  years  1623,  1624,  1633  and  1634  fail 
to  satisfy  Graunt’s  definition  of  sickly  years. 


Plagues  arid  Coronations. 


369 


found  true,  except  in  a very  few  Cases,  where  sometimes  the 
precedent,  and  sometimes  the  subsequent  years  vary  a little, 
but  never  both  together.  Moreover,  for  the  confirmation  of 
this  Truth,  we  present  you  the  year  1660,  where  the  Burials 
were  fewer  than  in  either  of  the  two  next  precedent  years  by 
2000,  and  fewer  than  in  the  subsequent  by  above  4000  ; And 
withal,  the  number  of  Christenings  in  the  said  year  1660  was 
far  greater  than  in  any  of  the  three  years  next  afore-going. 

4.  As  to  this  year  1660,  although  we  would  not  be 
thought  Superstitious,  yet  it  is  not  to  be  negledled,  that  in 
the  said  year  was  the  King's  Restauration  to  His  Empire 
over  these  three  Nations,  as  if  God  Almighty  had  ||  caused  (56) 
the  healthfulness  and  fruitfulness  thereof  to  repair  the  Blood- 
shed and  Calamities  suffered  in  His  absence.  I say,  this 
conceit  doth  abundantly  counterpoise  the  Opinion  of  those 
who  think  great  Plagues  come  in  with  Kings  Reigns^  because 

it  hapned  so  twice,  viz.  Anno  1603,  and  1625  ; whereas  as 
well  the  year  1648,  wherein  the  present  King  commenced 
His  Right  to  reign,  as  also  the  year  1660,  wherein  He 
commenced  the  exercise  of  the  same,  were  both  eminently 
healthful : which  clears  both  Monarchy,  and  our  present 
Kings  Family,  from  what  seditious  men  have  surmised 
against  them. 

5.  The  Diseases,  which  beside  the  Plague  make  years 
unhealthful  in  this  City,  are  Spotted-Fevers,  Small-Pox, 
Dysentery,  called  by  some  The  Plague  in  the  Guts,  and  the 
unhealthful  Season  is  the  Autumn.  || 


CHAP.  VH.  (57) 

Of  the  difference  between  Burials  and  Christenings. 

I.  '"T^HE  next  Observation  is.  That  in  the  said  Bills  there 
JL  are  far  more  Burials  than  Christenings.  This  is 
plain,  depending  only  upon  Arithmetical  computation  ; for, 

^ The  outbreak  of  the  Plague  at  times  of  coronation  was  perhaps  in  part  due 
to  the  concourse  of  people  to  London. 


H.  P. 


24 


370 


Graunf s Observations. 


in  40  years,  from  the  year  1603,  to  the  year  1644,  exclusive 
of  both  years,  there  have  been  set  clown  (as  hapning  within 
the  same  ground,  space,  or  Parishes^)  although  differently 
numbred  and  divided,  363935  Burials,  and  but  330747 
Christenings  within  the  97,  16,  and  10  Out  Parishes;  those 
of  Westuii?ister,  Lambeth,  Newington,  Rcdrijf,  Stepney,  Hackney, 
and  Islington,  not  being  included. 

2.  P'rom  this  single  Observation  it  will  follow.  That 
London  should  have  decreased  in  its  People ; the  contrary 
whereof  we  see  by  its  daily  increase  of  Buildings  upon  new 
Foundations,  and  by  the  turning  of  great  Palacious  Houses 

(5.S)  into  small  Tenements.  It  is  thcre-jjfore  certain,  that  Londoji 
is  supplied  with  People  from  out  of  the  Country,  whereby  not 
only  to  supply  the  overplus  differences  of  Burials  above- 
mentioned,  but  likewise  to  increase  its  Inhabitants  according 
to  the  said  increase  of  housing. 

3.  This  supplying  of  London  seems  to  be  the  reason,  why 
Winchester,  Lincoln,  and  several  other  Cities  have  decreased 
in  their  Buildings,  and  consequently  in  their  Bdiabitants. 
The  same  may  be  suspedled  of  many  Towns  in  Corinval,  and 
other  places,  which  probably,  when  they  were  first  allowed  to 
send  Burgesses  to  the  Parliament,  were  more  populous  than 
now,  and  bore  another  proportion  to  London  than  now  ; for 
several  of  those  Burroughs  send  two  Burgesses,  whereas  London 
it  self  sends  but  four,  although  it  bears  the  fifteenth  part  of 
the  charge  of  the  whole  Nation  in  all  Pttblick  Taxes  and 
Levies  2. 

4.  But,  if  we  consider  what  I have  upon  exa6l  enquiry 
found  true,  viz.  That  in  the  Country^,  within  ninety  years, 
there  have  been  6339  Christenings,  and  but  5280  Burials,  the 
increase  of  London  will  be  salved  without  inferring  the  decrease 
of  the  People  in  the  Country;  and  withal,  in  case  all  E7igland 

(59)  have  but  fourteen  times  more  People  than  ||  London,  it  will 
appear,  how  the  said  increase  of  the  Country  may  increase 
the  People,  both  of  London  and  it  self ; for  if  there  be  in  the 
97,  16,  10,  and  7 Parishes,  usually  comprehended  within  our 

- See  Verbuin  Sap.,  p.  107,  note  3. 


^ See  Introduction. 
^ See  table,  p.  415. 


Burials  and  Christenings. 


371 


Bills,  but  460000  Souls,  as  hereafter  we  shall  shew^  then  there 
are  in  all  England  and  Wales  6440000  Persons,  out  of  which 
subtra6l  460000,  for  those  in  and  about  London,  there  remain 
5980000  in  the  Country,  the  which  increasing-  about  f part 
in  40  years,  as  we  shall  hereafter  prove'^  doth  happen  in  the 
Country,  the  whole  increase  of  the  Country  will  be  about 
854000  in  the  said  time  ; out  of  which  number,  if  but  about 
250000  be  sent  up  to  London  in  the  said  40  years,  viz.  about 
6000  per  Annum,  the  said  Missions  will  make  good  the  alte- 
rations, which  we  find  to  have  been  in  and  about  London, 
between  the  years  1603  and  1644  above-mentioned:  But  that 
250000  will  do  the  same,  I prove  thus  ; viz.  in  the  8 years, 
from  1603  to  1612,  the  Burials  in  all  the  Parishes,  and  of  all 
Diseases,  the  Plague  included,  were  at  a Medium  9750  per 
Annum.  And  between  1635  and  1644  were  18000,  the  dif- 
ference whereof  is  8250,  which  is  the  Total  of  the  increase  of 
the  Burials  in  40  years,  that  is,  about  206  per  Annum.  Now, 
to  make  the  Burials  increase  206  per  Annum,  there  must  || 
be  added  to  the  City  30  times  as  many  (according  to  the  (60) 
proportion  of  3 dying  out  of  ii  Families)^  viz.  6180  Advence, 
the  which  number  multiplied  again  by  the  40  years,  makes 
the  Produdl  247200,  which  is  less  than  the  250000  above- 
propounded  ; so  as  there  remain  above  600000  of  increase 
in  the  Country  within  the  said  40  years,  either  to  render  it 
more  populous,  or  send  forth  into  other  Colonies,  or  Wars. 

But  that  England  hath  fourteen  times  more  People,  is  not 
improbable,  for  the  Reasons  following. 

1.  London  is  observed  to  bear  about  the  fifteenth  pro- 
portion of  the  whole  Tax. 

2.  There  are  in  E7igland  and  Wales  about  39000  square 
Miles  of  Land,  and  we  have  computed  that  in  one  of  the 
greatest  Parishes  in  H ant  shire,  being  also  a Market-Town, 
and  containing  twelve  square  Miles,  there  are  220  Souls  in 
every  square  Mile,  out  of  which  I abate  J for  the  over-plus 
of  People  more  in  that  Parish  than  in  other  wild  Counties. 

So  as  the  f parts  of  the  said  220,  multiplied  by  the  Total 

^ See  p.  33 T,  note.  ^ cp  3 p_  ^85. 

24 — 2 


372 


Graniifs  Observaiious. 


of  square  Miles,  produces  6400000^  Souls  in  all  London 
included. 

3.  There  are  about  10000  Parishes  in  England  and  Wales, 
the  which,  although  they  should  not  contain  the  J part  of 

(61)  the  Land,  nor  the  I of  the  People  of  that  Country-Pa-||rish, 
which  we  have  examined,  yet  may  be  supposed  to  contain 
about  600  People,  one  with  another : according  to  which 
Account  there  will  be  six  Millions  of  People  in  the  Nation. 
I might  add,  that  there  arc  in  England  and  Wales  about  five 
and  twenty  Millions  of  Acres  at  16J  Foot  to  the  Perch  ; and 
if  there  be  six  Millions  of  People,  then  there  is  about  four 
Acres  for  every  head,  which  how  well  it  agrees  to  the  Rules 
of  Plantation,  I leave  unto  others,  not  only  as  a means  to 
examine  my  Assertion,  but  as  an  hint  to  their  enquiry 
concerning  the  fundamental  Trade,  which  is  Husbandry, 
and  Plantation. 

4.  Upon  the  whole  matter  we  may  therefore  conclude, 
That  the  People  of  the  whole  Nation  do  increase,  and  con- 
sequently the  decrease  of  Winehester,  Lineohiy  and  other  like 
places,  must  be  attributed  to  other  Reasons,  than  that  of 
re-furnishing  London  only. 

5.  We  come  to  shew,  why  although  in  the  Country  the 
Christenings  exceed  the  Bnrials,  yet  in  London  they  do  not. 
The  general  Reason  of  this  must  be,  that  in  London  the 
proportion  of  those  subje6l  to  die,  unto  those  capable  of 
breeding,  is  greater  than  in  the  Country  ; That  is,  let  there 
be  an  hundred  Persons  in  London,  and  as  many  in  the 

{62)  Country  ; we  say,  that,  if  there  be  sixty  of  them  ||  Breeders 
in  London,  there  are  more  than  sixty  in  the  Country,  or  else 
we  must  say,  that  London  is  more  unhealthful,  or  that  it 
inclines  Men  and  Women  more  to  Barrenness,  than  the 
Country : which  by  comparing  the  Burials  and  Christenings 
of  Llaekney,  Neivington,  and  the  other  Country-Parishes,  with 
the  most  Smoky  and  Stinking  parts  of  the  City,  is  scarce 
discernible  in  any  considerable  degree. 

6.  Now  that  the  Breeders  in  London  are  proportionably 


^ Tn  fact  6,435,000. 


UnlLcaltlLf Illness  of  London.  373 

fewer  than  those  in  the  Country,  arises  from  these  Reasons, 
viz. 

1.  All,  that  have  business  to  the  Court  of  the  King,  or 
to  the  Courts  of  Justice,  and  all  Country-men  coming  up  to 
bring  Provisions  to  the  City,  or  to  buy  Forein  Commodities, 
Manufadlures,  and  Rarities,  do  for  the  most  part  leave  their 
Wives  in  the  Country. 

2.  Persons  coming  to  live  in  London  out  of  curiosity  and 
pleasure,  as  also  such  as  would  retire  and  live  privately,  do 
the  same  if  they  have  any. 

3.  Such  as  come  up  to  be  cured  of  Diseases  do  scarce 
use  their  Wives  pro  tempore. 

4.  That  many  Apprentices  of  London,  who  are  bound 
seven  or  nine  years  from  Marriage,  do  often  stay  longer 
voluntarily.  || 

5.  That  many  Sea-men  of  London  leave  their  Wives  (63) 
behind  them,  who  are  more  subject  to  die  in  the  absence  of 
their  Husbands,  than  to  breed  either  without  men,  or  with 
the  use  of  many  promiscuously. 

6.  As  for  unhealthiness,  it  may  well  be  supposed,  that 
although  seasoned  Bodies  may,  and  do  live  near  as  long  in 
London,  as  elsewhere,  yet  new-comers  and  Children  do  not : 
for  the  Smoaks,  Stinks,  and  close  Air,  are  less  healthful  than 
that  of  the  Country ; otherwise  why  do  sickly  Persons  remove 
into  the  Country-Air  ? And  why  are  there  more  old  men 
in  Countries  than  in  London,  per  rata } And  although  the 
difference  in  Hackney  and  Newington,  above-mentioned,  be 
not  very  notorious,  yet  the  reason  may  be  their  vicinity  to 
London,  and  that  the  Inhabitants  are  most  such,  whose 
Bodies  have  first  been  impaired  with  the  London-Air,  before 
they  withdraw  thither. 

7.  As  to  the  causes  of  Barrenness  in  London,  I say,  that 
although  there  should  be  none  extraordinary  in  the  Native 
Air  of  the  place;  yet  the  intemperance  in  feeding,  and 
especially  the  Adulteries  and  Fornications,  supposed  more 
frequent  in  L^ondon  than  elsewhere,  do  certainly  hinder 
Breeding.  For  a Woman,  admitting  ten  Men,  is  so  far  from  || 
having  ten  times  as  many  Children,  that  she  hath  none  at  all.  (64) 


374 


G rat  in  fs  Observations. 


8.  Add  to  this,  that  the  minds  of  men  in  London  are 
more  thoughtful,  and  full  of  business,  than  in  the  Country, 
where  their  work  is  corporal  Labour  and  Exercises;  All 
which  promote  Breeding,  whereas  Anxieties  of  the  mind 
hinder  it. 


C H A P.  VIIL 

Of  the  dijjerence  between  the  numbers  of  Males  and  Females. 

The  next  Observation  is,  That  there  be  more  Males  than 
Females^. 

I.  There  have  been  Buried  from  the  year  1628,  to  the 
year  1662,  exclusive,  209436  Males,  and  but  190474  Females: 
but  it  will  be  objedled.  That  in  London  it  may  be  indeed 
so,  though  otherwise  elsewhere  ; because  London  is  the  great 
Stage  and  Shop  of  business,  wherein  the  Masculine  Sex  bears 
the  greatest  part.  But  we  Answer,  That  there  have  been 
also  Christened  within  the  same  time  139782  Males,  and 
(65)  but  130866  Females,  and  that  ||  the  Country- Accounts  are 
consonant  enough  to  those  of  London  upon  this  matter‘d 

2.  What  the  Causes  hereof  are,  we  shall  not  trouble  our 
selves  to  conjedlure,  as  in  other  Cases : only  we  shall  desire, 
that  Travellers  would  enquire,  whether  it  be  the  same  in 
other  Countries. 

3.  We  should  have  given  an  Account,  how  in  every 
Age  these  proportions  change  here,  but  that  we  have  Bills 
of  distinclion  but  for  32  years,  so  that  we  shall  pass  from 
hence  to  some  Inferences  from  this  Conclusion  ; as  first, 

I.  That  Christian  Religion,  prohibiting  Polygamy,  is 
more  agreeable  to  the  Laiv  of  Nature,  that  is,  the  Law  of 
God,  than  Mahumetism,  and  others,  that  allow  it : for  one 
Man  his  having  many  Women,  or  Wives,  by  Law,  signifies 
nothing,  unless  there  were  many  Women  to  one  Man  in 
Nature  also. 


^ Tlie  Table  of  Males  and  Females  is  al  p.  411. 


- See  p.  389. 


Numbers  of  Males  and  Females. 


375 


II.  The  obvious  Obje6lion  hereunto  is,  That  one  Horse, 
Bull,  or  Ra7n,  having  each  of  them  many  Females,  do  promote 
increase.  To  which  I Answer,  That  although  perhaps  there 
be  naturally,  even  of  these  speeies,  more  Males  than  Females, 
yet  ajdifieially,  that  is,  by  making  Geldings,  Oxen,  and  Weathei's, 
there  are  fewer.  From  whence  it  will  follow,  That  when  by 
experience  it  is  found  how  ma-||ny  Eivs  (suppose  twenty)  (66) 
one  Ram  will  serve,  we  may  know  what  proportion  of  male- 
Lanibs  to  castrate  or  geld,  viz.  nineteen,  or  thereabouts  : for 

if  you  emasculate  fewer,  viz.  but  ten,  you  shall,  by  promiscuous 
copulation  of  each  of  those  ten  with  two  Females,  hinder  the 
increase,  so  far  as  the  admittance  of  two  Males  will  do  it : 
but,  if  you  castrate  none  at  all,  it  is  highly  probable,  that, 
every  of  the  twenty  Males  copulating  with  every  of  the 
twenty  Females,  there  will  be  little  or  no  conception  in  any 
of  them  all. 

III.  And  this  I take  to  be  the  truest  Reason,  why  Foxes, 
Wolves,  and  other  Vermin  Animals,  that  are  not  gelt,  increase 
not  faster  than  Sheep,  when  as  so  many  thousands  of  these 
are  daily  Butchered,  and  very  few  of  the  other  die  otherwise 
than  of  themselves. 

4.  We  have  hitherto  said,  There  are  more  Males  than 
Females',  we  say  next.  That  the  one  exceed  the  other  by 
about  a thirteenth  part.  So  that  although  more  Men  die 
violent  deaths  than  Women,  that  is,  more  are  slain  in  Wars, 
killed  by  Misehance,  droivned  at  Sea,  and  die  by  the  Hand 
of  Justiee  ; moreover,  more  Men  go  to  Colonics,  and  travel 
into  Forein  parts,  than  Women  ; and  lastly,  more  remain 
unmarried  than  of  Women,  as  Fellozvs  of  Colleges,  and 
Apprentices  above  eighteen,  ||  &e.  yet  the  said  thirteenth  (67) 
part  difference  bringeth  the  business  but  to  such  a pass, 
that  every  Woman  may  have  an  Husband,  without  the 
allowance  of  Polygamy. 

5.  Moreover,  although  a Man  be  Prolifiek  fourty  years, 
and  a Woman  but  five  and  twenty,  which  makes  the  Males 
to  be  as  560  to  325  Females,  yet  the  causes  above-named,  and 
the  later  marriage  of  the  Men,  reduce  all  to  an  equality. 

6.  It  appearing,  that  there  were  fourteen  Men  to  thirteen 


37<5 


G raunts  Observations. 


Women,  and  that  they  die  in  the  same  proportion  also;  yet 
I have  heard  Physicians  say,  that  they  have  two  Women 
Patients  to  one  Man,  which  Assertion  seems  very  likely  ; 
for  that  Women  have  either  the  Greensickness,  or  other  like 
Distempers,  are  sick  of  B7^eedings,  Abortions,  Ckild-beaydng, 
Sore-bj^easts,  Whites,  Obstructions,  Fits  of  the  Mother,  and 
the  like. 

7.  Now  from  this  it  should  follow,  that  more  Women 
should  die  than  Men,  if  the  number  of  Burials  answered  in 
proportion  to  that  of  Sicknesses  : but  this  must  be  salved, 
either  by  the  alleging,  that  the  Physicians  cure  those  Sick- 
nesses, so  as  few  more  die  than  if  none  were  sick ; or  else 
that  Men,  being  more  intemperate  than  Women,  die  as  much 

(68)  by  reason  of  their  Vices,  as  Women  do  by  the  Infir-|imity  of 
their  Sex ; and  consequently,  more  Males  being  born  than 
Females,  more  also  die. 

8.  In  the  year  1642  many  Males  went  out  of  London 
into  the  Wars  then  beginning,  insomuch  as  I expe6led  in  the 
succeeding  year  1643  to  have  found  the  Bttrials  of  Females 
to  have  exce'eded  those  of  Males,  but  no  alteration  appeared  ; 
forasmuch,  as  I suppose,  Trading  continuing  the  same  in 
Lo7idon,  all  those,  who  lost  their  Appre^itices,  had  others  out 
of  the  Country;  and  if  any  left  their  Trades  and  Shops,  that 
others  forthwith  succeeded  them  : for,  if  employment  for 
hands  remain  the  same,  no  doubt  but  the  number  of  them 
could  not  long  continue  in  disproportion. 

9.  Another  pregnant  Argument  to  the  same  purpose 
(which  hath  already  been  touched  on)  is.  That  although  in 
the  very  year  of  the  Plague  the  Christenings  decreased,  by 
the  dying  and  flying  of  Teerning-  Women,  yet  the  very  next 
year  after  they  increased  somewhat,  but  the  second  after  to 
as  full  a number  as  in  the  second  year  before  the  said  Plague\ 
for  I say  again,  if  there  be  encouragement  for  an  hundred  in 
London,  that  is,  a Way  how  an  hundred  may  live  better  than 
in  the  Country,  and  if  there  be  void  Housing  there  to  receive  || 

(69)  them,  the  evacuating  of  a fourth  or  third  part  of  that  number 
must  soon  be  supplied  out  of  the  Country ; so  as  the  great 
l^lague  doth  not  lessen  the  Inhabitants  of  the  City,  but  of 


Polygamy. 


377 


the  Country,  who  in  a short  time  remove  themselves  from 
thence  hither,  so  long,  until  the  City,  for  want  of  receipt  and 
encouragement,  regurgitates  and  sends  them  back, 

10.  From  the  difference  between  Males  and  Females,  we 
see  the  reason  of  making  Eunuchs  in  those  places  where 
Polygamy  is  allowed,  the  later  being  useless  as  to  multipli- 
cation, without  the  former,  as  was  said  before  in  case  of 
Sheep  and  other  Animals  usually  gelt  in  these  Countries. 

11.  By  consequence,  this  pra6lice  of  Castration  serves  as 
well  to  promote  increase,  as  to  meliorate  the  Flesh  of  those 
Beasts  that  suffer  it.  For  that  Operation  is  equally  pra6lised 
upon  Horses,  which  are  not  used  for  food,  as  upon  those 
that  are. 

12.  In  Popish  Countries,  where  Polygamy  is  forbidden, 
if  a greater  number  of  Males  oblige  themselves  to  Ccelibate, 
than  the  natural  over-plus,  or  difference  between  them  and 
Females  amounts  unto ; then  multiplication  is  hindred  : for 
if  there  be  eight  Men  to  ten  Women,  all  of  which  eight  Men 
are  married  to  eight  of  the  ten  Women,  then  the  other  two  || 
bear  no  Children,  as  either  admitting  no  Man  at  all,  or  else  ( 
admitting  Men  as  Whores  (that  is,  more  than  one ;)  which 
commonly  procreates  no  more  than  if  none  at  all  had  been 
used  : or  else  such  unlawful  Copulations  beget  Conceptions, 
but  to  frustrate  them  by  procured  Abortions,  or  secret  Mur- 
thers  ; all  which  returns  to  the  same  reckoning.  Now,  if  the 
same  proportion  of  Women  oblige  themselves  to  a single 
life  likewise,  then  such  obligation  makes  no  change  in  this 
matter  of  increase. 

13.  From  what  hath  been  said  appears  the  reason,  why 
the  Law  is  and  ought  to  be  so  stricSt  against  Fornications  and 
Adulteries:  for,  if  there  were  universal  liberty,  the  Increase 
of  Mankind  would  be  but  like  that  of  Foxes  at  best. 

14.  Now  forasmuch  as  Princes  are  not  only  Powerful, 
but  Rich,  according  to  the  number  of  their  People  (Hands 
being  the  P'ather,  as  Lands  are  the  Mother  and  Womb  of 
Wealth)^  it  is  no  wonder  why  States,  by  encouraging  Marriage, 

1 This  idea,  which  occurs  in  slightly  different  phraseology  in  Petty’s  Treatise 
of  Taxes  (p.  68),  has  been  pronounced  a “leading  thought  in  his  writings.” 


Oral  in  fs  Observations. 


37^^ 

and  hindering  Licentiousness,  advance  their  own  Interest, 
as  well  as  preserve  the  Laws  of  God  from  contempt  and 
violation. 

15.  It  is  a Blessing  to  Mankind,  that  by  this  over-plus 
of  Males  there  is  this  natural  j|  Bar  to  Polygamy : for  in  such 
a state  Women  could  not  live  in  that  parity  and  equality  of 
expense  with  their  Husbands,  as  now,  and  here  they  do. 

16.  The  reason  whereof  is,  not,  that  the  Husband  cannot 
maintain  as  splendidly  three,  as  one  ; for  he  might,  having 
three  Wives,  live  himself  upon  a quarter  of  his  Income,  that 
is,  in  a parity  with  all  three,  as  well  as,  having  but  one,  live 
in  the  same  parity  at  half  with  her  alone  : but  rather,  because 
that  to  keep  them  all  quiet  with  each  other,  and  himself,  he 
must  keep  them  all  in  greater  aw,  and  less  splendour  ; which 
power  he  having,  he  will  probably  use  it  to  keep  them  all  as 
low  as  he  pleases,  and  at  no  more  cost  than  makes  for  his 
own  pleasure;  the  poorest  Subjedls,  (such  as  this  plurality  of 
Wives  must  be)  being  most  easily  governed.  || 


C H A P.  IX. 

Of  the  groivth  of  the  City. 

I.  T N the  year  1593  there  died  in  the  ninety  seven  Parishes 
X within  the  walls,  and  the  sixteen  without  the  walls 
(besides  421  of  the  Plague)  3508.  And  the  next  year  3478, 
besides  29  of  the  Plagne:  in  both  years  6986.  Twenty  yeans 


Ingram,  IlisL  of  Political  Economy,  5r;  the  suggestion  is  followed  by  Bevan, 
Sir  IV.  Petty,  a Study,  53.  The  figure  in  which  the  idea  is  expressed  apparently 
reflects  the  current  notion,  at  least  as  old  as  Aristotle,  that  the  female  is  passive 
in  generation.  Legouv^  Moral  history  of  Woman,  tr.  Palmer,  216.  Even  the 
form  of  expressing  the  analogy  is,  probably,  older  than  either  Graunt  or  Petty, 
for  both  place  the  words  in  brackets — a seventeenth  century  equivalent  for  marks 
of  quotation — and  Schulz,  in  his  translation  of  Graunt,  writes,  “weil,  nach  dem 
Sprichwort,  die  hander  der  welt  vater,  und  das  land  derselbtcn  mutter  isl.” 


Gi'oivth  of  London. 


379 


after  there  died  in  the  same  ninety  seven,  and  sixteen  Parishes, 
I2IIO,  vi^.  Anno  1614,  5873  ; and  Anno  1615,  6237  : so  as  the 
said  Parishes  are  increased,  in  the  said  time,  from  seven  to 
twelve,  or  very  near  thereabouts. 

2.  Moreover,  the  Bitrials  within  the  like  space  of  the 
next  twenty  years,  viz.  Anno  1634  and  1635,  were  15625, 
viz.  as  about  twenty  four  to  thirty  one  : the  which  last  of 
the  three  numbers,  15625,  is  much  more  than  double  to  the 
first  6986;  viz.  the  said  Parishes  have  in  fourty  years  increased 
from  twenty  three  to  fifty  two. 

3.  Where  is  to  be  noted,  That  although  we  were  neces- 
sitated to  compound  the  said  ||  ninety  seven  with  the  sixteen  (73) 
Parishes,  yet  the  sixteen  Parishes  have  increased  faster  than 
the  ninety  seven.  For,  in  the  year  1620,  there  died  within 
the  walls  2726,  and  in  1660  there  died  but  3098  (both  years 
being  clear  of  the  Plagne\)  so  as  in  this  fourty  years  the  said 
ninety  seven  Parishes  have  increased  but  from  nine  to  ten,  or 
thereabouts,  because  the  Housing  of  the  said  ninety  seven 
Parishes  could  be  no  otherwise  increased,  than  by  turning 
great  Houses  into  Tenements,  and  building  upon  a few 
Gardens. 

4.  In  the  year  1604  there  died  in  the  ninety  seven 

Parishes  1518,  and  of  the  Plague  280.  And  in  the  year  1660, 
3098,  and  none  of  the  Plagite ; so  as  in  fifty  six  years  the 
said  Parishes  have  doubled.  Where  note.  That  forasmuch  as 
in  the  said  year  1604  was  the  very  next  year  after  the  great 
Plague  1603  (when  the  City  was  not  yet  re-peopled)  we  shall 
rather  make  the  comparison  between  2014,  which  died  Anno 
1605,  3431  Anno  1659  choosing  rather  from  hence  to 

assert.  That  the  said  ninety  seven  and  sixteen  Parishes 
increased  from  twenty  to  thirty  four,  or  from  ten  to  seventeen 
in  fifty  four  years,  than  from  one  to  two  in  fifty  six,  as  in  the 
last  aforegoing  Paragraph  is  set  down.  || 

5.  Anno  1605  there  died  in  the  sixteen  Out-Parishes  (74) 
2974,  and  Anno  1659,  6988  : so  as  in  the  fifty  four  years  the 
said  Parishes  have  increased  from  three  to  seven. 

6.  Anno  1605  there  died  in  the  eight  Out-Parishes  960, 
Anno  1659  there  died  in  the  same  scope  of  Ground,  although 


Graunfs  Observations. 


380 

called  now  ten  Parishes  (the  Savoy  and  Covent- Garden^  being 
added)  4301  : so  as  the  said  Parishes  have  increased,  within 
the  said  fifty  four  years,  more  than  from  one  to  four. 

7.  Moreover,  there  were  Buried  in  all,  Anno  1605,  5948, 
and  Anno  1659,  14720,  viz.  about  two  to  five. 

8.  Having  set  down  the  proportions,  wherein  we  find  the 
said  three  great  Divisions  of  the  whole  Pyle,  called  London^ 
to  have  increased  ; we  come  next  to  shew  what  particular 
Parishes  have  had  the  most  remarkable  share  in  these  Aug- 
mentations. Viz.  of  the  ninety  seven  Parishes  within  the 
Walls  the  increase  is  not  discernible,  but  where  great  Houses, 
formerly  belonging  to  Noblemen,  before  they  built  others 
near  White-hall^  have  been  turned  into  Tenements ; upon 
which  Account  Alhalloivs  upon  the  Wall  is  increased  by  the 
conversion  of  the  Marquess  of  Winehesteds  House,  lately 
the  Spanish  Embassadour’s,  into  a new  Street ; the  like  of 

{75)  Alder-||man  Freeman’s,  and  La  Motte’s  near  the  Exehange\ 
the  like  of  the  Earl  of  Arundel’s  in  Loth-bury\  the  like  of 
the  Bishop  of  London’s  Palace,  the  Dean  of  Paul’s,  and  the 
Lord  River’s  House  now  in  hand;  as  also  of  the  Duke’s- Place, 
and  others  heretofore. 

9.  Of  the  sixteen  Parishes,  next  without  the  Walls,  Saint 
Giles  Cripplegate  hath  been  most  enlarged,  next  to  that  Saint 
O laves  Southwark,  then  Saint  Andrezv’s  Holborn,  then  White- 
Chappel,  the  difference  in  the  rest  not  being  considerable. 

10.  Of  the  Out-Parishes,  now  called  ten,  formerly  nine, 
and  before  that  eight.  Saint  Giles’s  and  Saint  Martin’s  in 
the  Fields  are  most  increased,  notwithstanding  Saint  Paul’s 
Covent-Garden  was  taken  out  of  them  both. 

11.  The  general  Observation,  which  arises  from  hence,  is. 
That  the  City  of  London  gradually  removes  Westward,  and 
did  not  the  Royal  Exchange  and  London- B ridg  s\.?iy  the  Trade, 
it  would  remove  much  faster:  for  Leaden-Hall-street,  Bishop’s- 
Gate,  and  part  of  Fcn-Church-street,  have  lost  their  Ancient 
Trade;  Grace-Church-street  indeed  keeping  it  self  yet  entire. 


^ St  Mary,  Savoy,  was  erected  a parish  in  1606,  St  Paul,  Covent  Garden, 
in  1645.  See  Introduction,  also  p.  345,  note. 


Westward  Movement  of  the  City.  381 

by  reason  of  its  conjun6lion  with,  and  relation  to  London- 
Bridg.  II 

12.  Again,  Canning-street  and  Watlin-street,  have  lost  (7^>) 
their  Trade  of  Woollen-Drapery  to  Paid's  Church-  Yard, 
Ludgatc  hill,  and  Fleet-street',  the  Mercery  is  gone  from  out 

of  Lnmbard-strcet  and  Cheap-side  into  Patcr-Noster-Row  and 
Fleet-street. 

13.  The  reasons  whereof  are.  That  the  King’s  Court 
(in  old  times  frequently  kept  in  the  City)  is  now  always  at 
Westminster.  Secondly,  the  use  of  Coaches,  whereunto  the 
narrow  Streets  of  the  old  City  are  unfit,  hath  caused  the 
building  of  those  broader  Streets  in  Covent-Garden,  &c. 

14.  Thirdly,  where  the  Consumption  of  a Commodity  is, 
viz.  among  the  Gentry,  the  Venders  of  the  same  must  seat 
themselves. 

15.  Fourthly,  the  cramming  up  of  the  void  spaces  and 
Gardens  within  the  Walls  with  Houses,  to  the  prejudice  of 
Light  and  Air,  have  made  men  build  new  ones,  where  they 
less  fear  those  inconveniencies. 

16.  Conformity  in  Building  to  other  civil  Nations  hath 
disposed  us  to  let  our  old  Wooden  dark  Houses  fall  to  decay, 
and  to  build  new  ones,  whereby  to  answer  all  the  ends 
above-mentioned. 

17.  Where  note.  That  when  Lud-gate  was  the  only 
Western  Gate  of  the  City,  little  ||  Building  was  Westward  (77) 
thereof : but,  when  Holborn  began  to  increase,  New-gate  was 
made.  But  now  both  these  Gates  are  not  sufficient  for  the 
Communication  between  the  Walled  City,  and  its  enlarged 
Western  Suburbs,  as  daily  appears  by  the  intolerable  stops 
and  embarasses  of  Coaches  near  both  these  Gates,  especially 
Lud-gate. 


382 


Cr aunt's  Observations. 


c ir  A w X. 

Of  the  Inequality  of  Parishes. 

I.  T)  Eforc  we  pass  from  hence,  we  shall  offer  to  considera- 
tioii  the  Inequality  of  Parishes  in  and  about  London^ 
evident  in  the  proportion  of  their  respedlive  Burials  \ for  in 
the  same  year  were  Buried  in  Cripple-gate- Parish  1191,  that 
but  twelve  died  in  Trinity-Mhiories^  Saint  Saviour'^  Sonth- 
luark,  and  Botolph's  Bishops-gate,  being  of  the  middle  size,  as 
burying  five  and  600  per  Annum  \ so  that  Cripple-gate  is  an 
hundred  times  as  big  as  the  Miuories,  and  200  times  as  big 
as  Saint  John  the  Evangelist's,  Mary-  Coal-Church,  Benuet's- 
8)  Grace-Church,  M atthezv-Friday-\street , and  some  others  within 
the  City. 

2.  Hence  may  arise  this  Question,  Wherefore  should  this 
Inequality  be  continued  t If  it  be  Answered,  Because  that 
Pastours  of  all  sorts,  and  sizes  of  Abilities,  may  have  Benefices, 
each  man  according  to  his  merit : we  Answer,  That  a two 
hundredth  part  of  the  best  Parsons  learning  is  scarce  enough 
for  a Sexton.  But  besides,  there  seems  no  reason  of  any 
difference  at  all,  it  being  as  much  Science  to  save  one  single 
Soul,  as  one  thousand. 

3.  We  incline  therefore  to  think  the  Parishes  should  be 
equaP,  or  near,  because,  in  the  Reformed  Religions,  the  prin- 
cipal use  of  Churches  is  to  Preach  in : now  the  bigness  of  such 
a Church  ought  to  be  no  greater,  than  that  unto  which  the 
voice  of  a Preacher  of  middling  Lungs  will  easily  extend;  I 
say  easily,  because  they  speak  an  hour  or  more  together. 

4.  The  use  of  such  large  Churches,  as  Paul's,  is  now 
wholly  lost,  we  having  no  need  of  saying  perhaps  fifty  Masses 
all  at  one  time;  nor  of  making  those  grand  Processions  frequent 
in  the  Romish  Churclr,  nor  is  the  shape  of  our  Cathedral  proper 

^ On  the  inconvenience  arising,  after  the  Restoration,  from  the  excessive  size 
of  certain  parishes,  see  Eden,  State  of  the  Poor,  i.  175 — 177  n.  and  cf.  14 
Charles  II.  c.  12,  21.  See  also  Petty’s  Treatise  of  Taxes,  p.  5,  note,  and  his 
Potit.  Arifh.  p.  301. 


Population  of  London. 


383 


at  all  for  our  Preaching  Anditories,  but  rather  the  Figure  of  an 
A-mphi-Theater  with  Galleries,  gradually  over-look-||ing  each  (79) 
other:  for  unto  this  Condition  the  Parish-Churches  of  London 
are  driving  apace,  as  appears  by  the  many  Galleries  every  day 
built  in  them. 

5.  Moreover,  if  Parishes  were  brought  to  the  size  of 
Coalman-street,  Alhalloivs-Barking,  Christ- Church,  Black- 
Friers,  &c.  in  each  whereof  die  between  100  and  150  per 
Annum,  then  an  hundred  Parishes  would  be  a fit  and  equal 
Division  of  this  great  charge,  and  all  the  Afinisters  (some 
whereof  have  now  scarce  fourty  pounds  per  Ajinum)  might 
obtain  a subsistence, 

6.  And  lastly.  The  Church-  Wardens  and  Overseers  of 
the  Poor  might  find  it  possible  to  discharge  their  Duties, 
whereas  now  in  the  greater  Out- Parishes  many  of  the  poorer 
Parishioners  through  negledl  do  perish,  and  many  vicious 
persons  get  liberty  to  live  as  they  please,  for  want  of  some 
heedful  Eye  to  overlook  them.  j| 


CHAP.  XI.  (So) 

Of  the  number  of  Inhabitants. 

IHave  been  several  times  in  company  with  men  of  great 
experience  in  this  City,  and  have  heard  them  talk  seldom 
under  Millions  of  People  to  be  in  Londoid  : all  which  I was 
apt  enough  to  believe,  until,  on  a certain  day,  one  of  eminent 
Reputation  was  upon  occasion  asserting,  That  there  was  in 
the  year  1661  two  Millions  of  People  more  than  Anno  1625 
before  the  great  Plague.  I must  confess,  that,  until  this 
provocation,  I had  been  frighted,  with  that  mis-understood 

^ The  Scots  Scouts  Discoveries  declared  that  in  1639  London  contained  100000 
Frenchmen  and  Dutchmen.  Morgan,  Phoenix  Bi'itannicns,  463.  Howell  estimated 
that  in  1657  the  various  parts  of  London  “with  divers  more  which  are  contiguous 
and  one  entire  piece  with  London  herself”  had  a population  of  a million  and  a 
half.  Londonopolis,  403. 


3^4 


Graiinf s Observations. 


Example  of  David\  from  attempting  any  computation  of 
the  People  of  this  populous  place;  but  hereupon  I both 
examined  the  lawfulness  of  making  such  Enquiries,  and, 
being  satisfied  thereof,  went  about  the  work  it  self  in  this 
manner:  vis;. 

2.  P'irst,  I imagined.  That,  if  the  Conjedlure  of  the  worthy 
Person  afore-mentioned  had  any  truth  in  it,  there  must  needs 

{8i)  be  about  six  or  seven  Millions  of  People  in  London  ||  now; 
but,  repairing  to  my  Bills,  I found,  that  not  above  15000  per 
Annum  were  buried;  and  consequently,  that  not  above  one 
in  four  hundred  must  die  per  Annum,  if  the  Total  were  but 
six  Millions. 

3.  Next  considering,  That  it  is  esteemed  an  even  lay, 
whether  any  man  lives  ten  years  longer^,  I supposed  it  was  the 
same,  that  one  of  any  ten  might  die  within  one  year.  But 
when  I considered,  that  of  the  1 5000  afore-mentioned  about 
5000  were  Abortive  and  Still-born,  or  died  of  Teeth,  Cojtzndsion, 
Rickets,  or  as  Infants,  and  Chrysoms,  and  Aged ; I concluded, 
that  of  Men  and  Women,  between  ten  and  sixty,  there  scarce 
died  10000 per  Annum  in  London,  which  number  being  multi- 
plied by  io‘2,  there  must  be  but  lOOOoMn  all,  that  is  not  the 

part  of  what  the  Alderma^i  imagined.  These  were  but 
sudden  thoughts  on  both  sides,  and  both  far  from  truth,  I 
thereupon  endeavoured  to  get  a little  nearer,  thus  : viz. 

4.  I considered,  that  the  number  of  Childdiearing  Women 
might  be  about  double  to  the  Births : forasmuch  as  such 
Women,  one  with  another,  have  scarce  more  than  one  Child 
in  two  years.  The  number  of  Births  I found,  by  those  years 
wherein  the  Registries  were  well  kept,  to  have  been  somewhat 

(82)  less  than  ||  the  Buidals.  The  Biirials  in  these  late  years  at  a 
Medium  are  about  1 3000,  and  consequently  the  Christenings 
not  above  12000.  I therefore  esteemed  the  number  of  Teem- 
ing- Women  to  be  24000 : then  I imagined,  that  there  might 
be  twice  as  many  Families,  as  of  such  Women  ; for  that  there 

^ 2 Samuel,  xxiv.  i — 9 ; i Chronicles,  xxi.  i — 8. 

^ If  it  be  “an  even  lay,  whether  any  man  lives  ten  years  longer,”  Graunt’s 
multiplier,  seven  lines  lower,  should  be  20,  not  10. 

" 10000  is  a misprint  for  looooo. 


Number  of  Families  in  London. 


385 


might  be  twice  as  many  Women  Aged  between  16  and  76,  as 
between  16  and  40,  or  between  20  and  44;  and  that  there 
were  about  eight  Persons  in  a Family,  one  with  another,  viz. 
the  Man  and  his  Wife,  three  Children  and  three  Servants  or 
Lodgers  : now  8 times  48000  makes  384000. 

5.  Secondly,  I find,  by  telling  the  number  of  Families  in 
some  Parishes  within  the  Walls,  that  3 out  of  1 1 Families  per 
anmim  have  died  : wherefore,  1 3000  having  died  in  the  whole, 
it  should  follow,  there  were  48000^  Families  according  to  the 
last-mentioned  Account. 

6.  Thirdly,  the  Account,  which  I made  of  the  Trained- 
Bands  and  Auxiliary doth  enough  justifie  this 
Account. 

7.  And  lastly,  I took  the  Map  of  London  set  out  in  the 
year  1658  by  Richard  Nezvcoiirt^,  drawn  by  a Scale  of  Yards. 
Now  I ghessed  that  in  100  Yards  square  there  might  be  about 

54  Families,  supposing  every  House  ||  to  be  20  Foot  in  the  (83) 
front;  for  on  two  sides  of  the  said  square  there  will  be  100 
Yards  of  Housing  in  each,  and  in  the  two  other  sides  80 
each;  in  all  360  Yards:  that  is,  54  Families  in  each  square, 
of  which  there  are  220  within  the  Walls,  making  in  all 
11880  Families  within  the  Walls.  But  forasmuch  as  there 
die  within  the  Walls  about  3200  per  Annum,  and  in  the 
whole  13000;  it  follows,  that  the  Housing  within  the  Walls 
is  J part  of  the  whole,  and  consequently,  that  there  are  47520 
Families  in  and  about  London,  which  agrees  well  enough 
with  all  my  former  computations : the  worst  whereof  doth 
sufficiently  demonstrate,  that  there  are  two  Millions^  of  People 
in  London,  which  nevertheless  most  men  do  believe,  as  they 
do,  that  there  be  three  Women  for  one  Man,  whereas  there 

1 More  accurately  47,667. 

2 “An  exact  Delineation  of  the  Cities  of  London  and  Westminster  and  the 
Suburbs  Thereof,  Together  y®  Burrough  of  Southwark  And  All  y®  Through - 
fares  Highwayes  Streetes  Lanes  and  Common  Allies  w‘^in  y®  same  Composed  by 
a Scale  and  Ichnographically  described  by  Richard  Newcourt  of  Somerton  in  the 

Countie  of  Somersett  Gentleman.  Will™  Faithorne  sculpsit.” Facsimile, 

London  : E.  Stanford,  1878. 

^ The  first  edition  has,  “that  there  are  no  Millions,”  the  fourth,  “that  there 
are  not  two  Millions.” 


H.  P. 


25 


386 


Grauiifs  Observatio?is. 


arc  fourteen  Men  for  thirteen  Women,  as  elsewhere  hath  been 
said 

8.  We  have  (though  perhaps  too  much  at  Random) 
determined  the  number  of  the  Inhabitants  of  London'^  to  be 
about  384000:  the  which  being  granted,  we  assert,  that  1991 12 
RYC  Ma/es,  a.nd  \Z^\Z6  Females. 

9.  Whereas  we  have  found  ^ that  of  100  quick  Concep- 
tions about  36  of  them  die  before  they  be  six  years  old,  and 

(84)  that  perhaps  but  one  surviveth  76"* ; we  having  seven  De-\\cads 
between  six  and  76,  we  sought  six  mean  proportional  numbers^ 
between  64,  the  remainder,  living  at  six  years,  and  the  one, 
which  survives  76,  and  find,  that  the  numbers  following  are 
pra61:ically  near  enough  to  the  truth  ; for  men  do  not  die  in 
exa6l  proportions,  nor  in  Fra6lions,  from  whence  arises  this 
Table  following. 

Of  an  hundred  there  die  within  the  first  six  years®  36 

1 See  p.  374. 

- Excluding  Westminster  and  the  six  parishes  enumerated  at  p.  345. 

3 See  p.  349. 

From  the  bills  Graunt  calculates  (p.  352)  that  seven  in  100  survive  70.  The 
grounds  of  his  assumption  that  but  one  survives  76  are  not  evident. 

“ This  method  of  constructing  a table  of  mortality  suggests  Petty’s  Discourse 
of  Duplicate  Proportion  . 

*’  With  this  calculation  of  London’s  mortality  may  be  compared  the  figures 
for  Geneva  in  the  seventeenth  century,  'fhe  following  table,  compiled  from 
Edouard  Mallet’s  Recherches  hist,  ct  stat.  sur  la  poptilation  de  Geneve  {Annul es 
d' hygiene publique  et  de  niedccine  legale.,  xvii.  p.  30,  Janv. , 1837),  gives  the  returns 
for  all  the  persons  whose  age  at  death  was  recorded  in  the  years  1601 — 1700. 
The  table  reveals  a juvenile  mortality  even  higher  than  Graunt’s  calculation  for 
London. 


Age  in  years. 


Number  of  deaths. 


1 — 6 
7— id 
17 — 26 
27—36 

.^7— 

47—56 

.57—66 

67—76 

77—86 

87 — 120 


22,967 

4.949 

4.0.52 

.3.761 

3.9.38 

4,026 

3,800 

3.273 

2,436 

.581 


6-4 
4 7 
ou 


7-' 

7’4 


.S3. 783 


TOO 


Expectation  of  Life.  387 

The  next  ten  years,  or  Decad  24 

The  second  Decad  1 5 

The  third  Decad  9 

The  fourth  6 

The  next  4 

The  next  3 

The  next  2 

The  next  i 

10.  From  whence  it  follows,  that  of  the  said  100  con- 

ceived, there  remain  alive  at  six  years  end  64. 

At  sixteen  years  end  40 

At  twenty  six  25 

At  thirty  six  16 

At  fourty  six  10 

At  fifty  six  6 

At  sixty  [six]  3 

At  seventy  six  i 

At  eighty  [six]  o || 


11.  It  follows  also,  That  of  all  which  have  been  conceived,  (85) 
there  are  now  alive  40  per  Cent,  above  sixteen  years  old,  25 
above  twenty  six  years  old,  & sie  deineeps,  as  in  the  above- 
Table.  There  are  therefore  of  Aged  between  16  and  56  the 
number  of  40,  less  by  six,  vis.  34  ; of  between  26  and  66  the 
number  of  25,  less  by  three,  vis.  22  : & sie  deineeps. 

Wherefore,  supposing  there  be  1991 12  Males,  and  the 
number  between  16  and  56  being  34  ; it  follows,  there  are  34 
per  Cent,  of  all  those  Males  fighting  Men  in  London,  that  is 
67694,  vis.  near  70000  ; the  truth  whereof  I leave  to  exami- 
nation, only  the  ^ of  67694,  vis.  13539,  is  to  be  added  for 
Westminster,  Stepney,  Lambeth,  and  the  other  distant  Parishes  ; 
making  in  all  81233  fighting  Men. 

12.  The  next  enquiry  will  be.  In  how  long  time  the  City 
of  London  shall,  by  the  ordinary  proportion  of  Breeding  and 
dying,  double  its  breeding  People.?^  I answer.  In  about  seven 

^ Apparently  Graunt  has  not  expressed  himself  with  entire  accuracy.  The 
question  which  he  put  is,  in  how  many  years  will  24000  pairs  become  48000 
paii's?  The  question  which  he  probably  meant  to  put  is,  in  how  many  years 
will  24000  pairs  beget  48000  children  ? He  answers,  in  seven  years,  or,  plagues 

25 — 2 


388 


Graunfs  Observations. 


years,  and  {Plagues  considered)  eight.  Wherefore,  since  there 
be  24000  pair  of  Breeders,  that  is  J of  the  whole,  it  follows, 
that  in  eight  times  eight  years  the  whole  People  of  the  City 
shall  double,  without  the  access  of  Forreiners:  the  which 
(•S6)  contradi(5ls  not  ||  our  Account  of  its  growing  from  two  to  five 
in  56  years  with  such  accesses. 

13.  According  to  this  proportion,  one  couple,  viz.  Adam 
and  Eve,  doubling  themselves  every  64  years  of  the  5610 
years^,  which  is  the  Age ‘of  the  World  according  to  the 
Scriptures,  shall  produce  far  more  People  than  are  now  in  it. 
Wherefore  the  World  is  not  above  100  thousand  years  older^,  as 
some  vainly  imagine,  nor  above  what  the  Scripttire  makes  it. 


CHAP.  XII. 


Of  the  Country-Bills. 

P2  have,  for  the  present,  done  with  our  Observations 


V V upon  the  Accounts  of  Buidals  and  Christenings  in  and 
about  London  ; we  shall  next  present  the  Accounts  of  both 
Bu7'ials,  Christenings,  and  also  of  Weddings  in  the  Country, 
having  to  that  purpose  inserted  Tables  of  90  years  for  a 
certain  Parish  in  HantsliBe^ , being  a place  neither  famous 
for  Longevity  and  L{ealthfulness>,  nor  for  the  contrary.  Upon 
which  Tables  we  observe,  |1 

(87)  I.  That  every  Wedding,  one  with  another,  produces  four 
Children,  and  consequently  that  that  is  the  proportion  of 
Children  which  any  Marriageable  Man  or  Woman  may  be 

considered,  in  eight.  If,  then,  eight  years  are  necessary  for  the  birth  of  48000 
persons,  the  birth  of  384000 — a number  sufficient,  together  with  those  already 
living,  to  double  the  population  of  the  City — will  require  sixty-four  years.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  dwell  on  the  defects  of  this  calculation.  On  one  hand  it  ignores 
the  increase  in  the  number  of  pairs  during  sixty-foui:  years.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  tacitly  assumes  that  the  384000  now  living,  and  likewise  all  those  new-born 
within  the  sixty-four  years,  will  live  to  the  end  of  that  period. 

^ According  to  the  chronology  of  Scaliger  [De  e/iiendatioiie  pp, 

431 — 432)  which  places  the  Creation  in  the  year  3948  n.c. 

2 Previous  editions,  ‘old.’ 

Romsey  in  Hampshire,  see  p.  4 12,  note  r. 


The  Country  Bills. 


389 


presumed  shall  have.  For,  though  a man  may  be  Married 
more  than  once,  yet,  being  once  Married,  he  may  die  without 
any  Issue  at  all. 

2.  That  in  this  Parish  there  were  born  15  Females  for  16 
Males,  whereas  in  London  there  were  13  for  14,  which  shews, 
that  London  is  somewhat  more  apt  to  produce  Males  than 
the  Country.  And  it  is  possible,  that  in  some  other  places 
there  are  more  Females  born  than  Males',  which,  upon  this 
variation  of  proportion,  I again  recommend  to  the  exami- 
nation of  the  curious. 

3.  That  in  the  said  whole  90  years  the  Burials  of  the 

Males  and  Females  were  exa6lly  equal,  and  that  in  several 
Deeads  they  differed  not  part ; That  in  one  of  the  two 
Deeads,  wherein  the  difference  was  very  notorious,  there  were 
Buried  of  Males  337,  and  of  Females  but  284,  53  difference, 

and  in  the  other  there  died  contrariwise  338  Males,  and  386 
Females,  differing  46. 

4.  There  are  also  Deeads,  where  the  Birth  of  Males  and 
Females  differ  very  much,  viz.  about  60.  !| 

5.  That  in  the  said  90  years  there  have  been  born  more  (88) 
than  buried  in  the  said  Parish  (the  which,  both  90  years  ago, 
and  also  now,  consisted  of  about  2700  Souls)  but  1059,  viz. 
not  12 per  Annum,  one  year  with  another. 

6.  That  these  1059  have  in  all  probability  contributed 
to  the  increase  of  London  ; since,  as  was  said  even  now,  it 
neither  appears  by  the  Burials,  Christenings,  or  by  the  built 
of  new  housing,  that  the  said  Parish  is  more  populous  now, 
than  90  years  ago,  by  above  two  or  300  Souls.  Now,  if  all 
other  places  send  about  f of  their  increase,  viz.  about  one 
out  of  900  of  their  Inhabitants  Annually  to  London,  and  that 
there  be  14  times  as  many  People  in  England  as  there  be  in 
London  (for  which  we  have  given  some  Reasons^)  then  London 
increases  by  such  Advence  every  year  above  6000:  the  which 
will  make  the  Account  of  Burials  to  swell  about  200  per 
Annum,  and  will  answer  the  increases  we  observe.  It  is  clear, 
that  the  said  Parish  is  increased  about  300,  and  it  is  probable 
that  three  or  four  hundred  more  went  to  London  ; and  it  is 

1 See  p.  370. 


390 


Graunt's  Observations. 


known,  That  about  400  went  to  Ncw-England,  the  Caribe- 
Islands,  and  New-foiiJid-LandySniihm  these  last  fourty  years.  \\ 
(89)  7.  According  to  the  Medium  of  the  said  whole  90  years, 

there  have  been  five  ClLristenings  for  four  Burials,  although 
in  some  single  Years  and  Decads  there  have  been  three  to  two, 
although  sometimes  (though  more  rarely)  the  Burials  have 
exceeded  the  Births,  as  in  the  case  of  Epidemical  Diseases. 

8.  Our  former  Observation h That  healthful  years  are 
also  the  most  fruitful,  is  much  confirmed  by  our  Country 
Accounts;  for,  70  being  our  Standard  for  Births,  and  58  for 
Bui'ials,  you  shall  find,  that  where  fewer  than  58  died,  more 
than  70  were  born.  Having  given  you  a few  instances  thereof, 
I shall  remit  you  to  the  Tables  for  the  general  proof  of  this 
Assertion:  Viz.  Anno  1633,  when  103  were  born,  there  died 
but  29.  Now,  in  none  of  the  whole  90  years,  more  were  born 
than  103,  and  but  in  one  fewer  than  29  died,  viz.  28  Anno 
1658.  Again  Anno  1568,  when  93  were  born,  but  42  died. 
Anno  1584,  when  90  were  born,  but  41  died.  Anno  1650, 
when  86  were  born,  but  52  died.  So  that  by  how  much  more 
are  born,  by  so  much  (as  it  were)  the  fewer  die.  For  when 
103  were  born,  but  29  died : but  when  but  86  were  born,  then 
52  died. 

On  the  other  side,  Anno  1638,  when  1 56  died  per  Annum, 
{90)  which  was  the  greatest  year  ||  of  Moj'tality,  then  less  than  the 
meer  Standard  70,  viz.  but  66,  were  born.  Again  Anno  1644, 
when  137  died,  but  59  were  born.  Anno  1597,  when  117  died, 
but  48  were  born.  And  Anno  1583,  when  87  died,  but  59 
were  born. 

A little  Irregularity  may  be  found  herein,  as  that  Anno 
1612,  when  1 16  died  {viz.  a number  double  to  our  Standard 
58,  yet)  87  {viz.  17  above  the  Standard  70)  were  born.  And 
that  when  89  died,  75  were  born  : but  these  difTerences  are 
not  so  great,  nor  so  often,  as  to  evert  our  Rule,  which,  besides 
the  Authority  of  these  Accounts,  is  probable  in  it  self. 

9.  Of  all  the  said  90  years  the  year  1638  was  the  most 
Mortal-,  I therefore  enquired,  whether  the  Plague  was  then  in 
that  Parish,  and  having  good  satisfaclion  that  it  was  not, 

J Sec  i)}). 


Causes  of  Death  in  the  CoiDitry.  391 

(which  I rather  believe,  because  that  the  Plague  was  not 
then  considerable  at  London)  but  that  it  was  a Malignant 
Fever,  raging  so  fiercely  about  Harvest,  that  there  appeared 
scarce  hands  enough  to  take  in  the  Corn  : which  argues, 
considering  there  were  2700  Parishioners,  that  seven  might 
be  sick  for  one  that  died  : whereas  of  the  Plague  more  die 
than  recover.  Lastly,  these  People  lay  longer  sick  than  is 
usual  in  the  Plague,  nor  was  there  any  mention  of  Sores, 
Swellings,  Blew-\\Toke?is,  &c.  among  them.  It  follows,  that  (9O 
the  proportion  between  the  greatest  and  the  least  Mortalities 
in  the  Country  are  far  greater  than  at  London : Forasmuch  as 
the  greatest  156  is  above  quintuple  unto  28  the  least,  whereas 
in  London  (the  Plague  excepted,  as  here  it  hath  been)  the 
number  of  Burials  upon  other  Accounts  within  no  Decad  of 
years  hath  been  double,  whereas  in  the  Country  it  hath  been 
quintuple,  not  only  within  the  whole  ninety  years,  but  also 
within  the  same  Decad:  for  Anno  1633  there  died  but  29,  and 
Anno  1638  the  above-mentioned  number  of  156.  Moreover, 
as  in  London,  in  no  Decad,  the  Burials  of  one  year  are  double 
to  those  of  another : so  in  the  Country  they  are  seldom  not 
more  than  so;  as  by  this  Table  appears k 


greatest 

least 

Decad 

nttinber  of  Burials 

I 

66 

34 

2 

87 

39 

3 

117 

38 

4 

53 

30 

5 

1 16 

51 

6 

89 

50 

7 

156 

35 

8 

137 

46 

9 

80 

2811 

^ The  figures  of  these  summaries  are  the  same  in  all  editions  of  the  Obser- 
vations, but  the  tables  themselves  give,  in  many  instances,  figures  differing  from 
the  summaries.  Thus,  according  to  the  tables,  the  greatest  number  of  burials  in 
decade  four,  the  least  number  of  burials  in  decades  six  and  seven,  and  the 
least  number  of  births  in  decades  three  and  eight  are  erroneous.  The  dis- 
crepancies, however,  are  not  large  enough  to  invalidate  the  observation  which 
Graunt  makes  upon  the  summaries. 


392 


Graniit s Observations. 


(92)  Which  shews,  that  the  opener  and  freer  Airs  are  most 
subjedl  both  to  the  good  and  bad  Impressions,  and  that  the 
Fames,  Steams  and  Stenches  of  London  do  so  medicate  and 
impregnate  the  Air  about  it,  that  it  becomes  capable  of  little 
more,  as  if. the  said  Fames  rising  out  of  Lo^tdon  met  with, 
opposed  and  justled  backwards  the  Influences  falling  from 
above,  or  resisted  the  Incursion  of  the  Country-An^s. 

10.  In  the  last  Paragraph  we  said,  that  the  Burials  in  the 
Country  were  sometime  quintuple  to  one  another,  but  of  the 
Christenings  we  affirm,  that  within  the  same  Decad  they  are 
seldom  double,  as  appears  by  this  Table,  viz\ 


greatest 

least 

Decad 

number 

of  Births 

I 

70 

50 

2 

90 

45 

3 

71 

52 

4 

93 

■ 60 

5 

87 

61 

6 

85 

63 

7 

103 

66 

8 

87 

62 

9 

86 

52  II 

(93)  Now,  although  the  disproportions  of  Births  be  not  so 
great  as  that  of  Burials,  yet  these  disproportions  are  far 
greater  than  at  London  : for  let  it  be  shewn  in  any  of  the 
London  Bills,  that  within  two  years  the  Christenings  have 
decreased  or  increased  double,  as  they  did  Anno  1584, 
when  90  were  born,  and  Anno  1586,  wherein  were  but  45  : or 
to  rise  from  52,  as  A7ino  1593,  to  71,  as  in  the  next  year  1 594. 
Now  these  disproportions  both  in  Births  and  Burials  confirm 
what  hath  been  before  asserted  \ That  Llealthfulness  and 
Fruitfidness  go  together,  as  they  would  not,  were  there  not 
disproportions  in  both,  although  proportional. 

II.  By  the  Standard  of  Burials  in  this  Parish  I thought 
to  have  computed  the  number  of  Inhabitants  in  it,  viz.  by 


See  pp.  368—9,  390. 


Population  of  the  Country  Parish.  393 

multiplying  58  by  4*,  which  made  the  Proditcl  232,  the 
number  of  Families.  Hereupon  I wondred,  that  a Parish 
containing  a large  Market-Town,  and  12  Miles  compass, 
should  have  but  232  Houses;  I then  multiplyed  232  by  8, 
the  Product  whereof  was  1856,  thereby  hoping  to  have  had 
the  number  of  the  Inhabitants,  as  I had  for  LondoiP-.  but 
when  upon  enquiry,  I found  there  had  been  2100  Communi- 
cants in  that  Parish,  in  the  time  of  a Minister  who  forced 
too  many  into  that  Ordinance,  and  ||  that  1500  was  the  (94) 
ordinary  number  of  Communicants  in  all  times ; I found 
also,  that  forasmuch  as  there  were  near  as  many  under  16 
years  old,  as  there  are  above ^ viz.  Communicants,  I con- 
cluded, that  there  must  be  about  2700  or  2800  Souls  in  that 
Parish : from  whence  it  follows,  that  little  more  than  one  of 
50  dies  in  the  Country,  whereas  in  London  it  seems  manifest, 
that  about  one  in  32  dies^  over  and  above  what  dies  of  the 
Plague. 

12.  It  follows  therefore  from  hence,  what  I more  faintly 
asserted  in  the  former  Chapter®,  that  the  Country  is  more 
healthfid  than  the  City  ; that  is  to  say,  although  men  die 
more  regularly,  and  less  per  saltuin  in  London,  than  in  the 
Country,  yet,  upon  the  whole  matter,  there  die  fewer  per  rata\ 
so  as  the  Fumes,  Steams,  and  Stenches  above-mentioned, 
although  they  make  the  Air  of  London  more  equal,  yet  not 
more  Healthfid. 

13.  When  I consider.  That  in  the  Country  seventy  are 
Born  for  fifty  eight  Buried,  and  that  before  the  year  1600  the 
like  happened  in  London,  I considered,  whether  a City,  as  it 
becomes  more  populous,  doth  not,  for  that  very  cause,  become 

^ Apparently  on  the  assumption  that  in  the  country  one  dies  out  of  four 
families  each  year.  Graunt  has  calculated  (p.  385)  that  in  the  city  there  die  three 
out  of  eleven  families. 

2 See  p.  385. 

^ Sir  Peter  Pett  also  adopts  this  “currant  rule  of  calculation”  in  his  Happy 
ftitiire  State  of  England,  p.  118.  Cf.  Another  Essay,  note  on  “The  Telling  of 
Noses.” 

This  does  not  exactly  agree  with  Graunt's  estimate  (p.  385)  that  3 die  in  1 1 
families  of  88  persons. 

® Chap.  VII. 


394 


Gran nts  Obscrvat ions. 


more  nnJiealthfnl'.  and  inclined  to  believe,  that  London  now 
(95)  is  more  nnJiealthfnl  than  heretofore ; partly  for  that  ||  it  is 
more  populous,  but  chiefly  because  I have  heard,  that  sixty 
years  ago  few  Sea-Coals  were  burnt  in  London,  which  are  now 
universally  used.  For  I have  heard,  that  Newcastle  is  more 
iinhealthfnl  than  other  places,  and  that  many  People  cannot 
at  all  endure  the  smoak  of  London,  not  only  for  its  unpleasant- 
ness, but  for  the  suffocations  which  it  causes^ 

14.  Suppose,  that  Anno  1569  there  were  2400  Souls  in 
that  Parish,  and  that  they  increased  by  the  Births  70,  ex- 
ceeding the  Burials  58,  it  will  follow,  that  the  said  2400 
cannot  double  under  200.  Now,  if  London  be  less  healthfnl 
than  the  Country,  as  certainly  it  is,  the  Plague  being  reckoned 
in,  it  follows,  that  London  must  be  doubling  it  self  by  generation 
in  much  above  200^:  but  if  it  hath  increased  from  2 to  5 in  54, 
as  aforesaid,  the  same  must  be  by  reason  of  transplantation 
out  of  the  Country.  || 


The  Conclusion. 

IT  may  be  now  asked,  To  what  purpose  tends  all  this 
laborious  bustling  and  groping.^  To  know, 

I.  The  number  of  the  People  t 

2.  How  many  Males  and  Females  ? 

3.  How  many  Married  and  Single  ? 

4.  How  many  Teeming  Women  } 

5.  How  many  of  every  Septenary,  or  Decad  of  years  in 
age'i 

6.  How  many  Fighting  Men 

7.  How  much  London  is,  and  by  what  steps  it  hath, 
increased  } 

^ Fiimifug'mm,  with  it.s  plan  for  banishing  “that  hellish  and  dismal 

Cloud  of  Sea-Coale,”  was  published  in  the  previous  year,  i66r.  .See  Petty’s 
Treatise  of  Taxes,  p.  41,  note. 

- This  agrees  but  ill  with  Graunt’s  calculation  that  “in  eight  times  eight  years 
the  whole  People  of  the  City  shall  double,  without  the  access  of  Forreiners,  ” 
p.  388. 


The  Conclusion. 


395 

8.  In  what  time  the  Housing  is  replenished  after  a 
Plague  ? 

9.  What  proportion  die  of  each  general  and  particular 
Casualties  ? 

10.  What  Years  are  Fruitful  and  Mortal,  and  in  what 
Spaces  and  Intervals  they  follow  each  other? 

11.  In  what  proportion  Men  negledl  the  Orders  of  the 
Church,  and  Sects  have  increased  ? || 

12.  The  disproportion  of  Parishes  ? (97) 

13.  Why  the  Burials  in  Lo7idon  exceed  the  Christenings, 
when  the  contrary  is  visible  in  the  Country  ? 

To  this  I might  answer  in  general,  by  saying,  that  those, 
who  cannot  apprehend  the  reason  of  these  Enquiries,  are  unfit 
to  trouble  themselves  to  ask  them. 

2.  I might  answer  by  asking,  Why  so  many  have  spent 
their  times  and  Estates  about  the  Art  of  making  Gold?  which, 
if  it  were  much  known,  would  only  exalt  Silver  into  the  place 
which  Gold  now  possesseth;  and  if  it  were  known  but  to  some 
one  Person,  the  same  single  Adeptus  could  not,  nay,  durst  not 
enjoy  it,  but  must  be  either  a Prisoner  to  some  Prince,  and 
Slave  to  some  Voluptuary,  or  else  skulk  obscurely  up  and 
down  for  his  privacy  and  concealment. 

3.  I might  answer,  That  there  is  much  pleasure  in 
deducing  so  many  abstruse  and  unexpe6led  inferences  out 
of  these  poor  despised  Bills  of  Mortality ; and  in  building 
upon  that  ground,  which  hath  lain  waste  these  eighty  years. 
And  there  is  pleasure  in  doing  something  new,  though  never 
so  little,  without  pestering  the  World  with  voluminous  Tran- 
scriptions. II 

4.  But  I answer  more  seriously,  by  complaining.  That  (98) 
whereas  the  Art  of  Governing,  and  the  true  Politicks,  is  how 

to  preserve  the  Subje6l  in  Peace  and  Plenty ; that  men  study 
only  that  part  of  it  which  teacheth  how  to  supplant  and 
over-reach  one  another,  and  how;  not  by  fair  out-running,  but 
by  tripping  up  each  other’s  heels,  to  win  the  Prize. 

Now,  the  Foundation  or  Elements  of  this  honest  harmless 
Policy  is  to  understand  the  Land^  and  the  hands  of  the 
Territory,  to  be  governed  according  to  all  their  intrinsick 


39^ 


Graunt's  Observations. 


and  accidental  differences:  As  for  example;  It  were  good  to 
know  the  Geometrical  Content,  Figure,  and  Situation  of  all 
the  Lands  of  a Kingdom,  especially  according  to  its  most 
natural,  permanent,  and  conspicuous  Bounds.  It  were  good 
to  know  how  much  Hay  an  Acre  of  every  sort  of  Meadow 
will  bear ; how  many  Cattel  the  same  weight  of  each  sort  of 
Hay  will  feed  and  fatten  ; what  quantity  of  Grain  and  other 
Commodities  the  same  Acre  will  bear  in  one,  three,  or  seven 
years,  comiminib7is  Annis  \ unto  what  use  each  soil  is  most 
proper.  All  which  particulars  I call  the  intrinsick  value : for 
there  is  also  another  value  meerly  accidental,  or  extrinsick, 

(99)  consisting  of  the  Causes  why  a parcel  of  Land,  ||  lying  near 
a good  Market,  may  be  worth  double  to  another  parcel, 
though  but  of  the  same  intrinsick  goodness  ; which  answers 
the  Queries,  why  Lands  in  the  North  of  England  are  worth 
but  sixteen  years  purchase,  and  those  of  the  West  above  eight 
and  twenty.  It  is  no  less  necessary  to  know  how  many  People 
there  be  of  each  Sex,  State,  Age,  Religion,  Trade,  Rank,  or 
Degree,  dfc.  by  the  knowledge  whereof,  Trade  and  Government 
may  be  made  more  certain  and  Regular;  for,  if  men  knew  the 
People,  as  aforesaid,  they  might  know  the  consumption  they 
would  make,  so  as  Trade  might  not  be  hoped  for  where  it  is 
impossible.  As  for  instance,  I have  heard  much  complaint, 
that  Trade  is  not  set  in  some  of  the  South-western  and  North- 
ivestern  Parts  of  Ireland,  there  being  so  many  excellent 
Harbours  for  that  purpose;  whereas  in  several  of  those  places'" 
I have  also  heard,  that  there  are  few  other  Inhabitants,  but 
such  as  live  ex  sponte  creatis,  and  are  unfit  Subjedls  of  Trade, 
as  neither  employing  others,  nor  working  themselves. 

Moreover,  if  all  these  things  were  clearly  and  truly  known 
(which  I have  but  ghessed  at)  it  would  appear,  how  small  a 

(100)  part  of  the  People  work  upon  necessary  Labours  and  ||  Callings, 
vis.  how  many  Women  and  Children  do  just  nothing,  only 
learning  to  spend  what  others  get;  how  many  are  meer  Volup- 
tuaries, and  as  it  were  meer  Gamesters  by  Trade;  how  many 
live  by  puzling  poor  people  with  unintelligible  Notions  in 
Divinity  and  Philosophy;  how  inany  by  perswading  credulous, 
delicate,  and  ligitious  Persons,  that  their  Bodies  or  Estates 


TJic  Conclusion. 


397 


are  out  of  Tune,  and  in  danger;  how  many  by  fighting  as 
Souldiers ; how  many  by  Ministries  of  Vice  and  Sin ; how 
many  by  Trades  of  meer  Pleasure,  or  Ornaments;  and  how 
many  in  a way  of  lazy  attendance,  &c.  upon  others  : And  on 
the  other  side,  how  few  are  employed  in  raising  and  working 
necessary  Food  and  Covering ; and  of  the  speculative  men, 
how  few  do  study  Nature  and  Things ! The  more  ingenious 
not  advancing  much  further  than  to  write  and  speak  wittily 
about  these  matters. 

I conclude,  That  a clear  knowledge  of  all  these  particulars, 
and  many  more,  whereat  I have  shot  but  at  rovers,  is  necessary, 
in  order  to  good,  certain,  and  easie  Government,  and  even  to 
balance  Parties  and  Fa6lions  both  in  Church  and  State.  But 
whether  the  knowledge  thereof  be  necessary  to  many,  or  fit 
for  others  than  the  Sovereign  and  his  chief  Ministers,  I leave 
to  consideration.  || 


(lOl) 


A N 


APPENDIX'. 


Forasmuch  as  a long  and  serious  perusal  of  all  the  Bills  of 
Mortality,  which  this  great  City  hath  afforded  for  almost 
fourscore  years,  hath  advanced  but  the  few  Observations 
comprised  in  the  fore-going  Treatise;  I hope  very  little  will 
be  expedled  from  the  few  scattered  Papers  that  have  come  to 
my  hands  since  the  publishing  thereof,  especially  from  one 
that  hath  learned  from  the  Royal  Society,  how  many  Obser- 
vations go  to  the  making  up  of  one  Theoreme,  which  (like 
Oaks  and  other  Trees  fit  for  durable  Building)  must  be  of 
many  years  growth. 

The  Accounts  which  follow,  I reckon  but  as  Timber  and 
Stones;  and  the  best  Inferences  I can  make,  are  but  as 
hewing  them  to  a Square ; as  for  composing  a beautiful  and  || 
(102)  firm  Strudlure  out  of  them,  I leave  it  to  the  Archite6lure  of 
the  said  Society,  under  whom  I think  it  honour  enough  to 
work  as  a Labourer. 

My  first  Observation  shall  be,  That  at  the  Number 

^ The  Appendix  fii'.st  appears  in  the  third  edition,  (1665). 

^ See  p.  421.  On  the  history  of  the  Dublin  bills,  see  Petty’s  Observations. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  Graunt  secured  this  Dublin  bill  from  Petty.  While 
Petty  was  in  Ireland  he  corresponded  with  Graunt,  and  4 February,  1662 — 3, 
he  wrote  to  Lord  Brouncker  from  Dublin,  “ when  I first  landed  here  some  matter 
presented  it  selfe  whereuppon  to  make  observations  uppon  Ireland,  not  unlike 
those  which  Mr  Graunt  made  uppon  the  London  Bills  of  Mortality.  I have  done 
so  much  uppon  it,  as  hath  cost  me  some  pounds,  but  not  so  much  as  is  worth 
more  than  a bare  mention.”  Royal  Society’s  Letter  Book,  P i,  f.  14. 


The  Dublin  Bill, 


399 


of  Weekly  Burials  being  about  20,  and  those  of  London  about 
300,  as  also  the  Number  of  People  reckoned  to  be  within  the 
Limits  of  the  Bills  of  Mortality  at  London  to  be  460000;  it 
will  follow,  that  the  Number  of  Inhabitants  of  Dublin  be 
about  30000,  viz.  about  one  fifteenth  part  of  those  in  and 
about  London,  which  agrees  with  that  Number  which  I have 
heard  the  Books  of  Poll-Money,  raised  but  little  before  the 
time  of  this  Bill,  have  exhibited  as  the  Number  of  Inhabitants 
of  that  City:  So  as  although  I do  not  think  one  single  Weekly 
Bill  is  sufficient  to  ground  such  a Conclusion  upon,  yet  I think 
that  several  yearly  Bills  are  the  best  of  the  easie  ways  from 
which  to  colledl  the  Number  of  the  People. 

Secondly,  Although  I take  it  for  granted,  that  in  Dublin 
there  be  more  Born  than  Buried,  because  the  same  hath 
appeared  to  be  so  in  London  by  the  Bills  of  Mortality  before 
the  year  1641,  when  the  Civil  Wars  began,  and  much  more 
eminently  in  Amsterdam,  as  shall  be  hereafter  shewn;  yet 
there  are  but  14  set  down  as  Christned  ; which  shews,  that  || 
the  defedl  there  is  much  the  same  as  at  Londo7i,  whether  the  (103) 
cause  thereof  be  negligence  in  the  Register,  on  non-conformity 
to  Publick  Order,  or  both,  I leave  to  the  curious.  I believe 
the  cause  is  also  the  same,  forasmuch  as  I heard  it  to  be  a 
Maxim  at  Dublin,  to  follow,  if  not  forerun,  all  that  is,  or  as 
they  understand  will  be,  pradlised  in  L^ondon  ; and  that  in  all 
particulars  incident  to  humane  affairs. 

I have  here  inserted  two  other  Country-Bills,  the  one  of 
CranbrooD  in  Kent,  the  'other  of  Tivertoid  in  Devonshire, 
which  with  that  of  Hantshire^,  lying  about  the  midway  be- 
tween them,  give  us  a view  of  the  most  Easterly,  Southerly, 
and  Westerly  parts  of  England : I have  endeavoured  to 
procure  the  like  account  from  Nortlmmbcrland,  Cheshire, 
Norfolk,  and  Nottinghamshire ; Thereby  to  have  a view  of 
seven  Counties  most  differently  situated,  from  whence  I am 
sorry  to  observe  that  my  Southern  friends  have  been  hitherto 
more  curious  and  diligent  than  those  of  the  North.  The  full 
observation  from  these  Bills  is,  that  all  these  three  Country 

^ See  pp.  419— 42 r.  - ^ See  pp.  416— 418. 

See  pp.  412 — 415. 


400 


Grannf s Observations. 


Hills  agree,  that  each  Wedding  produces  four  Children,  which 
is  likcAvisc  confirmed  from  the  Rills  of  Amsterdam.  Secondly, 
they  all  agree  that  there  be  more  Males  born  than  Females,  || 
(*04)  but  in  different  proportions,  for  at  Cranbrook  there  be  20 
Males  for  19  Females,  in  Hantskire,  16  for  15,  in  London  14 
for  13,  and  at  Tiverton.,  12  for  ii.  Thirdly,  I have  inserted 
the  Bills  themselves,  to  the  end  that  whoever  pleases  may 
examin,  by  all  three  together,  the  Observations  I raised  from 
the  Hantshire  Bill  alone  ; conceiving  it  will  be  more  pleasure 
and  satisfa6lion  to  do  it  themselves,  than  to  receive  it  from 
another  hand.  Only  I shall  add,  as  a new  Observation  from 
them  all,  that  in  the  years  1648  and  1649,  being  the  time 
when  the  people  of  England  did  most  resent  the  horrid 
Parricide  of  his  late  Sacred  Majesty,  that  there  were  but  nine 
weddings  in  that  year  in  the  same  places,  when  there  were 
ordinarily  between  30  and  40  per  Annnm\  and  but  16,  when 
there  were  ordinarily  at  other  times  between  50  and  60.  And 
it  may  be  also  observed  that  something  of  this  black  murder 
appeared  in  the  years  1643  and  1644,  when  the  Civil  war  was 
at  the  highest,  but  the  contrary  in  the  years  1654,  1655, 
to  prevent  the  new  way  of  Marriage  then  imposed  upon  the 
peopled 

I have  also  supplied  the  Tables  from  the  three  general 
Bills  for  the  years  1662,  1663,  and  1664,  which  you  will  find 
(fo5)  to  justifie  II  the  former  Observations.  But  most  eminently 
that  which  I take  to  be  of  most  concernment,  namely,  of  the 
difference  between  the  numbers  of -Males  and  Females. 

In  the  former  Observations  I did  endeavour  to  deduce 
the  number  of  the  Inhabitants  about  the  City  of  London, 
from  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  concluding  them  to  be  about 
460000^  and  did  likewise  set  forth  by  what  steps  the  people 
of  the  said  City  have  increased  from  two  to  five  since  the 
year  i6ool 


^ Cromwell’s  act  requiring  civil  marriage  was  passed  24  August,  1653,  and 
went  into  legal  effect  September  29  of  the  same  year.  If,  therefore,  a desire  to 
“prevent  the  new  way  of  Marriage”  caused  an  increased  number  of  w-eddings 
in  1654,  1655,  &c.,  the  actual  enforcement  of  the  act  must  have  been  somew-hat  lax. 

2 In  the  Index,  p.  331,  note.  " See  pp.  378 — 380. 


Census  of  London  in  1631. 


401 


And  particularly  in  what  proportions  the  City  increased 
in  its  several  parts  from  time  to  time:  I have  now  procured 
an  Account  of  the  Men,  Women,  and  Children,  which  were 
Anno  163 1 \ found  within  the  Liberties  of  London,  which  are 
circumscribed  by  Temple-Bar,  L{olborn-Ba7^s,  S mil Jifield- Bars, 
Shoreditch- Bai's,  White-chappel-Bars,  and  to  the  Tower  Liber- 
ties, and  Meal-market  in  Sonthzvark\  by  which  Account  I 
hope  it  will  appear,  that  I computed  too  many  rather  than 
too  few,  although  the  most  part  of  men  have  thought  other- 
wise. Nor  do  I wonder  at  it,  since  I never  observed  more 
enormous  mistakes  in  any  matter  than  concerning  the  number 
of  people.  Ale-houses,  Coaches,  Ships,  Sea-men,  Water-men, 
and  several  ||  other  Tradesmen,  &c.  The  proportions  of  all  (106) 
which  I have  always  thought  is  necessary  to  be  known,  in 
order  to  an  exa6l  Symmetry  of  the  several  members  of  a 
Common-wealth.  I say,  that  the  whole  number  of  Inhabitants 
exceeds  not  460000. 

1.  The  number  of  Men,  Women,  and  Children,  found  in 
the  City  and  Liberties  1631,  was  130178. 

2.  The  Liberties  of  the  City  of  London  consist  of  the  97 
Parishes  within  the  Walls,  and  of  | of  the  16  Parishes  next 
without  them,  which  estimate  of  mine,  nevertheless,  I leave 
to  examination. 

The  Liberties  of  London  from  the  year  1631  to  the  year 
1661  increased  from  8 to  ii,  as  may  appear  by  the  Tables, 
and  consequently  the  said  130000  found  in  the  year  1631, 
were  increased  to  179000,  in  Anno  1661. 

Lastly,  the  Liberties  of  London  in  the  year  1661  were  in 
proportion  to  the  whole,  as  4 to  9,  and  consequently  if  there 
were  179000  souls,  in  the  said  Liberties,  there  was  not  above 
403000  in  the  whole  number  of  Parishes  then  comprehended 
in  the  Bills  of  Mortality. 

The  substance  of  the  Amsterdam  Bills  of  Mortality  is,  . 

viz. 

I.  That  there  died  in  the  sev^eral  years  of  the  Plague,  as 
followeth : || 


H.  P. 


^ See  p.  405. 


26 


402 


Graunfs  Obsei'vations. 


(107)  Anno  1622 


4141 
5929 
1 1795 
6781 
4425 

3976 

4497 

17193 

16727 

9752 

24148 


1623 

1624 

1625 

1626 

1627 

1628 
1636 
1655 

1663 

1664 


2.  That  there  are  eleven  burying-places,  besides  the 
Hospital  and  Pest-house,  257  Streets  and  Lanes,  with  43 
Burgwalls  and  Grachts  in  that  City. 

3.  That  in  seven  years,  beginning  from  the  15  of  Angiist 
1617  to  the  same  day  1624,  there  were  Christned  in  the 
reformed  Churches  of  Amsterdani  52537,  and  that  there  died 
in  the  same  time  32532.  So  as  there  were  20005  more  born 
than  buried,  besides  those  that  were  Christned  in  other 
Congregations.  And  in  the  same  time  were  16430  publisht 
Marriages. 

4.  That  in  the  first  week  of  September  1664  there  died 
1041,  and  in  eighteen  weeks  before  the  Burials  increased 

(108)  from  331  up  to  the  said  number  of  1041,  ||  and  in  twelve 
weeks  after  decreased  back  to  the  like  number  of  330. 

5.  In  February  following  there  died  but  118  a week,  and 
the  ordinary  number  of  weekly  Burials  is  about  100,  so  as 
London  seems  to  be  three  times  as  big  as  Amsterdam. 

6.  I have  likewise  hapned  on  some  other  Accompts, 
relating  to  Mortalities  of  some  great  Cities  of  the  World,  of 
what  Authority  I know  not,  but  as  printed  at  Amsterdam 
1664,  viz.  Amio  1619  there  died  in  Grand  CaFo  in  ten  wrecks 
73500,  without  any  visible  diminution  of  the  people. 

7.  Anno  1625  there  died  in  Leyden  9597.  Anno  1635 
there  died  in  the  same  City  of  Leyden  from  the  14  of  July, 
to  the  29  of  December  14381,  the  greatest  week  of  mortality 
being  the  latter  end  of  Odfober  1452.  This  Plague  in  15 


TJie  Plague  on  the  Continent. 


403 


weeks  increased  from  96,  to  the  said  number  of  1452,  and  in 
ten  weeks  after  decreased  to  107.  Answerable  to  the  time 
of  Increase  and  Decrease  afore-mentioned  in  Ainsterda7n, 
Anno  1655,  there  died  in  21  weeks  from  Jtily  to  Noventber 
13287,  the  greatest  week  being  Septemb.  25.  when  died  896. 

8.  At  Harlem  there  died  in  the  same  year,  in  the  months 
of  August y September,  October  and  November  5723.  || 

9.  Anno  1637,  in  Co7ista7itmople  there  died  1500  per  diem,  (109) 
but  how  long  this  Plague  lasted,  appeareth  not. 

10.  The  same  year  died  in  Prague  20000  Christians,  and 
10000  Jews. 

11.  Anno  1652  there  died  in  Cracovia  17000  Christians, 
and  20000  Jews. 

12.  Afino  1653  there  died  in  Dantsiek  in  the  last  week 
of  September  640,  and  in  Conningsburg  490. 

13.  1654  there  died  in  Copenhagen  for  several  weeks  700 
per  week. 

14.  Anno  1655  there  died  at  Amsterdam  and  Leyden,  as 
above-mentioned  ; and  at  Deventer  70,  80,  and  90  per  diem. 

15.  At  Leenivardeen  56  per  diem. 

16.  Anno  1656  there  was  so  sweeping  a Plague  at  Naples, 
that  there  died  of  it  at  the  latter  end  of  May  1300,  or  1400 
per  diem.  The  sixth  of  June  there  were  80000  sick,  that  the 
well  were  not  able  to  help,  or  bury  the  dead  ; presently  after 
there  died  5000  in  three  days;  in  August  it  began  to  cease, 
after  it  had  destroyed  300000  people. 

17.  The  Town  of  Seala  in  Italy  was  quite  dispeopled, 
and  at  Minory  there  scaped  but  22.  At  Rome  there  died  in 
the  same  year  about  100  per  die7n  for  a great  while  together.  || 

18.  1657  There  died  at  Ge7ioa  in  Midsummer  week  1200,  (no) 
afterwards  there  died  1600  per  die7n  ; insomuch  that  in  the 
beginning  of  August  they  burnt  the  dead  Corps  for  want  of 
hands  to  bury  them,  which  great  Mortality  decreased  to  five 

or  six  per  die7n  before  Septe7nber  was  out.  The  total  sum  of 
all  that  died  was  about  70000. 

19.  At  Bergen  in  Norivay,  Anno  1618  the  Plague  is 
represented  to  have  been  very  terrible,  by  saying  that  there 
died  50  or  60  per  die7n,  and  that  the  whole  City  was  in  tears, 

26 — 2 


404 


Grajinfs  Observations. 


that  the  Coffin-makers  refused  to  make  Coffins,  that  parents 
carried  their  children,  and  children  their  parents  to  the  grave. 
But  forasmuch  as  it  was  not  mentioned  how  populous  this  place 
was,  nor  for  how  many  days  the  Mortality  continued,  I can  make 
but  little  estimate  of  this  Plague,  by  what  is  above  related. 

20.  The  general  Observations  arising  from  the  above- 
mentioned  particulars,  are  as  followeth : 

First,  That  Northern,  as  well  as  Southern  Countries  are 
infested  with  great  Plagues  ; although  in  the  Southern  Coun- 
tries they  are  more  vehement,  and  do  both  begin  and  end 
more  suddenly. 

21.  Secondly,  from  the  year  1652  the  jj  Plague  was  at 
Cracow,  1653  at  Dantzick  and  Coningsbnrg,  1654  at  Copenhagen, 
1655  at  Leyden  and  Amsterdam,  and  other  Towns  in  the 
Netherlands,  1656  at  Naples  and  Rome,  1657  at  Genoa  \ So  as 
it  well  deserves  enquiry,  whether  the  Plague  in  all  these 
places  were  a sickness  of  the  same  kind,  and  did  successively 
perambulate  the  several  Countries  above-mentioned ; or 
whether  it  were  a several  disease  in  each  place. 

22.  Thirdly,  that  the  Plague  is  longer  in  rising  to  its 
heighth,  than  in  decreasing  to  the  same  pitch ; and  the 
proportion  thereof,  in  such  cases  where  it  hath  most  plainly 
appeared,  is  about  three  to  two;  for  at  AmsteiNam  it  was 
eighteen  weeks  rising,  and  twelve  decreasing ; and  at  Leyden 
fifteen  upon  the  increase,  and  ten  decreasing. 

It  may  be  further  observed,  that  in  the  four  several  times 
of  great  Mortality,  the  height  was  not  always  in  the  same 
month;  for  Anno  1592  it  was  the  second  week  in  Angnst, 
when  there  died  1550  of  all  diseases;  in  the  year  1603  the 
height  was  the  second  week  of  September,  when  there  died 
3129  of  all  diseases;  in  1625  the  extremity  was  in  the  third 
week  in  Angnst,  when  there  died  5205.  Anno  1636  the  like 
extremity  was  in  the  first  week  of  October,  there  then  dying 
{112)4005  of  II  all  diseases.  In  this  place  I think  fit  to  intimate, 
that  considering  the  present  increase  of  the  City  from  Anno 
1625  to  this  time,  which  is  from  eight  to  thirteen,  that  until 
the  Burials  exceed  8400  per  week,  the  Mortality  will  not 
exceed  that  of  1625.  Which  God  for  ever  avert. 


Census  of  London  in  1631. 


405 


It  may  be  further  observed,  that  the  time  of  the  Plagues 
continuance  at  the  height  was  of  several  durations,  for  Anno 
1592  it  continued  from  the  first  week  in  fulj/ to  the  second 
of  Septembei^,  without  increasing  or  decreasing  above  100  in 
1600;  whereas  in  1603  it  remain’d  but  three  weeks  at  the 
state,  decreasing  near  the  next  week  after  the  height ; Anno 
1625  it  remain’d  not  three  weeks  at  a stay,  increasing  jL  part 
the  next  week  before  the  height,  and  decreasing  as  much 
the  next  week  after.  Anno  1636  it  stood  five  weeks  without 
increasing  or  decreasing  above  part  afore-mentioned. 

Concerning  the  disease  of  the  Plague,  Anno  1592  it 
increased  to  Jg  of  the  greatest  number  that  died  in  twenty 
weeks;  Anno  1603,  it  did  the  same  in  eleven  ; Anno  1625,  in 
nine  weeks  ; Anno  1636,  as  it  was  not  so  fierce  as  in  the  other 
years,  so  it  was  of  longer  continuance,  as  hath  been  else-where 
noted  ^ II 

The  last  thing  I shall  observe  is,  that  in  all  the  four  great  (113) 
years  of  mortality  above-mentioned,  I do  not  find  that  any 
week  the  Plague  increased  to  the  double  of  the  precedent 
week  above  five  times. 


Anno  1631.  Ann.  7.  Caroli  I. 


The  number  of  Men,  Women,  and  Children,  in  the  several 
Wards  of  London,  and  Liberties:  taken  in  August  1631, 
by  special  command  from  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords 
of  His  Majesties  Privy  CounciP. 


Algate  Ward 

Bishopsgate 

Bassishaw 

Breadstreet 

Bridg-ward  within 

Bridg-ward  without 

Billingsgate 


04763 

07788 

01006 

02568 

02392 

18660 

02597 


1 P.  366. 

On  this  census  see  Maitland,  f.ondon,  n.,  742. 


4o6 


G vaunts  Obsevvatiojis. 


Broad  street 

03503 

Colemanstreet 

02634 

Cornhil 

01439 

Cripplegate  without 

06445 

Cripplegate  within 

04231 

Farrington  without 

20846 

Farrington  within 

08770 

Cordwainer 

02238 

89880 

Aldersgate 

03594 

Limestreet 

01 107 

Queenhith 

03358 

Vintry 

02742 

Tower-ward 

04248 

Dowgate 

03516 

Langbourn 

03168 

Portsoken-ward 

05703 

Cheap-ward 

02500 

VVallbrook 

02069 

Candleweek-ward 

01696 

Castle-Baynard 

04793 

38404 

Bartholomew  the  great 

01388 

Bartholomew  the  less 

00506 

38404 

89880 

130178 


^lES 


29 


1630 


59 

79 

56 

22 


439 

712 

1091 

36 


I 


f 


8 


:4 


I 


The  Years  of  our  Lord 


Abortive  and  Stil-born 
Aged 

Ague  and  Fever 

Apoplcx  and  Suddenly 

IJleach 

Blasted 

Bleeding 

Bloody  Flux,  Scouring  and  Flux 

Burnt  and  Scalded 

Calenture 

Cancer,  Gangrene  and  Fistula 
Wolf 

Canker,  Sore-mouth  and  Thrush 
Child-bed 

Chrisoms  and  Infants 
Colick  and  Wind 
Cold  and  Cough 
Consumption  and  Cough 
Convulsion 
Cramp 

Cut  of  the  Stone 
Dropsie  and  Tympany 
Drowned 

Excessive  drinking 
Executed 

Fainted  in  a Bath 

Falling-Sickness 

Flox'  and  small  Box 

Found  dead  in  the  Streets 

French- Box 

Frighted 

Gout 

Grief 

Hanged,  and  made-away  themselves 

Ilead-Ach 

Jaundice 

Javv-faln 

Impostumc 

1 tch 

Killed  by  several  Accidents 

King’s  Evil 

Lethargy 

Lejrrosie 

Liver-grown,  Spleen  and  Rickets 

Lunatick 

Meagrom 

M easles 

Mother 

Murdered 

Overlaid  and  Starved  at  Nurse 

Balsic 

Blague 

Blague  in  the  Guts 

Bletirisie 

Boisoned 

Burples  and  Spotted  Fever 
Quinsie  and  Sorc-lhroat 
Rickets 

Mother,  rising  of  the  Lights 

Rupture 

Scal’d  head 

Scurvy 

Smothered  and  stifled 

Sores,  ulcers,  broken  and  bruised 

Shot  (Limbs 

Spleen 

Shingles 

Starved 

Stitch 

Stone  and  Strangury 
Sciatica 

Stopping  of  the  Stomach 

Surfet 

Swine-Box 

Teeth  and  Worms 

Tissick 

Thrush 

Vomiting 

W orms 

Wen 

Suddenly 


T/ie 

Table  of  CASUAL  TIES. 

1 1629 

1 1630 

1633 

1634 

1 1647 

1648 

1651 

1 1652 

1655 

1656 

1629 

In  20 

1 

1647 

1648 

1649 

1650 

1651 

1652 

1653 

1654 

\ 1655 

1656 

1657  1 1658 

1659 

1660 

1 1629 

1630 

1631 

1632 

I '633 

'634 

'635 

1636 

'631 

1632 

'635 

1636 

1649 
' 1650 

'653 

1654 

1657 

1658 

1649 

1659 

Years. 

1 

335 

329 

327 

35' 

389 

381 

384 

433 

483 

419 

463 

467 

421 

544 

499 

439 

410 

445 

1 

, 500 

475 

507 

' 523 

i '793 

2005 

'342 

1587 

1832 

1247 

S559 
15759  i 
23784 

916 

835 

889 

696 

780 

834 

1 864 

974 

743 

892 

869 

1176 

909 

1095 

1 579 

712 

661 

671 

! 704 

623 

794 

714 

1 2475 

2814 

3336 

3452 

3680 

i 2377 

1260 

884 

75' 

970 

1038 

1212 

282 

689 

875 

999 

1800 

2303 

2148 1 956 

1091 

1 1115 

1 108 

1 953 

1279 

1622 

2360 

441S 

6235 

3865 

4903 

4363 

1 4010 

68 

74 

64 

74 

106 

118 

86 

92 

102 

"3 

'38 

91 

67  : 

36 

17 

' 24 

35 

26 

85 

421 

445 

1 '77 

1 306 

4 

1 

3 

7 

6 

6 

4 

5 

5 

3 

1 8 

1 

'3 

8 

10 

13 

6 

4 

4 

1 

1 54 

14 

4 

5 

9 

1 1 

14 

16 

'5 

99 

3 

2 

5 

3 

4 

3 

2 

7 

3 

5 

4 

7 

5 

5 

4 

4 

3 

16 

7 

1 1 

12 

' 19 

'7  1 

65 

7818 

155 

176 

802 

289 

833 

762 

200 

386 

168 

3h8 

362 

233 

346 

251 

449 

438 

352 

348 

278 

512 

346 

330 

15S7 

' 1466 

'422 

2181 

i 1 161 

'597  1 

3 

6 

10 

5 

II 

5 

7 

10 

5 

7 

4 

6 

6 

3 

10 

7 

5 

I 

3 

12 

3 

' 25 

1 

24 

3' 

1 26 

19 

26 

29 

31 

19 

31 

53 

36 

37 

73 

3' 

3 

24 

35 

i 

52 

20 

14 

23 

28 

27 

30 

I 

24 

30 

1 

85 

4 

1 '■  = 

1 79 

105 

4 

'57 

3 

150 

"4 

'3 

609 

66 

28 

54 

42 

68 

51 

53 

72 

44 

81 

19 

27 

1 73 

68 

6 

4 

4 

I 

5 

1 

1 74 

' '5 

190 

498 

244 

161 

'33 

689 

161 

106 

114 

"7 

206 

213 

158 

192 

177 

201 

236 

225 

226 

194 

150 

157 

1 12 

171 

'32 

143 

'63 

1 230 

590 

1 668 

769 

8)9 

490 

3364 

1369 

1254 

1065 

990 

1237 

1280 

1050 

'343 

1089 

•393 

1 162 

"44 

858 

1123 

2596 

2378 

2035 

2268 

1 2130 

2315 

2113 

1 1895 

9277 

i 8453 

4678 

49'o 

4788 

45'9 

32106 

103 

71 

85 

82 

76 

102 

80 

lOI 

85 

120 

"3 

179 

1 16 

167 

18 

57 

j 

37 

i 5° 

'05 

341 

359 

497 

247 

1389 

41 

36 

21 

58 

30 

31 

33 

24 

58 

51 

55 

45 

! 54 

50 

! 57 

174 

1 207 

00 

77 

140 

43 

598 

2423 

2200 

2388 

1988 

2350 

2410 

2286 

2868 

2606 

3184 

2757 

3610 

2982 

3414 

1827 

1910 

1713 

1797 

1754 

1955 

2080 

2477 

5'57 

1 8266 

8999 

99 '4 

'2157 

7 '97 

44487 

684 

491 

530 

493 

569 

653 

606 

828 

702 

1027 

807 

841 

742 

1031 

52 

87 

18 

241 

221 

386 

418 

709 

i 498 

1734 

2198 

2656 

3377 

'324 

9073 

I 

I 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

01 

00 

01 

0 

0 

1 

2 

I 

3 

I 

556 

I 

617 

2 

4 

I 

3 

5 

6 

4 

280 

266 

5 

2 

2 

5 

10 

6 

4 

13 

47 

38 

185 

434 

421 

S08 

444 

704 

660 

706 

63' 

931 

646 

872 

235 

252 

279 

250 

329 

389 

1048 

1734 

'538 

2321 

2982 

1302 

9623 

47 

40 

30 

27 

49 

50 

53 

30 

43 

49 

63 

60 

57 

48 

43 

33 

29 

34 

37 

32 

32 

45 

139 

'47 

'44 

182 

2'5 

8 

17 

29 

43 

24 

.2 

19 

21 

19 

22 

20 

18 

7 

18 

19 

■3 

12 

i8 

'3 

■3 

'3 

'3 

62 

52 

97 

76 

79 

55 

384 

3 

2 

2 

3 

3 

4 

1 

4 

„ 3 

I 

4 

5 

3 

10 

7 

7 

2 

5 

6 

8 

27 

21 

10 

8 

8 

9 

74 

'39 

400 

I 190 

18^ 

525 

1279 

139 

812 

1294 

823 

835 

409 

'523 

354 

72 

40 

58 

53' 

72 

•354 

293 

'27 

701 

1846 

'913 

2755 

.13f>' 

2785 

10576 

6 

6 

9 

8 

7 

9 

14 

4 

3 

4 

9 

I I 

3 

6 

18 

33 

20 

6 

'3 

8 

24 

24 

83 

69 

29 

34 

27 

29 

243 

18 

29 

'5 

18 

21 

20 

20 

20 

29 

23 

25 

53 

51 

31 

'7 

12 

12 

12 

7 

'7 

1 2 

22 

53 

48 

80 

81 

130 

83 

392 

4 

4 

I 

3 

2 

I 

I 

9 

I 

' 

3 

2 

3 

9 

5 

2 

9 

5 

12 

9 

7 

7 

5 

6 

8 

7 

8 

'3 

14 

2 

2 

5 

3 

4 

4 

5 

7 

8 

14 

24 

35 

25 

I 

28 

'.14 

1 2 

'3 

16 

7 

17 

14 

I I 

17 

10 

'3 

10 

12 

13 

4 

18 

20 

22 

1 1 

'4 

■7 

5 

20 

7' 

5f> 

48 

59 

45 

47 

279 

I I 

10 

'3 

14 

9 

14 

'5 

9 

'4 

16 

24 

18 

1 1 

36 

8 

8 

6 

'5 

3 

8 

7 

37 

18 

48 

47 

72 

32 

t 

I 1 

2 

2 

6 

6 

6? 

3 

4 

5 

35 

26 

4 

2 

0 

6 

'4 

14 

'7 

46 

05' 

57 

35 

39 

49 

41 

43 

57 

71 

4' 

46 

77 

102 

76 

47 

59 

35 

43 

35 

45 

54 

63 

184 

197 

180 

212 

225 

188 

998 

\ 

I 

3 

2 

2 

3 

I 

16 

'3 

8 

10 

10 

4 

1 1 

47 

35 

02 

5 

6 

10 

95 

75 

61 

65 

59 

80 

105 

79 

90 

92 

122 

80 

'34 

105 

96 

i8 

76 

73 

74 

50 

62 

73 

'30 

282 

315 

260 

35 

428 

228 

1639 

I 

10 

00 

10 

01 

[ 1 

27 

57 

39 

94 

47 

45 

57 

5^ 

52 

43 

52 

47 

55 

47 

54 

55 

■ 47 

46 

49 

4' 

5' 

60 

202 

201 

217 

207 

'94 

148 

1021 

27 

26 

22 

'9 

22 

20 

26 

26 

27 

24 

23 

28 

28 

54 

16 

25 

18 

38 

35 

20 

20 

69 

97 

'50 

94 

94 

102 

66 

537 

3 

4 

2 

4 

4 

4 

3 

to 

9 

4 

6 

2 

6 

4 

I 

2 

2 

3 

2 

2 

5 

7 

'3 

2 1 

21 

9 

67 

I 

1 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

1 

1 

3 

06 

53 

46 

56 

59 

65 

72 

67 

65 

52 

50 

38 

51 

8 

'5 

94 

12 

99 

87 

82 

77 

98 

99 

392 

356 

2'3 

269 

'9' 

'58 

1421 

12 

18 

6 

1 1 

7 

1 1 

9 

12 

6 

7 

13 

5 

'4 

14 

6 

1 1 

6 

5 

4 

2 

2 

5 

28 

'3 

47 

39 

3' 

26 

158 

12 

■3 

5 

8 

6 

6 

'4 

3 

6 

7 

6 

5 

4 

24 

22 

24 

22 

30 

34 

22 

05 

'32 

5 

92 

3 

33 

33 

62 

8 

52 

1 1 

'53 

15 

80 

6 

74 

12 

2 

3 

80 

21 

33 

27 

12 

127 

83 

'33 

'55 

259 

5' 

757 

2 

1 

I 

2 

2 

3 

3 

t 

8 

r 

3 

01 

3 

2 

4 

8 

02 

18 

3 

2 

7 

5 

4 

3 

3 

3 

9 

6 

5 

7 

70 

20 

3 

7 

6 

5 

8 

10 

'9 

'7 

'3 

27 

77 

86 

25 

22 

36 

28 

28 

29 

30 

36 

58 

53 

44 

50 

46 

43 

4 

10 

'3 

7 

8 

'4 

10 

'4 

34 

46 

1 1 1 

'23 

215 

86 

529 

27 

21 

■9 

20 

23 

20 

29 

18 

22 

23 

20 

22 

17 

21 

17 

23 

17 

25 

'4 

21 

25 

'7 

82 

77 

87 

90 

87 

53 

423 

3597 

611 

67 

'5 

23 

16 

6 

16 

9 

R-7 

6 

4 

14 

36 

'4 

'3'7 

274 

‘ 

10400 

'599 

10401 

4290 

61 

61 

33 

103 

' 6384 

07 

3'5 

16 

“53 

89 

30 

26 

'3 

20 

23 

19 

'7 

23 

10 

9 

17 

12 

10 

26 

24 

26 

36 

21 

45 

24 

112 

90 

72 

52 

5' 

415 

3 

7 

2 

2 

00 

4 

10 

00 

00 

00 

14 

'45 

47 

43 

65 

54 

60 

75 

89 

56 

52 

56 

126 

368 

146 

|2 

58 

38 

24 

125 

245 

397 

186 

79' 

300 

278 

290 

243 

1845 

14 

1 1 

12 

17 

24 

20 

18 

9 

'5 

13 

7 

10 

21 

14 

01 

8 

6 

7 

24 

04 

5 

22 

22 

55 

54 

7' 

45 

34 

247 

150 

224 

216 

190 

260 

329 

229 

372 

347 

458 

3'7 

476 

441 

521 

60 

'4 

49 

50 

00 

"3 

780 

1 190 

'598 

657 

3681 

150 

92 

"5 

120 

'34 

.38 

'35 

178 

166 

212 

203 

228 

210 

249 

44 

72 

99 

98 

84 

72 

104 

309 

220 

777 

585 

809 

3^'9 

27CX) 

16 

7 

7 

6 

7 

16 

7 

15 

1 1 

20 

19 

18 

12 

28 

2 

6 

4 

9 

4 

3 

10 

'3 

21 

30 

3'"’ 

45 

68 

21 

201 

2 

1 

2 

2 

1 

2 

05 

32 

20 

21 

21 

29 

43 

41 

44 

103 

71 

82 

82 

95 

12 

5 

7 

9 

9 

00 

25 

33 

34 

94 

132 

300 

'^5 

593 

2 

16 

26 

24 

24 

2 

2 

26 

'5 

'7 

17 

32 

25 

32 

47 

61 

48 

'3 

20 

48 

'9 

'9 

22 

29 

9' 

89 

^>5 

"5 

'44 

141 

504 

27 

12 

17 

13 

13 

6 

2 

5 

7 

7 

1 

i 

29 

26 

13 

07 

68 

2 

4 

8 

7 

' 

2 

I 

I 

3 

I 

3 

6 

7 

14 

1 

f 

14 

'9 

5 

'3 

29 

5' 

45 

42 

29 

28 

50 

41 

44 

38 

49 

57 

72 

69 

22 

30 

1 39 

58 

5° 

58 

49 

33 

45 

114 

185 

'44 

'73 

247 

5' 

937 

2 

I 

3 

1 

6 

1 

4 

'3 

29 

29 

30 

33 

55 

67 

66 

107 

94 

'45 

129 

277 

186 

214 

,3 

I 

6 

6 

121 

295 

247 

216 

669 

217 

137 

136 

'23 

104 

'77 

178 

212 

128 

161 

137 

218 

202 

192 

< 

149 

86 

104 

"4 

132 

371 

445 

721 

613 

671 

644 

401 

3094 

4 

4 

3 

I 

4 

2 

I 

I 

2 

•4 

4 

6 

3 

10 

23 

'3 

' ' 1 

5 

5 

10 

57 

767 

597 

540 

59S 

709 

90s 

691 

1131 

803 

1 198 

878 

1036 

839 

1008 

4411 

1 506 

335 

470 

432 

454 

539 

1207  . 

175' 

2632 

2502  1 

343f> 

39' 5 

1819 

14236 

62 

47 

u 

1 

14 

34 

23 

'5 

27 

68 

65 

'09  j 

8 

242 

57 

66 

'5 

1 23 

17 

40 

28 

3' 

95 

93 

123 

J5 

21 1 

t 

6 

3 

7 

4 

6 

3 

14 

7 

27 

16 

19 

8 

to 

1 

4 

1 

I 

2 

5 

6 

3 

7 

16 

'7 

27 

69 

12 

136 

147 

107 

105 

65 

85 

86 

53 

19 

i '■ 

28 

27 

19 

28 

27 

105 

74 

424 

224 

124 

830 

t 

I 

2 

2 

I 

I 

2 

1 

1 

1 

4 

1 

4 

2 1 

4 

4 

2 

15 

6 a 

1 59 

37 

62 

58 

62 

78 

34 

221 

233 

i 

63 

454 

1 

1 

34*90 

229250 

This  Table  to  face  page  406. 


Probably  a name  for  confluent  small  pox.  See  Creighton,  r-,  462—463. 


Table  for  London. 


407 


The  Table  of  Burials^  and  Christnings^ 
in  London  \ 


Anno 

Dorn. 

97 

Pari- 

shes.- 

16 

Pari- 

shes. 

Out- 

Pari- 

shes. 

Buried 
in  all 

1 Besides 
: of  the 
Plague 

Cht'ist- 

ned 

i 1604 

1518 

2097 

708 

4323  ! 

896 

5458 

1605 

2014  1 

2974 

960 

5948  : 

444 

6504 

1606 

1941  i 

2920 

935 

5796  1 

2124 

6614 

1607 

1879 

2772  1 

1019 

5670  i 

2352 

6582 

1608 

2391  ' 

3218 

1149 

6758  i 

2262 

6845 

1609 

2494 

3610 

1441 

7545  ; 

4240 

6388 

1610 

2326 

3791 

1369 

7486  : 

1803 

6785 

161 1 

2152  : 

3398 

1 166 

6716 

627 

7014 

16715  1 

24780 

8747 

50242  1 

14752 

52190 

^ The  original  bills  being  lost,  it  is  impossible  to  check  most  of  Graunt’s 
figures  before  1658.  Bell’s  Keniembrancer,  however,  gives  the  christenings,  the 
plague  burials,  and  the  aggregate  burials,  week  by  week,  with  the  total  of  each 
year,  for  seventeen  of  the  years  included  in  Graunt’s  table,  viz.  for  1606 — i6ro, 
1625,  1630,  1636—37,  and  1640 — 47.  In  13  years  Bell’s  figures  agree  with 
Graunt’s.  The  disagreements  in  the  remaining  four  years  are  exhibited  by  the 
following  table  : 


Year 

Christened 

Buried  of  the 
plague 

Total  buried  (i.e.  the  plague  burials 
and  Graunt’s  “ buried  in  all  ”) 

Graunt 

Bell 

1 

Graunt 

1 

Bell 

Graunt 

Bell 

i6io 

1641 

1642 
1646 

10,670 

10,370 

7^63 

^0.370 

10,670 

7’583 

1 

G375 

G274 

^>365 

3.067 

1,824 

^.436 

1,803+  7.486=  9,289 

1.375+11.767=13.142 

1,274+11,999=13,273 
2,365  + 10,415=12,780 

9,087 
18,291 
12, 167 

13.532 

The  small  discrepancies  in  the  christenings,  in  1641 — 42  are  obviously  due  to  a 
transposition  of  figures,  and  the  error  is  probably  Graunt’s,  since  Bell’s  figures 
here,  as  in  all  the  years  in  question,  are  the  correct  footings  of  his  weekly  returns. 
The  discrepancies  in  the  number  of  burials,  particularly  in  1641,  are  more  serious. 
Contemporary  letters  afford  a check  upon  four  of  Bell’s^  weekly  bills  as 
follows:  19 — 26  August,  1641,  Bell’s  total  burials  are  610,  plague  burials,  139; 
Wiseman  to  Pennington,  26  August  : “ 131  dying  here  this  week  of  the  pest,  and 
ri8  of  the  small-pox,  and  610  in  the  whole  of  all  diseases.”  Cal.  State  Papers^ 
Dorn..,  Charles  /.,  1641 — 43,  p.  105.  2 — 9 September,  Bell’s  plague  burials  are 
185  ; Cogan  to  Pennington,  9 September  : “ there  died  this  week  of  the  plague 
185.”  Ibid..,  120.  23 — 30  September,  Bell’s  decrease  of  plague  burials  over 

previous  week  is  30 ; Wiseman  to  Pennington,  30  September : “ the  sickness,  I 
hope,  will  every  day  diminish,  [the  deaths]  being  less  by  42  than  the  last  [week].” 
Ibid.,  128.  I — 7 October,  Bell’s  total  burials  are  654,  plague  burials,  239,  an 


4o8 


Grauiifs  Observations. 


The  Table  of  Burials,  aiid  Christnings, 
in  London. 


Anno 

Dom. 

97 

Pari- 

shes 

16  1 

Pan-  j 
shes 

Out- 

Pari- 

shes 

Envied 
in  all 

Besides 
of  the 
Plague 

Christ- 

ned 

1612 

2473 

\ 

3843 

1462 

7778 

64 

6986 

1613 

2406 

3679 

1418 

7503 

16 

6846 

[614 

2369 

3504 

1494 

7367 

22  j 

7208 

1615 

2446 

3791 

1613 

7850 

37 

7682 

1616 

2490 

3876 

1697 

8063 

9 

7985 

1617 

2397 

4109 

1774 

8280 

6 

7747 

1618 

2815 

4715 

2066 

9596 

18 

7735 

1619 

2339 

3857 

1804 

7999 

9 

8127 

19735 

31374 

13328  ! 

64436 

171 

60316 

1630 

2726 

4819 

2146  i 

9691 

21 

7845 

1621 

2438 

3759 

1915  i 

8112 

1 1 

8039 

1622 

2811 

4217 

2392  i 

8943 

16 

7894 

1623 

3591 

4721 

2783 

1 1095 

17 

7945 

i 1624 

3385 

5919 

2895 

1 2 199 

1 1 

8299 

1625 

5143 

9819 

3886 

1 8848 

35417 

6983 

1626 

2150 

3285 

1965 

7401 

134 

6701 

1627 

2325 

3400 

1988  1 

7711 

4 

8408 

24569 

39940 

19970 

84000 

35631 

62114II 

1628 

2412 

3311 

2017 

7740 

3 

8564 

1629 

2536 

3992 

2243 

8771 

0 

9901 

1630 

2506 

4201 

2521 

9237 

13^7 

9315 

1631 

2459 

3697 

2132 

8288 

274 

^524 

1632 

2704 

4412 

2411 

9527 

8 

1 9584 

1633 

2378 

3936 

2078 

8393 

0 

i 9997 

1634 

2937 

4980 

2982 

10399 

I 

1 9855 

1635 

2742 

4966 

2943 

10651 

0 

1 10034 

20694 

33495 

19327 

73505 

1603 

75774 

1636 

2825 

6924 

3210 

12959 

10400 

; 9522 

1637 

2288 

4265 

2128 

8681 

3082 

9160 

1638 

3584 

5926 

3751 

13261 

363 

1031 1 

1639 

2592 

4344 

2612 

9548 

314 

' 10150 

1640 

2919 

5156 

3246 

11321 

1450 

10850 

1641 

3248 

5092 

■ 3427 

11767 

1375 

10670 

1642 

3176 

5245 

3578 

1 1 999 

1274 

10370 

1643 

I 3395 

5552 

3269 

12216 

996 

I 9410 

23987 

! 42544 

25221 

91752 

19244 

1 80443 

increase  of  24;  Wiseman  to  Pennington,  7 October  : “The  sickness  is  increased 
by  24  this  week,  there  being  dead  of  all  diseases  650  persons  [perhaps  intended 
as  a round  figure],  whereof  239  of  the  plague.”  Ibid.,  134.  Pennington’s  corre- 
spondents, therefore,  substantially  confirm  Pell’s  figures  for  four  weeks.  If  his 
figures  for  the  remaining  weeks  of  1641  are  eriually  accurate,  Gi aunt’s  figures  for 
that  year  must  be  far  too  small. 


Table  for  London. 


409 


The  Tables  of  Burials,  and  Christnings, 
in  London. 

A niio 

97 

16 

Out- 

Buried 

Besides 

Chri sl- 

Dom. 

Pari- 

shes. 

Pari- 

shes. 

Pari- 

shes. 

in  all 

of  the 
Plague 

ued 

1644 

2593 

4274 

2574 

9441 

1492 

8104 

1645 

2524 

4639 

2445 

9608 

1871 

7966 

1646 

2746 

4872 

2797 

10415 

2365 

7163 

1647 

2672 

4749 

3041 

10462 

3597 

7332 

1648 

2480 

4288 

2515 

9283 

61 1 

6544 

1649 

2865 

4714 

2920 

10499 

67 

5825 

1650 

2301 

4138 

2310 

8749 

15 

5612 

1651 

2845 

5002 

2597 

10804 

23 

6071 

21026 

36676 

21 199 

78896 

1 004 1 

5461711 

1652 

3293 

5719 

3546 

12553 

16 

6128 

1653 

2527 

4635 

2919 

1008 1 

6 

6155 

1654 

3323 

6063 

3845 

13231 

16 

6620 

1655 

2781 

5148 

3439 

11348 

9 

7004 

1656 

3327 

6573 

4015 

13915 

6 

7050 

1657 

3014 

5646 

3770 

12430 

4 

6685 

1658 

3613 

1692^ 

4443 

14979 

14 

6170 

1659 

3431 

6988 

4301 

14720 

36 

5690 

25288 

47695 

30278 

103261 

107 

51502 

1660 

3098 

5644 

2926 

12668 

13 

6971 

1661 

3804 

7309 

5532 

16645 

20 

8855 

1662 

3123 

6094 

4423 

13652 

12 

10019 

1663 

3001 

5602 

4129 

12732 

09 

10292 

1664 

3448 

7166 

4829 

15448 

i 05 

1 1722II 

The  Table  following  contains  the  Number  of  Burials  and  (118) 
Christenings  in  the  seven  Parishes  hereafter  mentioned,  from 
the  year  1636  unto  the  year  1659*^  inclusive\  all  which  time 
the  Burials  and  Christenings  were  jointly  m.entioned:  the  five 
last  years  the  Christenings  were  omitted  in  the  yearly  Bills. 

This  Table  consists  of  seventeen  Columns,  the  Total  of  all 
the  Bnrials  being  contained  in  the  sixteenth  Column  : which 
Number  being  added  to  the  Total  in  the  precedent  Table  of 
Burials  and  Christenings,  makes  the  Total  of  every  yearly  or 
general  Bill.  || 


^ The  total  requires  6923  here  if  3613  and  4443  be  assumed  to  be  correct. 

^ In  the  third  edition  the  table  was  brought  down  to  1664,  but  the  text 
stood  unchanged. 


410 


Gmn /I I's  Obscrvalions. 


(‘19)  Note,  IV  he  re  there  follozvs  a seeond  Nuviber  under  any  year  ^ it 
denotes  those  ivJucJl  died  that  year  of  the  Plague. 


Anno  Doin 

lVesti)ii)ister 

Islington 

Lambeth 

Stepney 

Neioington 

Hackney 

Redriff 

7 Parishe.s 

Total  in  the 

Bur. 

Ch. 

B. 

C. 

B.  Ch. 

Bur. 

Ch. 

B. 

c. 

B. 

C. 

B. 

C. 

Bur. 

Ch. 

1 636 

1 107 

55^^ 

99 

5^> 

213 

'37 

'895 

881 

584 

'55 

68 

77 

90 

62 

405^) 

1924 

442 

30 

45 

909 

242 

'4 

20 

1702 

I <'>.^7 

9f>3 

496 

94 

72 

173 

137 

952 

838 

'83 

'72 

68 

70 

74 

5' 

2507  - 

'836  1 

301 

>7 

18 

153 

16 

6 

10 

521  ; 

1638 

1021 

5^>3 

ri6 

49 

221 

140 

1209 

908 

255 

146 

lOI 

69 

74 

78 

2997 

'953  ; 

j 

126 

8 

1 1 

'45 

it)39 

54^> 

543 

88 

53 

i95 

^32 

970 

95^> 

'87 

'59 

84 

53 

81 

52 

215' 

1948  i 

4 

2 

2 

I 

9 

' 

1640 

754 

665 

94 

54 

187 

142 

1106 

983 

189 

'94 

7^> 

54 

53 

77 

2459 

2'59 

1 

()2 

3 

6 

117 

I 

189 

1641 

697 

625 

92 

7^' 

168 

'37 

1 1250 

'037 

'70 

'37 

82 

73 

69 

64 

2:508 

2149  i 

40 

5 

9 

70 

4 

128 

1 1642 

671 

630 

98 

71 

149 

124 

1270 

1158 

160 

'45 

78 

58 

7^> 

2489 

2262 

1 

37 

4 

12 

: 20 

'7 

5 

4 

99 

i 

! 666 

592 

•05 

69 

i77 

114 

I 167 

'013 

240 

147 

65 

3^) 

42 

07 

247' 

2038 

' 25 

3 

45 

83 

86 

2 

244 

1644 

' 570 

429 

6t 

55 

115 

105 

' ii87 

933 

'23 

lOI 

54 

45 

70 

82 

2189 

'750 

' 35 

8 

8 

1 269 

44 

3 

'7 

384 

621 

444 

55 

f»3 

146 

"4 

1171 

873 

183 

"9 

58 

60 

50 

f)0 

2284 

'7.53 

62 

6 

3 

18 

7 

I 

256 

i 

1646 

J ^’9 1 

503 

84 

61 

137 

108 

1 

1230 

960 

'5f> 

'.^0 

76 

^'3 

47 

43 

2421 

1868 

76 

8 

5 

97 

14 

9 

2 

203 

! i^>47 

; 7.W 

464 

108 

5<'' 

161 

94 

j 1 126 

926 

129 

f>5 

88 

45 

42 

44 

2393 

1688  ! 

114 

12 

25 

I '55 

28 

16 

4 

434 

j 1648 

5f>' 

384 

68 

46 

87 

57 

837 

767 

i 

42 

45 

59 

'635 

'30511 

1 

1 41 

4 

3' 

\ ^ 

82 

1649 

1 55« 

333 

90 

44 

J3I 

55 

: 838 

625 

i 

49 

1807 

1106 

16^0 

470 

413 

I 

78 

54 

88 

50 

1 748 

572 

55 

65 

1 

48 

50 

62 

4 

'550 

1264 

1 

:;8o 

345 

107 

5‘ 

127 

49 

i 9<'>' 

' 72 

59 

60 

30 

84 

45 

2091 

'213 

1652 

649 

432 

99 

3<'i 

179 

50 

j I2C2 

^>57 

198 

85 

i 

33 

74 

37 

2483 

I 

'.5.50 

'^>53 

567 

394 

69 

46 

120 

54 

1064 

620 

'95 

76 

48 

69 

21 

2 >55 

'250 

1654 

657 

40  [ 

96 

^>5 

166 

7^' 

1 1252 

803 

1 236 

106 

! 88 

3' 

75 

46 

257 

1526 

676 

4>4 

95 

86 

134 

128 

"99 

859 

172 

120 

1 68 

37 

62 

57 

2406 

1701 

1 if)i^6 

761 

498 

^S9 

89 

176 

'52 

'255 

963 

248 

'27 

46 

66 

45 

2701 

1920 

1 i^>57 

705 

473 

112 

67 

231 

'37 

1213 

876 

204 

'23 

1 96 

42 

5' 

3' 

2612 

'749 

: 1658 

890 

440 

I '3 

3f' 

220 

i486 

892 

181 

99 

i 9' 

30 

48 

16 

2958 

1^45 

! 

822 

4'5 

1 16 

5^> 

193 

'03 

'392 

^95 

'.^8 

86 

83 

50 

84 

'3 

2828 

1418 

1660 

7«3 

108 

183 

"5' 

"4 

1 

33 

2437 

1661 

Q«3 

102 

1 

1561 

340 

102 

87 

3505 

1662 

848 

59 

i 210 

'53' 

76 

' 101 

77 

2902 

1663 

793 

4> 

i 199 

1241 

188 

73 

i8o 

2615 

M 1 

1 664 

807 

50 

236 

'392 

: 235 ! 

i 80 

i 40 

2848 

Table  of  Males  and  Fe males. 


411 


The  TABLE  of  Males,  and  Females,  for  LONDON,  (^^i) 


An.  Dom. 

Buried 

Christened 

Males 

Females 

Males 

Females 

1629 

4668  1 

4103 

5218 

4683 

1630 

5660 

4894 

4858 

4457 

1631 

4549 

4013 

4422  ! 

4102 

1632 

4932 

4603  1 

4994  1 

4590 

1633 

4369 

4023  I 

5158  1 

4839 

1634 

5676 

5224 

5035  i 

4820 

1635 

5548 

5103 

5106  1 

4928 

1636 

12377 

10982 

4917 

4605 

47739 

43945 

39708 

37024 

1637 

6392 

5371 

4703 

4457 

1638 

7168 

6456 

5359 

4952 

1639 

5351 

4511 

5366 

4784 

1640 

6761 

6010 

5518 

5332 

Total 

73451 

65293 

60664 

56549 

1641 

6872 

6270 

5470 

5200 

1642 

7049 

6224 

5460  1 

4910 

1643 

6842 

6360 

4793 

4617 

1644 

5659 

5274 

4107 

3997 

1645 

6014 

5465 

4047 

3919 

1646 

6683 

6097 

3768 

i 3395 

1647 

7313 

6746 

! 3796 

3536 

1648 

5145 

4749 

! 3363 

3181 

51577 

47185 

34804 

3275511 

1649 

5454 

5112 

3079 

2746 

1650 

4548 

4216 

1 2890 

1 2722 

1651 

5680 

5147 

3231 

' 2840 

1652 

6543 

6026 

3220 

2908 

1653 

5416 

4671 

3196 

i 2959 

1654 

6972 

6275 

, 3441 

3179 

1655 

6027 

5330 

3655 

3349 

1656 

7365 

6556 

3668 

3382 

44005 

41333 

1 26380 

24085 

1657 

6572 

5856 

3396 

3289 

1658 

7936 

7057 

3157 

3013 

1659 

7451 

7305 

3209 

i 2781 

1660 

7960 

7158 

3724 

3247 

1661 

10448 

9287 

4748 

4107 

1662 

8623 

7931 

5216 

4803 

1663 

8035 

7321 

5411 

4881 

1664 

9369 

8928 

6041 

5681 

66400 

60843 

1 34902 

31802 

Total 

235247 

214658 

1 156750 

146231 11 

412 


Grannfs  Observations. 


The  Table  of  the  Country-Paris/C. 

Commu- 

Wed- 

Christned 

Buried 

Years 

nicants 

dings 

M. 

F. 

Both 

M. 

F. 

Both 

1569 

H 

38 

30 

68 

23 

21 

44 

1570 

19 

29 

32 

61 

21 

25 

46 

1571 

18 

28 

26 

54 

23 

27 

50 

1572 

23 

3“ 

32 

54 

20 

14 

34 

1573 

21 

34 

36 

20^ 

24 

13 

37 

1574 

i 

16 

i 21 

29 

50 

28 

38 

66 

1575 

24 

37 

29 

66 

15 

19 

34 

1576 

22 

33 

37 

70 

16 

18 

. 34 

1577 

13 

29 

26 

55 

19 

21 

40 

1578 

20 

31 

35 

66 

25 

25 

50 

190 

312 

302 

614 

214 

22  I 

435 

1579 

15 

35 

36 

71 

27 

27 

54 

80 

21 

43 

31 

74 

38 

41 

79 

81 

29 

29 

33 

62 

34 

24 

58 

82 

22 

28 

29 

57 

18 

21 

39 

83 

22 

32 

27 

59 

35 

52 

87 

84 

15 

46 

44 

90 

22 

19 

41 

85 

15 

26 

21 

47 

15 

27 

42 

86 

18  ! 

22 

23 

45 

24 

37 

61 

87 

13 

34 

31 

65 

43 

36 

79 

1588 

15  1 

33 

34 

67 

31 

18 

49 

185  ! 

328 

309 

637 

00 

302 

58911 

^ This  table,  beginning  with  1569,  is  for  a parish  of  12  miles  compass  (p.  393), 
located  in  Hampshire  (p.  388).  Petty’s  native  town  of  Romsey  corresponds 
entirely  to  the  description.  Moreover  “The  Register  of  Romsey  begins  in  1569 
yc  j^th  ye  Reigii  of  Q.  E 1 iza lie t li  — J a 11 . i [i.e.  1570  n.  s,]  and  is  divided 

into  3 Columns  viz.  Christenings,  Weddings,  & Burials,  in  which  year  there  were 
Christ.  73  weddin  13,  & Burials  44.”  Dr  John  Latham’s  MS.  Collections  for  a 
History  of  Romsey,  iii.  f.  3 (Brit.  Mus.  Addl.  MS.  26776).  At  f.  14  ff.  Dr  Latham 
gives  a table  of  the  marriages,  baptisms  and  burials  at  Romsey  from  1570  to  1658. 
The  figures  do  not  agree  precisely  with  those  of  Graunt’s  table,  but  no  great 
importance  should  be  attached  to  trifling  discrepancies  as  the  register  was  in  part 
carelessly  kept  and  badly  preserved,  and  Latham  himself  admits  (f.  16  b)  that 
other  (unspecified)  abstracts  of  it  do  not  agree  with  his.  The  general  similarity 
between  his  figures  and  Graunt’s  is  much  too  close  to  be  the  result  of  chance. 

20  as  the  total  christenings  in  1573  is  evidently  a misprint.  The  third 
edition  has  70,  Latham  has  76. 


Table  for  Romsey. 


413 


The  Table  of  the  Coimtry-Parish. 


Commu- 

Wed- 

Christ  ned 

Buried 

Years 

nicants 

dings 

M. 

F.  1 

Both 

M. 

F. 

Both 

1589 

20 

3r 

27  1 

58 

28 

16 

44 

90 

16 

40 

29 

69 

36  1 

21 

57 

91 

12 

37 

28 

65 

35 

30 

65 

92 

14 

40 

25 

65 

28 

19 

47 

93 

20 

32 

20 

52 

33 

32 

65 

94 

24 

34 

37 

71 

16 

22 

38 

95 

16 

32 

28 

60 

33  ' 

28 

61 

96 

9 

! 36 

26 

62 

42 

29 

71 

97 

23 

! 23 

25 

48 

53 

64 

117 

98 

21 

37 

29 

66 

33 

23 

66 

175 

342 

274 

616 

337 

219 

631 

1599 

19 

45 

31 

76 

21 

22 

1 

600 

16 

j 26 

34 

1 60 

20 

j 26 

46 

601 

16 

! 39 

32 

i 71 

18 

! 12 

30 

602 

14 

31 

32 

63 

29 

1 18 

47 

603 

12 

31 

38 

69 

32 

1 39 

71 

604 

21 

i 42 

35 

77 

26 

27 

53 

605 

19 

i ^7 

34 

81 

21 

i 12 

33 

606 

19 

1 29 

41 

; 70 

28 

j 23 

51 

607 

27 

36 

47 

83 

33 

‘ 19 

52 

608 

i 

17 

40 

53 

93 

21 

21 

42 

181 

366 

377 

' 743 

249 

j 219 

46811 

(124) 


The 

Table  of  the 

Country-Parish. 

Weddings 

Christned  ; 

Buried 

Years 

M. 

F.  1 

Both 

M. 

F. 

Both 

1609 

23 

30 

31 

61 

24 

41 

65 

10 

19 

46 

30 

76 

33 

40  ; 

73 

1 1 

25 

40 

41 

81 

41 

32  , 

73 

12 

20 

55 

32 

87 

53 

63  i 

1 16 

13 

24 

41 

33 

74 

47 

41 

88 

1 14 

25 

50 

35 

85 

27 

1 36 

63 

1 15 

22 

35 

48 

83 

28 

i 36 

1 64 

! 16 

14 

38 

36 

74 

27 

41 

1 68 

17 

17 

45 

31 

76 

35 

1 28 

63 

! 1618 

8 

37 

41 

; 

23 

! 28 

51 

! 

197 

417 

378~' 

1 775 

338 

386^ 

724 

The  total  burials  for  1599  have  dropped  out.  The  other  editions  have  43. 


(I26) 


414 


Gran  Ilfs  Observations. 


The 

Table  of  the  Country-Parish. 

Weddings 

Cliristned 

Buried 

Years 

M. 

F. 

Hotli 

M. 

F. 

Both 

1619 

21 

37 

43 

80 

26 

28 

54 

20 

20 

34 

51 

85 

18 

30 

48 

2 [ 

21 

3‘ 

37 

68 

28 

36 

64 

22 

23 

45 

38 

83 

20 

26 

46 

23 

14 

40 

36 

76 

56 

31 

87 

24 

19 

30 

33 

63 

29 

35 

64 

25 

7 

37 

41 

78 

30 

20  j 

56 

26 

9 

30 

35 

65 

21 

29 

50 

27 

18 

45 

23 

68 

24 

29  ! 

53 

1628 

16 

39 

36 

75 

47 

42 

89 

168 

368 

373 

741 

305 

306 

61 1 11 

1629 

22 

53 

38 

91 

46 

28 

i 

1 74 

30 

8 

58 

45 

103 

26 

27 

i 53 

31 

20 

42 

29 

71 

26 

33 

i 59 

32 

16 

43 

50 

93 

15 

21 

36 

33 

12 

38 

65 

103 

18 

1 1 

29 

34 

23 

30 

45 

75 

18 

26  1 

44 

35 

1 1 

39 

32 

71 

18 

17  1 

1 35 

36 

^5 

50 

37 

87 

42 

48 

i 90 

37 

13 

35 

36 

71 

25 

35 

60 

1638 

13 

30 

36_ 

66 

^3 

73 

1 15^ 

! 

153 

418 

413 

83T 

317 

319 

636 

1639 

18 

24 

31 

55 

48 

66 

i 114 

40 

1 1 

44 

41 

85 

35 

39 

i 74 

41 

21 

34 

29 

63 

34 

39 

i 70 

42 

1 

48 

39 

87 

32 

29 

' 61 

43 

8 

30 

42 

72 

59 

28 

i 87 

44 

16 

33 

26 

59 

65 

72 

: 137 

45 

' 10 

43 

1 41 

84 

28 

29 

' 57 

46 

1 1 

32 

35 

67 

24 

32 

I 

47 

: 12 

28 

i 46 

74 

25 

21 

46 

48 

1 9 

35 

27 

62 

25 

3' 

S 

137 

351 

357 

708 

375 

383 

00 

Tabic  for  Ronisey. 


415 


The 

Table  of  the  Country-Parish. 

! 

Years 

Christned 

1 

Buried  ' 

Weddings 

M. 

F. 

Both 

M.  1 F. 

Both 

1649  i 

9 

22 

37 

59 

46  ' 34  . 

80 

50 

9 

55  i 

31 

86 

25  27  : 

52 

51  ! 

7 

25  1 

27 

52 

II  21 

32 

52  ! 

14 

34  ; 

28 

62 

20  ^ 25 

45 

53 

47  1 

24 

71 

21  14  { 

35 

54 

'5 

34  ' 

37 

71 

14  25 

39 

55 

38 

35 

34 

69 

28  19 

47 

56 

28 

40 

! 30 

70 

18  15 

33 

57 

37 

23 

‘ 43 

66 

22  25 

47 

58 

16 

39 

1^9 

68 

, 13  15 

28 

k...  ... 

182 

354 

, 320 

674 

218  ^ 220 

43811  i 

The  Table  by 

Dec  ads  of 

years 

for  the 

Country 

Parish. 

C) 

Christened 

Buried 

(T 

-IS 

2 'yj 

P 

2 

td 

0 

py 

^ 1 
2 

W 

0 

a, 

s' 

c/3 

rT 

X 

K 

P 

rT 

C/)  1 

ic)69 

'5(78 

190 

312 

302 

614 

214 

221  ! 

435 

185 

328 

309 

637 

287 

302  ! 

589 

,r  .'89 

'5(98 

175 

342 

274 

616  1 

337 

284 

621 

, (599 

‘ (608 

181 

366 

377 

743 

249 

219 

468 

“S 

197 

417 

358 

775 

338 

386  ! 

724 

168 

368  ; 

373 

1 

; 741 

i 305 

306 

61 1 

153 

418 

413 

j 831 

1 317 

319 

636 

'‘18 

137 

351 

357 

708 

i 375 

383 

i 758 

'‘18 

182 

354 

320 

674 

218 

1 

220 

1 

1 438 

1 

1598 

3256 

3083 

1 

1 6339 

1 

I 2640 

2640 

1 5280II 

4i6 


Graunf s Observations. 


('^9)  The  number  of  the  Weddings,  Christnijigs  and  Burials  that 
ivere  in  the  Tozvn  and  Parish  of  Tiverton,  from  March 
1560  to  January  1664;  as  appear eth  by  the  Registers. 


Years 

Christned 

Buried 

Weddings 

M. 

F. 

Both 

M. 

F. 

Both 

1 560 

37 

23 

29 

52 

43 



1 28 

71 

61 

51 

35 

31 

66 

36 

i 34 

70 

62 

16 

59 

50 

109 

32 

: 34 

66 

63 

19 

39 

50 

89 

27 

15 

42 

64 

19 

47 

50 

97 

21 

15 

36 

65 

14 

51 

27 

78 

26 

! 28 

54 

66 

19 

67 

44 

1 1 1 

23 

i 12 

35 

67 

23 

52 

42 

94 

28 

16 

44 

68 

15 

50 

34 

84 

25 

25 

50 

69 

19 

40 

37 

77 

23 

38 

61 

232 

463 

394 

1 

1 00 

; 

284  i 

245 

529II 

1570 

17 

51 

45 

96 

1 

45 

58 

103 

71 

21 

46 

26 

72 

70 

68 

138 

72 

35 

52 

44 

96 

30 

23 

53 

73 

38 

55 

39 

94 

22 

19 

41 

74 

37 

42 

50 

92 

25 

28 

53 

75 

32 

51 

71 

122 

33 

21 

54 

76 

27 

62 

65 

127 

43 

1 93 

136 

77 

27 

79 

46 

125 

54 

76 

130 

78 

38 

59 

57 

1 16 

42 

54 

96 

79 

45 

56 

59 

II5 

35 

63 

98 

317 

553 

502 

1055 

399 

503 

902 

1580 

35 

61 

63 

124 

36 

79 

81 

34 

62 

64 

126 

37 

39 

76 

82 

34 

68 

67 

135 

45 

38 

83 

83 

33 

54 

44 

98 

31 

47 

78 

84 

28 

77 

59 

136 

39 

43 

82 

85 

1 1 

69 

64 

133 

32 

52 

84 

86 

27 

42 

40 

82 

49 

40 

89 

87 

27 

57 

63 

120 

76 

94 

170 

88 

36 

67 

65 

132 

57 

43 

100 

89 

33 

83 

70 

153 

47 

55 

102 

298 

640 

599 

1239 

449 

494 

94311 

Table  for  'Tiverton. 


417 


The  Tabic  of  the  Parish  <9/ Tiv^erton.  (131) 


Christned 

Buried 

Years 

Weddings 

M. 

F. 

Both 

M.  j 

F. 

Both  j 

1590 

39 

60 

64 

124 

62  , 

87  i 

149  i 

91 

48 

56 

44 

100 

268 

282  j 

550' 

92 

43 

75 

77 

152 

37 

48 

85 

i 93 

43 

63 

48 

1 1 1 

37 

65  1 

102  . 

94 

37 

66 

98 

164 

31 

47 

78 

' 95 

38 

54 

52 

106 

37 

60 

97  ! 

96 

22 

60 

58 

118 

51 

77 

128  i 

97 

18 

37 

29 

66 

124 

153 

27711 

! 98 

23 

44 

38 

82 

45 

103 

148  1 

99 

42 

50 

73 

123 

27 

27 

5“*  i 

353 

565 

521 

1146 

719 

949 

1668 

' 1600 

38 

64 

54 

1 18 

28 

38 

66" 

I 

33 

52 

82 

134 

28 

36 

64 

, 2 

37 

65 

62 

127 

41 

42 

83 

3 

52 

60 

83 

143 

50 

36 

86 

1 4 

28 

75 

63 

138 

27 

63 

90 

5 

49 

62 

68 

130 

33 

48 

81 

i 6 

37 

79 

77 

156 

45 

42 

87 

i 7 

47 

89 

77 

166 

34 

52 

86 

8 

37 

60 

86 

146 

51 

64 

115 

: 9 

34 

70 

69 

‘39 

27 

49 

76 

1 

392 

676 

721 

1379 

364 

470 

83411 

^ 1610 

31 

83 

88 

171 

62 

50 

1 12 

1 1 

51 

83 

96 

179 

39 

41 

80 

12 

47 

79 

70 

149 

58 

45 

103 

13 

38 

74 

77 

151 

39 

40 

79 

14 

46 

90 

88 

178 

42 

41 

83 

15 

55 

88 

84 

172 

39 

44 

83 

16 

24 

1 1 1 

too 

21 1 

53 

59 

i 1 12 

17 

41 

99 

79 

178 

57 

57 

1 14 

18 

46 

102 

79 

181 

32 

44 

76 

19 

30 

104 

102 

206 

65 

72 

137 

409 

913 

863 

1776 

486 

493 

979 

1620 

t 

42 

105 

72 

177 

53 

53 

106 

I 21 

74 

1 1 1 

1 1 1 

222 

61 

5‘ 

1 12 

1 22 

40 

89 

104 

193 

60 

86 

i 146  1 

1 23 

52 

108 

88 

196 

80 

lOI 

181  1 

i 24 

52 

95 

95 

190 

60 

68 

1 128 

25 

57 

131 

117 

248 

86 

61 

' 147 

26 

66 

97 

lOI 

198 

73 

95 

168 

27 

67 

143 

1 10 

253 

98 

45 

143  1 

28 

66 

103 

114 

217 

87 

1 98 

: 185 

29 

77 

124 

108 

232 

62 

68 

1 130 

593 

1 106 

1020 

2126 

i 720 

726 

1 144611 

^ In  1591  there  was  plague  at  Tiverton.  The  cause  of  the  high  mortality  in 
1597  is  obscure.  Creighton,  Epidemics,  i.  351,  411. 

H.  P. 


27 


4i8 


Grauiifs  Observations. 


The 

Table  of  the  Parish 

of  Tiverton. 

1 

Christend 

Buried 

Years 

Weddings 

M. 

! Y. 

Both 

M. 

F. 

Both 

1630 

73 

117 

123 

240 

104 

74 

178 

31 

40 

1 18 

1 too 

218 

85 

92 

177  I 

J- 

63 

106 

104 

210 

84 

83 

167  j 

33 

63 

114 

121 

235 

75 

71 

146 

34 

54 

I 14 

^ 95 

209 

73 

91 

164 

35 

82 

124 

1 1 1 

235 

84 

92 

176 

36 

43 

135 

1 ^^3 

248 

85 

87 

172 

37 

42 

1 10 

98 

208 

106 

142 

248 

38 

62 

1 12 

112 

224 

194 

170 

364 

39 

62 

ri9 

106 

225 

115 

137 

252 

00 

1 169 

: 1083 

2252 

1005 

1039 

2044 

1640 

66 

124 

: 114 

238 

82 

104 

186 

41 

52 

1 22 

1 14 

236 

83 

88 

171 

i 42 

59 

102 

1 136 

238 

1 10 

128 

238 

: 43 

54 

115 

117 

232 

102 

88 

190 

' 44 

22 

76 

i 78 

154 

232 

213 

445^ 

45 

47 

95 

175 

270 

99 

92 

191 

46 

41 

61 

! 50 

I I I 

3 

3 

6 PL  \ 

47 

23 

1 16 

106 

222 

7 

3 

10 

: 48 

22 

85 

67 

152 

24 

17 

41 

! 49 

16 

96 

92 

188 

21 

30 

51 

402 

991 

1049 

2041 

763 

766 

1 52911 

1650 

9 

66 

79 

145 

7 

9 

16 

51 

9 

50 

63 

II3 

5 

10 

15 

52 

9 

80 

73 

153 

48 

51 

99 

i 

21 

89 

219 

208 

47 

78 

125 

I 54 

108 

105 

104 

206 

72 

68 

140 

! 55 

140 

87 

104 

I9I 

87 

114 

201 

56 

109 

107 

90 

197 

56 

86 

142 

57 

102 

94 

lOI 

195 

67 

59 

126 

58 

60 

70 

83 

153 

77 

85 

162 

1 59 

37 

77  ! 

78 

155 

72 

80 

152 

604 

825 1 

891 

1716 

538' 

640 

1178 

1660 

27 

61 

68 

129 

70 

69 

139 

I 

38 

83 

93 

176 

73 

85 

158 

2 

36 

73 

56 

129 

91 

95 

186 

3 

35 

68 

64 

132 

72 

74 

146 

4 

41 

68  1 

72 

140 

98 

114 

212  1 

177 

353  1 

353 

706 

404 

437 

84111 

In  1644  there  was  war  typhus  at  Tiverton.  Creighton,  Epidemics.,  i.  552-555 . 


Table  for  Cranbrook. 


419 


The  number  of  the  Weddings^  Christnings  and  Burials  that  (135) 
were  in  the  Parish  of  Cranbrooke, March  26.  1560 
to  March  24.  1649;  [as  appear eth  by  the  Register)  only  in 
the  years  1 574  and  1575  the  Christnings  are  ivholly  omitted, 
because  the  Register  is  very  imperfeft  for  the  greater  part 
of  those  years. 


Christned  i 

Buried 

1 

Years 

Weddings 

M. 

F. 

Both 

M. 

F. 

Both 

1560 

20 

36 

33  : 

69 

29 

21 

50 

61 

24 

46 

33 

79 

23 

22 

45 

62 

23 

32 

26  1 

58 

40 

31 

71 

63 

15 

28 

21 

49 

19 

24 

43 

1 64 

23 

29 

29  : 

58 

10 

8 

18 

' 65 

29 

44 

29 

73 

37 

34 

71 

66 

25 

39 

26 

65 

69 

35 

104 

67 

28 

42 

41 

83 

36 

21 

56 

68 

22 

38 

44  j 

82 

P 

31 

62 

; 69 

22 

36 

35 

71 

25 

19 

44 

1 

' i 

231 

370 

317  i 

687 

319 

246 

56511  > 

1570  , 

18 

30 

44  ^ 

74 

26 

36 

62 

71 

21 

27 

58 

31 

16 

47  ‘ 

72 

25 

35 

34 

69 

24 

39 

63 

1 73 

! 29 

28 

25  ! 

53 

29 

21 

50 

. 74 

i 23 

28 

28 

56 

75 

! 25 

18 

14 

32 

76 

; 29 

49 

42 

91 

17 

16 

33 

1 77 

16 

36 

48 

84 

23  i 

21 

44 

78 

24 

42 

39  ^ 

81 

19 

16 

35 

79 

21 

47 

1 _44_ 

91 

26 

18 

44 

235 

298 

; 303 

601 

241 

225 

466 

1580 

' 30 

47 

42 

89 

26 

23 

49  Pl  \ 

81 

i 28 

61 

! 46 

107 

! 32 

30 

62  18 

j 82 

26 

58 

i 49 

: 117 

! 52 

37 

89  41  ' 

i 83 

24 

59 

i 44 

103 

24 

20 

44  22  1 

84 

25 

53 

55 

108 

24 

1 29 

53  i 

22 

60 

52 

1 12 

16 

14 

30  1 

1 

j 86 

17 

53 

50 

: 103 

! 28 

22 

50  i 

87 

20 

45 

53 

98 

28 

24 

52 

88 

24 

57 

i 59 

j 1 16 

: 24 

; 21 

45 

89 

19 

59 

44 

103 

17 

i 28 

45 

, ‘235 

' 552 

1 504 

1051 

1 271 

248 

51911 

27 — 2 


420 


Gran n f s Ohscrva tions. 


I 'I'lie  Table  of  Ike  Parish  of  Cranljrook. 


Chrislned  Buried 


Years 

Weddings 

M. 

1 y. 

Both 

i M. 

1 F. 

Both 

J590 

25 

64 

"58' 

j T 16 

j 21 

d'- 

17 

38 

91 

26 

41 

52 

93 

; 34 

43 

77 

92 

20 

59 

46 

105 

39 

31 

70 

93 

23 

54 

47 

lOI 

22 

17 

39 

94 

22 

48 

37 

85 

, 24 

23 

47 

95 

14 

55 

53 

108 

35 

36 

71 

96 

17 

36 

42 

78 

42 

25 

67  pi. 

97 

22 

37 

>9 

56 

1 12 

1 10 

222  181 

98 

22 

47 

41 

88 

27 

34 

59  Pl-  8 

99 

30 

56 

40 

96 

19 

20 

39  ! 

j 

497 

429 

926 

373 

356 

729 

1600 

48 

44 

92 

16 

18 

34  i 

I 

19 

44 

41 

85 

19 

29 

48 

2 

26 

50 

43 

93 

28 

26 

54 

3 

68 

51 

119 

36 

28 

64  7J/.9 

4 

36 

47 

61 

108 

20 

24 

44 

5 

23 

56 

39 

95 

38 

30 

68 

6 

23 

42 

44 

86 

30 

31 

61  pi.  I 

7 

29 

51 

65 

1 16 

48 

30 

78  ! 

8 

13 

56 

35 

91 

33 

31 

64 

9 

16 

40 

37 

77 

43 

46 

89  pi.  I 

223 

502 

460 

962 

31T 

292 

i 60311  i 

1610 

26 

45 

42 

87 

32 

42 

I 

1 

74 

1 1 

27 

39 

44 

83 

44 

53 

97  1 

12 

16 

44 

39 

83 

50 

43 

93 

13 

22 

43 

41 

84 

46 

50 

96 

14 

22 

50 

44 

94 

55 

35 

90 

15 

35 

56 

44 

100 

64 

61 

125 

16 

29 

35 

54 

89 

40 

47 

87 

17 

20 

49 

52 

lOI 

50 

48 

98 

18 

32 

38 

51 

89 

37 

58 

95 

19 

32 

47 

40 

87 

50 

44 

94  1 

261 

446 

451 

897 

468 

481 

949  ! 

1620 

27 

59 

61 

120 

45 

52 

97 

21 

26 

54 

50 

104 

40 

46 

86 

22 

14 

61 

65 

126 

27 

28 

55 

23 

18 

37 

37 

74 

33 

34 

67  1 

24 

45 

59 

60 

1 19 

44 

31 

75 

25 

22 

44 

59 

•03 

54 

56 

1 10 

26 

26 

36 

45 

81 

48 

49 

97 

27 

25 

45 

50 

95 

36 

38 

74  i 

28 

3« 

57 

60  , 

1 17 

56 

70  ! 

126 

29 

48 

i 60 

1 _ 

1 18  1 

51 

44  1 

95  1 

1 289 

512 

545 

1057  1 

434  1 

448 

88211  : 

The  Dublin  Bill. 


421 


The  Table  of  the  Parish  of  Cranbrook.  | (b39) 


Christned 

Buried 

Years 

Weddings 

M. 

F.  1 

Both 

M.  ' 

F. 

Both  , 

1630 

25 

58 

64 

1 22 

41 

52 

93  1 

31 

15 

51 

46 

97 

46  , 

42 

88 

32 

20 

57 

56 

113 

56  1 

52 

108 

33 

19 

73 

55 

128 

44  ' 

44 

88  ! 

34 

30 

63 

52 

II5 

46  ! 

51 

97 

35 

18 

54 

57 

1 1 1 

56  ; 

50 

106 

36 

15 

52  ' 

55 

107 

39  s 

60 

99  1 

37 

31 

61  1 

85 

126 

47 

49 

96  ; 

38 

22 

49  I 

56 

105 

73  ' 

80 

153  i 

39 

28 

31  1 

36 

67 

63 

51 

..4  1 

223 

549 

542 

1019 

511 

531 

I 

1042 

1640 

30 

65 

50 

115 

70 

54 

124  1 

I 

20 

51 

62 

113 

51 

36 

87  1 

2 

27 

47 

40 

87 

39 

53 

92 

3 

20 

68 

63 

131 

68 

59 

117 

4 

23 

51 

60 

1 1 1 

37 

49 

86 

5 

31 

55 

46 

lOI 

30 

46 

76  1 

6 

14 

63 

51 

114 

69 

65 

134  1 

7 

18 

44 

36 

83 

72  ^ 

47 

119  1 

8 

6 

35 

23 

58 

55 

60 

115  1 

9 

7 

37 

26 

63 

J8 

I 48 

106 

196 

516 

460 

976 

549 

: 5‘7 

: 106611 

Dublin,  A Bill  of  Mortality  from  the  26  of  Jitly  to  the  2d  of  (140) 

August  1662. 


sc 

T3  . 

CO 

CO 

^ 1 

> 

S I 

2 

n’ 

^ i 
aq 
c 

0 

0 

O) 

5 

0 

0 ! 

c/3 

3 1 

p 

< 

n> 

crq 

ro 

a 

n' 

a 

c/3 

'c 

X 

P 

X 

' i 

j 

Saint  Michaus 

S.  Katharines  S.  James 

S.  Audeens 

1 

2 

i 

I 

j 

i ^ i 

I 

I 

S.  Michaels 

2 

1 1 

2 

2 

S.  Johns 

2 

2 

S.  Nicholas  without 

S.  Nicholas  within 

5 

I 

1 I 

I 

I 

, I 

S.  Warbrows  S.  Andreios 

2 

I 

S.  Keavans 

I 

S.  Brides 

I 

2 

1 

The  Total  Baptized  14.  Total  Buried  20. 


Jacob  Thriug,  Reg. 


WipPWWiftiW 


Some  further 

OBSERVATIONS 

O F 

Major  John  Grannt. 


WHereas  in  the  Month  of  December,  in  the  Year  1672, 
there  were  Christen’d  in  the  several  Parishes  of  the 
City  and  Suburbs  of  Paris'"  1366,  and  Weddings  68,  and 
Buried  1153.  yet  of  the  Reformed  Religion,  in  the  same  space 
of  Time  and  Place,  there  were  Christen’d  but  27,  and  Buried 

^ The  origin,  or  at  least  the  publication  of  the  Paris  bills  may  be  traced,  with 
some  degree  of  probability,  to  the  influence  of  Oraunt's  Observations.  The  review 
of  the  Observations  in  the  Journal  des  Scavans,  2 August,  1666,  begins  “ C’est  une 
chose  particuliere  aux  Anglois  de  faire  des  Billets  de  mortalite,” — words  which 
seem  to  indicate  that  no  similar  bills  were  then  published  in  Paris.  The  code 
of  April  1667,  provided  that  “estant  important  an  public,  pour  la  sante  et  pour 
la  subsistance  des  habitans,  d’en  connoistre  Petal  en  tout  terms  et  d’observer 
soigneusement  les  causes  qui  augmentent  ou  diminuent  le  peuple  de  chacun  des 
quartiers  de  Paris,  il  sera  fait,  tons  les  seconde  jours  du  mois,  une  feuille  qui 
contiendra  le  nombre  des  baptemes,  des  mariages  et  des  mortuaires  du  mois 
precedant  et  de  chacune  des  paroisses  en  particulier.  ” Serpillon,  Code  civil,  ou 
conimentaire  sur  rordonnance  du  mois  d'Avril,  1667.  Paris,  1776,  pp.  336 — 338, 
litre  20,  articles  8—14;  Recherches  stat.  sur  la  Ville  de  Paris,  ii.  pp.  xiii— xiv  ; 
Levasseur,  La  statistiijue  ojicielle  en  France,  \n  Journal  de  la  Soc.  de  stat.  de  Paris, 
XXVI.  225,  279,  June,  1885.  The  close  similarity  of  these  Paris  bills  to  the  London 
bills  lends  probability  to  the  assertion  of  Sir  Peter  Pett,  that  the  idea  v'as  suggested 
to  the  counsellors  of  Louis  XIV''.  by  Graunt’s  Observations.  Happy  future  State 
of  England,  (written  1680)  p.  249. 


Paris  and  London.  423 

but  14.  At  a medium  being  compared  to  the  gross  sum,  the 
Protestants  in  Paris  are  but  as  one  to  65. 

A further  Observation  may  be  made  ; That  whereas  in 
the  whole  Year  of  1672,  there  were  Buried  17584,  and  the 
Christenings  then  were  18427,  which  difference  |1  between  (142) 
Christening  and  Burials  was  very  agreeable  with  the  difference 
formerly  in  the  City  of  London,  before  Phanaticism  and  the 
Anabaptists  were  known  in  those  Parts ; But  in  the  same 
Year  of  1672  in  the  City  of  London  and  Places  adjacent,  the 
Burials  were  18230,  and  the  Christenings  but  12563,  By  which 
it  plainly  appears  that  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Places 
aforesaid,  are  such  as  do  not  conform  to  the  Doclrine  and 
Discipline  of  the  Church  of  England. 

As  concerning  the  common  Question k Whether  Paris  or 
London  hath  most  Inhabitants,  my  Answer  must  be  fram’d 
after  this  manner,  upon  some  Observations  made  upon  the 
numbers  of  Burials  of  each  City. 

I find  that  in  the  City  and  Suburbs  of  Paris  in  the  Years 
1670,  1671,  and  1672,  the  total  number  of  the  Burials  was 
56443,  and  in  the  Years  aforesaid  in  the  City  of  London, 
Suburbs,  and  Places  adjacent  (as  appears  by  the  Annual 
Bills  of  Mortality)  was  Buried  54157. 

But  since  that  Hackney,  Lambeth,  Newington,  Islington, 
Rotherhith,  Stepney  and  W estminster,  although  put  into  the  • 
Bills  of  Mortality,  they  cannot  properly  be  reckon’d  as  parts 
of  the  City  of  London  ( W estminster  being  a distindl  City  of 
it  self,  and  the  others  ||  above-named  Country  Villages)  and  (143) 
there  having  been  Buried  in  the  Places  last  named  in  the 
three  Years  aforesaid  (as  appears  by  the  said  Annual  Bills) 
10000,  which  being  dedudled  out  of  the  number  aforesaid, 
the  remaining  number  is  44157,  upon  which  I think  the 
Comparison  must  be  made. 

By  which  it  appears  that  Paris  hath  exceeded  the  City  of 
London  in  the  number  of  Burials  12286,  which  number  is 
between  a fourth  and  a fifth  of  the  said  number  of  56443, 


^ The  discussion  on  London  and  Paris  was  continued  by  Petty  in  his  Two 
Essays. 


424 


Grannf s Observations. 


which  is  the  Proportion  of  the  difference  in  the  number  of 
Inhabitants;  the  City  of  Paris  having  more  than  a fourth, 
and  yet  not  a fifth^  more  than  the  City  of  London.  |! 


(144)  Christenings,  Marriages,  and  Bnrials  in  the  Paris,  1670. 


Christenings. 

Marriages. 

Burials. 

January. 

1596 

353 

2350 

Feb7'iiary. 

1712 

589 

2159 

March. 

1661 

048 

2033  1 

April. 

1351 

267 

1882  , 

May. 

1342 

374 

1714  1 

June. 

1 222 

354 

1644  : 

July. 

1348 

420 

1 540 

A ugust. 

1420 

314 

2162 

September. 

1408 

343 

1845  ' 

October. 

1312 

313 

1 502  i 

November. 

1324 

479 

1290 

Dece7nber. 

1120 

076 

1340 

\ Total 

i68io2 

3930 

21461 11 

(145)  Christenings,  Marriages,  and  Bnrials  in  the  City  of  Paris,  1671. 


Christenings. 

Marriages. 

Burials. 

Janiuwy. 

1675 

548 

1 1 50 

February. 

1656 

489 

1068 

March. 

i860 

56 

1218 

April. 

1595 

447 

1350 

May. 

1478 

324 

1431 

June. 

1331 

334 

1219 

July. 

1424 

337 

1358 

A ugust. 

1606 

324 

1502 

September. 

1507 

327. 

1897 

OBober. 

1587 

321 

1753 

November. 

1560 

437 

2709 

December. 

1253 

42 

1743 

Total 

18532 

3986 

1739811 

^ Obviously  a slip.  It  should  be  “more  than  a fifth  and  yet  not  more  than 
a fourth.” 

^ A misprint  for  i6,8i6,  which  is  the  correct  footing,  see  Recherches  statistiqucs, 
tables,  53. 


The  Paris  Bills. 


425 


Christenings,  Marriages,  and  Bnrials  in  the  City  of  Paris,  1672.  (146) 


Christenings. 

Marriages. 

Burials. 

January. 

1837 

325 

1930 

February. 

1920 

625 

1554 

March. 

1636 

108 

2008 

April. 

1572 

130 

1664 

May. 

1528 

332 

1551 

June. 

1359 

349 

1602 

July. 

1414 

334 

1323 

August. 

1498 

271 

1407 

September. 

1379 

278 

1216 

Odober. 

1481 

309 

1119 

November. 

1437 

433 

1057 

December. 

1366 

068 

1153 

Total 

18427 

3562 

00 

un 

426 


Grautifs  Observations. 


Notes  to  the  Table  shelving  how  many  died  weekly. 


^ Although  Graunt  himself  makes  little  use  of  this  table,  the  discrepancies 
between  various  parts  of  it,  its  divergence  from  the  figures  which  Bell  gives,  and 
the  criticisms  which  Creighton  has  passed  upon  it,  necessitate  an  examination  of 
its  authenticity.  The  loss  of  all  sets  of  the  original  bills  before  1658  forces  the 
inquirer  to  compare  the  table  for  the  earlier  years  with  figures  drawn,  for  the 
major  part,  from  secondary  sources  not  always  trustworthy.  Of  these  sources 
the  chief  are:  A,  an  original  printed  bill  for  the  week  ending  20  October  1603, 
preserved  at  the  Guildhall  library  (in  “Political  Tracts,  1680,  PP.”).  Upon  the 
margin  of  this  bill  are  printed  summaries  of  former  visitations.  B,  Bell’s  London's 
Ronembranccr  (see  Introduction).  C,  a broadsheet  beginning  “Lord  have 
Mercy  upon  us,”  printed  for  M.  S.  junior,  and  dated  1636  (Brit.  Mus.  816. 
m.  9.  (23).).  D,  a broadsheet  beginning  “Londons  Lord  have  Mercy  upon  us. 
Written  by  H.  C[rouch].  Printed  for  Richard  Harper,”  1637.  E,  a broad- 
sheet entitled  “London’s  Lord  have  Mercy  upon  us.  Printed  by  T.  Mabb  for 
R.  Burton,  and  R.  Gilberson,  ” and  bringing  its  figures  down  to  18  July,  1665. 
(Brit.  Mus,  816.  m.  9.  (25).).  F,  a broadsheet  entitled  “London’s  Loud  Cryes  to 
the  Lord  by  Prayer.  Made  by  a Reverend  Divine.  Continued  down  to  this 
present  day  August  8,  1665.  Printed  by  T.  Mabb  for  R.  Burton,  and  R.  Gilberson” 
(Brit.  Mus.  816,  m.  9.  (26).).  G,  a broadsheet  entitled  “London’s  Lord  have  Mercy 
upon  us.  A true  Relation  of  Seven  modern  Plagues  or  Visitations  in  London,” 
bringing  its  figures  down  to  31  Oct.,  1665  (Brit.  Mus.  816.  m.  9.  (24).).  Of  these 
only  the  two  first  are  presumptively  worthy  of  confidence,  the  remainder  being 
the  product  of  those  “ignorant  scribblers”  whose  “many  and  gross  mistakes” 
Bell,  as  clerk  to  the  Company  of  Parish  Clerks,  thought  it  his  duty  to  rectify  out 
of  the  undeniable  records  of  those  times.  Nevertheless  the  broadsides  were  printed 
by  persons  who  might  have  had  access  to  original  bills,  now  destroyed,  and 
inasmuch  as  they  give  figures  for  some  years  concerning  which  Bell  himself  is 
silent,  use  has  been  made  of  them  in  default  of  better  information.  There  are 
also  two  editions  of  the  “Reflections  upon  the  Bills  of  Mortality”  (1665)  which 
Bell  particularly  condemns,  but  the  book  adds  nothing  useful  to  the  broadsheets 
upon  which  it  is  evidently  based.  In  the  following  notes  the  authorities  are 
referred  to  by  the  letters  (A,  B,  etc.)  prefixed  to  them  above. 

" The  figures  for  1592,  although  confirmed  by  D,  E,  E,  G and  II,  are  worthy 
of  no  confidence.  The  reasons  for  rejecting  them  entirely  are  three : 

First,  For  the  London  of  1592  they  are  preposterous.  Creighton  reports 
{Epidemics,  i.  341 — 344)  that  the  total  of  burials  in  the  city,  liberties  and  suburbs 
for  the  five  years  1578 — 1582  (eight  weeks  missing)  was  24,802,  of  which  8,288 
were  caused  by  the  plague,  and  that  the  total  of  christenings  was  16,470,  From 
abstracts  of  the  weekly  bills  for  1597 — 1600  preserved  at  the  Bodleian  Library 
(Ashmole  MvS.,  824,  f.  196 — 199),  but  apparently  unknown  to  Dr  Creighton,  it 


all  Diseases  in 
ear  i66|^ 


Total  Flag. 

27  291 
349 
394 

415 

474 
409 

393 

461  I 

393 
396 
441 
433 

365 

353 
344 
382 

344 
390 
388 

347  9 

353  3 

385  14 

399  17 

405  43 

558  112 

61 1 168 

684  267 

1006  470 

1268  727 

1761  1089 

2785  1843 

3014  2010 

4030  2817 

5 5319  3880 

2 5568  4237 

9 7496  6102 

er  5 8252  6988 

12  7690  6544 

19  8297  7165 

26  6460  5533 

3 5720  4929 

10  5068  4327 

17  3219  2665 

24  1806  1421 

31  1388  1031 

ber 7 1787  1414 

14  1359  1050 
21  905  652 

28  544  333 

ber  5 428  210 

12  442  243 

19  525  281 

‘otal  of  the  Burials 
year  is  97306 

of  of  the  PI.  68596 


1 

A Tabled  shewing  how  many  died  weekly,,  as  well  of  all  Diseases,  as  of  the  Plague,  in  the 
1592,  1603,  1625,  1630,  1636;  and  this  present  Year  1665, 


ears 


}3uned  of  all  Diseases  in 
the  Year  15922. 


Buried  of  all  Diseases  in 
the  Year  16032. 


Buried  of  all  Diseases  in 
the  Year  1625^ 


March  17 
March  24 
March  31 
April  7 
April  14 
April  21 
April  28 
May  5 
May  12 
May  19 
May  26 
June  2 
June  9 
June  16 
June  23 
June  30 
July  7 
July  14 
July  21 
July  28 
August  4 
August  1 1 
August  18 
August  25 
September  i 
September  8 
September  15 
September  22 
September  29 
October  6 
Ocflober  13 
Ocftober  20 
06lober  27 
November  3 
November  10 
November  17 
November  24 
December  i 
December  8 
December  15 
December  22 


Total 

230 

351 

219 

307 

203 

290 

310 

350 

339 

300 
450 
410 
441 

399 

401 

850 

1440 

1510 

1491 

1507 

1503 

1550 

1532 

1508 
1490 
1210 

621 

629 

450 

408 

422 

330 

320 
310 

309 

301 

321 
349 

331 
329 

386 


Pla. 

3 

31 

29 

27 

33 

37 

41 

29 

38 

42 
58 

62 

81 

99 

108 

118 

927 

893 

258 

852 

983 

797 

651 

449 

507 

563 

451 

349 

330 

327 

323 

308 

302 

301 

209 

107 

93 

94 
86 
71 

39 


The  Total  of  all  that  have 
been  buried  is  25886 
Whereof  of  the  Plague 

11503 


March  17 

24 

31 

April  7 

14 

21 

28 

May  5 
12 

19 

26 
June  2 

9 

16 

23 

30 

July  7 
14 

The  Out-Partshes 
this  Week  were 
joyned  with  the 
City. 

July  21 
28 

August  4 
1 1 
18 

25 

September  i 
8 
15 

22 

29 

Otflober  6 

13 

20 

27 

November  3 
10 

17 

24 

December  i 
8 
15 

22 


Total 

108 
60 

78 

66 

79 
98 

109 
90 

112 

122 

122 

114 

131 

144 

182 

267 

445 

612 


1186 

1728 

2256 

2077 

3054 

2853 

3385 

3078 

3129 

2456 

1961 

1831 

1312 

766 

625 

737 

545 

384 

198 

223 

163 

200 

168 


The  Total  of  all  is 
whereof  of  the  Flag. 


Flag. 

3 
2 

6 I 

4 I 


10 

11 

18 

22 

32 

30 

43 

59 

72 

158 

263 

424 


917 

1396 

1922 

1745 

2713 

2539 

3035 

2724 

2818 

2195 

1732 

1641 

1149 

642 

508 

594 

442 

251 

105 

102 

55 

96 

74 

37294 

30561 


March  17 

24 
31 

April  7 

14 

21 

28 

May  5 
12 

19 

26 

June  2 

9 

16 

23 

30 

July  7 

14 

21 

28 

August  4 
II 

18 

25 

September  i 
8 
15 

22 

29 

Otflober  6 

13 

20 

27 

November  3 
10 

17 

24 

December  i 
8 
15 

22 


Total 

262 

226 

243 

239 

256 

230 

305 

292 

^232 

379 

401 

395 

434 

510 

640 

942 

1222 

^1781 

2850 

3583 

4517 

4855 

5205 

4841 

3897 

3157 

2148 

1994 

^236 

833 

815 

651 

375 

357 

319 

274 

231 
190 
181 
168 

157 


Flag 

4 

8 

II 

10 

24 

25 

26 

30 

45 

71 

78 

69 

91 

161 

239 

390 

593 

1004 

1819 

2471 

3659 

4115 

4463 

4218 

3344 

2550 

1672 

1551 

852 

538 

511 

331 

134 

89 

92 
48 

27 
15 
15 
6 
I 


Buried  of  all  Diseases  in 
the  Year  1630^ 


The  Total  of  all  is  51578 
Whereof  of  the  Plague 

35403 


June  24 
July  I 
8 
15 

22 

29 

August  5 
12 

19 

26 

September  2 

9 

16 

23 

30 

06lober  7 

14 

21 

28 

November  4 
II 

18 

25 

December  2 

9 

16 


Tot.  FI. 


205 

209 

217 

250 

229 

279 

250 

246 

269 

270 

230 
259 
264 

274 

269 

236 

261 

248 

214 
242 

215 
200 
226 
221 
198 
212 


Buried  of  all  Diseases  in 
the  Year  1636®. 


Buried  in  the  97  Parishes 
without  the  walls 

2696 

Whereof  of  the  Plague 
190 

Buried  in  the  16  Parishes 
without  the  walls  4813 
Whereof  of  the  PL  603 
Buried  in  the  9 Out- 
Parishes  in  Middlesex 
and  Surrey,  and  at  the 
Fest-house  3045 

Whereof  of  the  PL  524 
Buried  in  Westminster 
566 

Whereof  of  the  PL  31 

The  Total  of  all  the  Bu- 
rials this  time  10545 
Whereof  of  the  PL  1317 


62 


April  7 

14 

This  Week  these  Pa- 
rishes were  added: 

S.  Marg.  Westmin- 
ster, Lambeth  Pa- 
rish, S.  Mary  Ne^M- 
ington,  Redriff  Pa- 
rtsh,S.  Mary  Isling- 
ton, Stepney  and 
Hackney  Parishes. 

April  21 
28 

May  5 
12 

19 

26 

June  2 

9 
16 

23 
30 

July  7 

14 

21 
28 

August  4 
1 1 
18 

25 

September  i 
8 
15 

22 

29 

Odlober  6 

13 

20 

27 

November  3 
10 

17 
24 

December  i 
8 
15 

The  Total  of  the  Burials 
this  year  is  23359 

Whereof  of  the  PL  10400 


Total 

119 

205 


285 

259 

251 

308 

299 

330 

339 

345 

381 

304 

352 

215 

372 

365 

423 

491 

538 

638 

787 

lOI  I 

1069 

1306 

1229 

1403 

1405 
1302 
1002 
900 
1 300 
1 104 

950 

857 

614 

459 

385 


all  Diseases  in 
ear  i66|L 

tal  Flag. 


The  ' 
this 


year  is 


Wherebf  of  the  PL 


Place  this  Table  at  page  426. 


Note. 


427 


appeal's  that  the  corresponding  figures  for  those  four  years  were  16,935  burials, 
86  burials  of  the  plague,  and  17,906  christenings  respectively.  (The  summaries 
are  printed  at  length  on  pp.  433 — 435.)  Thus  it  becomes  possible  to  make  a 
comparison  of  weekly  averages  : 


Total  burials 

Of  the  plague 

Other  causes 

Christenings 

1578—1582 

98 

33 

64 

65 

1592 

644 

271 

373 

104 

1597—1600 

82 

I 

81 

86 

Second,  The  various  figures  in  each  column  bear  such  a relation  to  one  another 
as  at  least  suggests  fraud.  If  we  disregard  the  week  ending  21  July  and  the  last 
week  in  the  column  of  total  burials,  and  also  disregard  the  first  four  weeks  and  the 
weeks  ending  23  and  30  June  in  the  plague  column,  the  remaining  significant 
integers  in  the  units  place  in  both  columns  are  arranged  in  pairs  whose  sum  is 
invariably  ten.  For  example,  the  figures  at  the  bottom  of  the  plague  column  run 
9&1,  6&4,  3&7,  9&1,  2&8,  etc.  throughout. 

Third,  Neither  total  printed  is  the  true  sum  of  the  figures  at  whose  foot  it 
stands.  A note  upon  the  bill  of  1603  (A)  declares  that  “ in  the  last  visitation, 
from  20  December,  1592  to  the  23.  of  the  same  moneth  in  the  yeare  1593  there 
died  in  all  25886.  Of  the  Plague  in  and  about  London,  15003.’'  This  confirms 
Graunt’s  total  of  all  buried  as  to  numbers,  but  not  as  to  time  covered.  His  total 
of  plague  deaths  may  have  originated  in  a misprint.  The  true  sums  of  his  columns 
are  26,407  and  ii,ro6  respectively. 

In  addition  to  these  reasons.  Bell’s  chronological  objection,  as  quoted  in  the 
Introduction,  should  also  be  noted.  On  the  whole  we  must  consider  Graunt’s 
figures  for  1592  spurious. 

^ If  1146  (A,  D,  E,  F,  and  G)  be  substituted  for  1149  on  13  October  and  585 
(D,  E,  F,  and  G)  be  substituted  for  545  on  10  November,  Graunt’s  totals  become 
the  correct  footings  of  his  columns,  and  the  figures  are,  doubtless  authentic  as  far 
as  they  go.  But  they  do  not  cover  the  whole  year,  they  omit  the  burials  in  the 
out  parishes  before  14  July,  and  they  omit  entirely  the  burials  in  Westminster, 
the  Savoy,  Stepney,  Newington,  Islington,  Lambeth  and  Hackney.  The  bill  of 
20  October,  1603  (A),  informs  us  that,  from  the  beginning  of  the  plague  to  that 
date  there  were  “buried  in  all  within  the  7 places  last  aforenamed  4378,  whereof 
of  the  plague,  3997.”  Cf.  Creighton,  i.  477. 

The  figures  are  probably  authentic,  being  confirmed  for  four  scattered 
weeks  by  letters  at  the  Record  Office.  Cal.  S.  P.  Do>n.,  162^- — 26,  pp.  84,  144, 
179.  But  the  columns  as  printed  add  up  50,823  and  35,400  respectively,  and  the 
corrections  noted  below  do  not  explain  Graunt’s  totals.  The  figures,  furthermore, 
omit  Westminster,  etc.,  where  there  were  buried  in  the  whole  year  8,736,  of  whom 
5,896  of  the  plague.  Ibid.^  84,  184.  Creighton  (p.  508)  gives  the  figures,  from 
Bell,  for  the  weeks  preceding  17  March,  making  the  total  mortality  for  the  year, 
including  Westminster,  63,001,  whereof  of  the  plague  41,313,  and  these  totals  are 
further  confirmed  by  an  original  yearly  bill.  Cal.  S.  P.  D.,  1625 — 26,  pp.  177,  184. 

Corrections  of  specific  numbers  : 12  May,  for  232  read  332  (B,  D,  E,  F,  G) ; 
16  June,  for  161  read  165  (B,  D,  E,  F,  G);  14  July,  for  1781  read  1741  (B  only); 


42S 


Gmitnfs  Observations. 


29  Sept.,  for  236  read  1236  (B,  D,  E,  F,  G,  3rd  and  4tli  editions  of  the  Ob'^erva- 
tiojis);  I Dec.,  for  190  read  290  (D,  E,  F,  and  G ; B has  190). 

The  figures  are  autlientic  and,  with  one  exception,  correct.  16  Dec. 
B,  E & G have  217  where  Graunt  has  212.  The  columns  as  printed  add  6193 
and  1 166  respectively.  The  figures  given  at  the  foot  have  no  obvious  relation  to 
the  columns  beneath  which  they  stand.  They  are,  apparently,  totals  for  the  full 
year,  as  they  sum  up,  without  Westminster,  at  10,544  burials  and  1,344  plague 
burials,  whereas  the  corresponding  figures  on  p.  1 16,  confirmed  by  D,  E,  F and  G, 
are  10,554  and  i)3*7- 

•’  Bell  here  fails  us,  as  he  gives  the  figures  (reproduced  by  Creighton,  i.  530) 
for  London  without  Westminster  and  the  six  parishes,  (jraunt’s  figures,  which 
include  Westminster,  etc.,  are  confirmed  by  D,  E,  F and  G,  save  as  specifically 
noted  below.  The  columns,  as  printed,  foot  23,902  and  i2,iot  respectively, 
d'he  totals  given  by  Graunt  haye  nothing  to  do  with  the  columns  beneath  which 
they  stand,  but  agree  with  Bell’s  totals  for  the  whole  year,  Westminster  omitted. 
By  adding  them  to  the  total  deaths  and  the  plague  deaths  at  Westminster,  etc., 
which,  according  to  the  table  on  p.  410,  were  4056  and  1702  respectively,  we  get 
a grand  total  of  27,415  burials,  whereof  of  the  plague  12102.  These  results  agree 
with  D,  E,  P",  and  G. 

Corrections  of  specific  numbers  : 2 June,  for  77  read  67  (D,  E,  F,  G);  21  July, 
for  365  read  395  (D,  E,  P')  ; 4 Aug.,  for  491  read  461  (D,  E,  F,  G)  ; 13  Oct.,  for 
1302  read  1402  (G  only). 

^ The  third  edition  of  the  Observations  carries  this  table  down  to  4 July,  the 
4th  to  26  September.  Comparison  of  the  figures  with  the  original  weekly  bills 
shews  the  necessity  of  correcting  Graunt’s  figures  as  follows:  27  December  insert 
one  burial  of  the  plague;  14  February,  read  462  for  461  ; 25  April,  read  398  for 
390  ; 30  May,  read  400  for  399  ; 20  June,  read  615  for  61 1 ; 1 1 July,  read  725  for 
727  ; 29  August,  read  7490  for  7496.  With  these  alterations,  Graunt’s  footings 
are  correct. 


iiWBPPiit'iiPW 


Advertiseineiits  for  the  better  iinderstandmg  (147) 
of  the  several  Tables:  videlicet, 


Concerning  the  Table  of  Casualties  consisting  of  thirty  Columns. 

The  first  Column^  contains  all  the  Casualties  hapning 
within  the  22  single  years  mentioned  in  this  Bill. 

The  14  next  Columns  contain  two  of  the  last  Septenaries 
of  years,  which  being  the  latest  are  first  set  down. 

The  8 next  Columns  represent  the  8 first  years,  wherein 
the  Casualties  were  taken  notice  of. 

Memorandum,  That  the  10  years  betzveeii  1636  and  1647 
are  omitted  as  containing  nothing  Extraordinary,  and  as 
not  consistent  zvith  the  Incapacity  of  a SheeT.  |I 

The  5 next  Columns  are  the  8 years  from  1629  to  1636  (148) 
brought  into  2 Quaternions,  and  the  12  of  the  14  last  years 
brought  into  three  more ; that  Comparison  might  be  made 
between  each  4 years  taken  together,  as  well  as  each  single 
year  apart. 

The  next  Column  contains  three  years  together,  taken  at 
10  years  distance  from  each  other;  that  the  distant  years,  as 

^ In  fact  the  first  column  was  omitted  from  the  table  in  the  fourth  and  fifth 
editions,  leaving  but  twenty-nine. 

“ One  could  wish  that  the  worthy  citizen  had  made  no  difficulty  about  the 
size  of  his  paper.  The  omitted  years  are  not  only  those  of  great  political 
revolution,  which  may  have  had  an  effect  upon  the  public  health,  but  they  are 
of  special  interest  for  the  beginning  of  that  great  period  of  fever  and  smallpox 
in  London  which  continued  all  thi'ovigh  the  i8th  century.”  Creighton,  i.  532. 


430 


Graiuifs  Observations. 


well  as  consequent,  might  be  compared  with  the  whole  20, 
each  of  the  5 Quaternions,  and  each  of  the  22  single  years. 

The  last  Column  contains  the  total  of  all  the  i 5 Quaternions, 
or  25  years  ^ 

The  Number  229250  is  the  total  of  all  the  Burials  in  the 
said  20  years,  as  34190  is  of  the  Burials  in  the  said  three 
distant  years.  Where  note,  that  the  ^ of  the  latter  total  is 
11396,  and  the  of  the  former  is  11462;  differing  but  66 
from  each  other  in  so  great  a sum,  videlicet  scarce  2^0  II 


(m9)  The  Table  of  Burials  and  Christnings,  consisting  of  y Columns. 

IT  is  to  be  noted,  that  in  all  the  several  Columns  of  the 
Burials  those  dying  of  the  Plague  are  left  out,  being 
reckoned  all  together  in  the  sixth  Column  : whereas  in  the 
original  Bills,  the  Plague  and  all  other  diseases  are  reckoned 
together,  with  mention  how  many  of  the  respe6live  totals  are 
of  the  Plague. 

Secondly,  From  the  year  1642  forwards,  the  accompt  of 
the  Christnings  is  not  to  be  trusted,  the  negle6ls  of  the  same 
beginning  about  that  year:  for  in  1642  there  are  set  down 
10370,  and  about  the  same  number  several  years  before,  after 
which  time  the  said  Christnings  decreased  to  between  5000 
and  6000,  by  omission  of  the  greater  part. 

Thirdly,  The  several  Numbers  are  cast  up  into  OTlonaries, 
that  Comparison  may  be  made  of  them  as  well  as  of  single 
years.  || 


(150)  The  Table  of  Males  and  Females,  containing  5 Columns. 

First,  The  Numbers  are  cast  up  for  12  years;  videlicet 
from  1629,  when  the  distindfion  between  Males  and  Females 
first  began,  until  1640  inclusive,  when  the  exa6lness  in  that 
Accompt  ceased. 


^ Should  he  “five  quaternions  or  twenty  years.” 


Explanation  of  Tables. 


43 


Secondly,  From  1640  to  1660  the  Numbers  are  cast  up 
into  another  total,  which  seems  as  good  for  comparing  the 
Number  of  Males  with  Females,  the  negledl  being  in  both 
Sexes  alike,  and  proportionable. 

The  Tables  concerning  the  Country- Parish,  the  former  of 
Decads  beginning  at  1569,  and  continuing  until  1658,  and  the 
later  being  for  single  years,  being  for  the  same  time,  are  so 
plain,  that  they  require  no  further  Explanation  than  the  bare 
reading  the  Chapter  relating  to  them,  drc. 


FINIS. 


432 


Appendices  to  Grannfs  Observations. 


APPENDICES  TO  GRAUNT’S  OBSERVATIONS. 

APPENDIX  I. 

'I'hough  Graunt  appears  to  have  written,  in  addition  to  the 
“ Observations,”  something  on  the  advance  of  excise  and  something 
on  religion,  it  is  probable  that  nothing  else  from  his  pen  has  been 
preserved  save  the  following  brief  note  in  Birch’s  History  of  the 
Royal  Society,  vol.  i.  p.  294  : — 

19  Aiig.  1663.  “Mr  Graunt  brought  in  his  account  of  the 
multiplication  and  growth  of  carps  and  salmons ; which  was  ordered 
to  be  registered,  as  follows  : 

A pond  new  digged  in  Deptford  for  horses  and  other  cattle  to 
water  in  the  year  1658,  two  male  and  two  female  carp  being  then 
put  in  with  intention  to  breed;  in  the  year  1662  the  pond  being 
tainted  with  fish,  so  that  the  cattle  refused  to  drink,  there  were  then 
taken  out  of  this  pond  eight  hundred,  seventy  and  odd  carps,  of 
about  nine  inches  in  length,  some  more,  some  less ; a great  number 
of  smaller  fish  being  left  for  breeders. 

And  in  the  Severne  and  elsewhere  it  hath  been  experimented,  by 
fastening  of  small  pieces  of  tape  or  silk  through  the  gills  of  young 
salmon,  that  in  two  years  they  have  advanced  to  near  three  foot  in 
length.” 


APPENDIX  II. 

The  following  abstract  of  the  weekly  bills  of  mortality  of  London 
for  the  years  1597 — 1600,  hitherto  imprinted,  are  among  the  Ash- 
mole  MSS.  (824,  f 196 — 199)  in  the  Bodleian  Library.  They  fill  a 
portion  of  the  gap  between  the  series  of  bills  for  1578 — 1583  printed 
by  Dr  Creighton  and  Graunt’s  tables.  They  indicate  the  growth  of 
population  in  the  urban  district  and  establish  affirmatively  the 
comparative  freedom  of  the  city  from  the  plague  during  four  years 
of  peculiar  interest  in  the  history  of  the  English  drama. 


London  Bills  for  1597  and  1598. 


433 


1597 


Week 

ending 

Buried 

Whereof  of 
the  Plague 

Christened 

Week 

ending 

Buried 

Whereof  of 
the  Plague 

Christen 

Jan.  6 

83 

0 

105 

July  7 

123 

I 

81 

13 

84 

0 

lOI 

14 

129 

3 

81 

20 

82 

0 

103 

21 

13I 

I 

84 

27 

9t 

0 

II4 

28 

129 

I 

63 

Feb.  3 

97 

0 

98 

Aug.  4 

87 

0 

81 

10 

102 

0 

100 

1 1 

104 

2 

71 

17 

109 

I 

77 

18 

130 

0 

60 

24 

99 

I 

84 

25 

109 

I 

75 

Mar.  3 

134 

I 

100 

Sept.  I 

I2I 

0 

76 

10 

119 

0 

109 

8 

124 

3 

78 

17 

126 

4 

113 

15 

87 

2 

66 

24 

142 

I 

88 

22 

II9 

0 

92 

31 

108 

0 

103 

29 

98 

0 

74 

Apr.  7 

115 

3 

92 

Oct.  6 

89 

I 

70 

14 

1 16 

2 

90 

13 

86 

0 

82 

21 

117 

I 

98 

20 

83 

2 

73 

28 

127 

2 

76 

27 

95 

0 

68 

May  5 

122 

4 

80 

Nov.  3 

82 

0 

81 

12 

137 

3 

76 

10 

91 

0 

56 

19 

115 

2 

77 

17 

85 

0 

84 

26 

120 

I 

76 

24 

89 

0 

89 

June  2 

125 

I 

73 

Dec.  I 

80 

I 

59 

9 

109 

0 

66 

8 

88 

0 

73 

16 

132 

0 

87 

15 

1 10 

I 

61 

23 

1 12 

I 

69 

22 

105 

0 

73 

30 

115 

I 

84 

29 

72 

0 

66 

5584 

48 

4256 

1598 

Jan.  5 

89 

I 

64 

Mar.  16 

89 

0 

83 

12 

95 

0 

86 

23 

80 

I 

67 

19 

90 

2 

78 

30 

86 

0 

80 

26 

72 

0 

82 

Apr.  6 

73 

I 

92 

Feb.  2 

73 

0 

86 

13 

90 

I 

85 

9 

82 

0 

76 

20 

91 

I 

72 

16 

79 

0 

70 

27 

94 

I 

73 

23 

85 

0 

82 

May  4 

82 

■ 0 

75 

Mar.  2 

70 

0 

87 

1 1 

74 

0 

60 

9 

89 

I 

89 

18 

76 

I 

67 

H.  P. 


28 


434 


Ap/yendices  to  Graunt's  Observations. 


Week 

ending 

Buried 

Whereof  of 
the  IMague 

Christened 

Week 

ending 

Buried 

Whereof  of 
the  Plague 

Christened 

May  2 5 

59 

0 

64 

Sept.  14 

61 

I 

86 

June  I 

82 

0 

70 

21 

55 

0 

93 

8 

65 

I 

74 

28 

70 

0 

72 

15 

71 

I 

66 

Oct.  5 

41 

0 

83 

22 

69 

2 

72 

12 

62 

0 

lOI 

29 

51 

I 

72 

19 

57 

0 

104 

July  6 

79 

0 

85 

26 

63 

0 

100 

13 

68 

0 

74 

Nov.  2 

73 

0 

91 

20 

65 

I 

71 

9 

65 

0 

81 

27 

75 

0 

89 

16 

72 

0 

95 

Aug.  3 

64 

0 

88 

23 

58 

0 

106 

10 

72 

I 

78 

30 

58 

0 

102 

17 

80 

0 

74 

Dec.  7 

73 

0 

92 

24 

54 

I 

67 

14 

70 

0 

96 

31 

74 

0 

89 

21 

80 

0 

80 

Sept.  7 

71 

0 

84 

28 

76 

0 

83 

3798 

18 

4236 

Jan.  4 

57 

0 

1599 

86  ' June  7 

76 

0 

73 

1 1 

91 

0 

86 

14 

75 

0 

81 

18 

74 

0 

92 

21 

76 

0 

92 

25 

69 

0 

90 

28 

64 

0 

64 

Feb.  I 

92 

0 

93 

July  5 

89 

I 

y-r\ 

CO 

8 

82 

0 

103 

1 12 

70 

0 

77 

15 

90 

1 

83 

19 

99 

2 

86 

22 

1 1 1 

0 

92 

26 

82 

0 

95 

Mar.  I 

86 

0 

95 

Aug.  2 

108 

I 

92 

8 

74 

0 

107 

9 

76 

0 

75 

15 

97 

I 

106 

16 

88 

0 

98 

22 

80 

I 

89 

23 

92 

0 

87 

29 

79 

I 

80 

30 

lOI 

0 

98 

Apr.  5 

90 

0 

90 

Sept.  6 

82 

0 

89 

1 2 

89 

I 

90 

13 

102 

2 

95 

19 

84 

2 

86 

20 

104 

0 

89 

26 

91 

0 

96 

27 

103 

0 

106 

May  3 

81 

0 

85 

Oct.  4 

93 

I 

97 

lO 

88 

0 

74 

1 1 

87 

0 

102 

17 

53 

0 

68 

i8 

72 

0 

95 

24 

79 

0 

1 1 1 

25 

84 

I 

98 

3T 

8t 

I 

93 

N ov.  I 

84 

0 

79 

London  Bills  for  1599  and  1600. 


435 


Week 

ending 

I’uried 

Whereof  of 
the  Plague 

Christened 

Week 

ending 

Buried 

Whereof  of 
the  Plague 

Christened 

Nov.  8 

81 

0 

103 

Dec.  6 

77 

0 

98 

15 

57 

0 

87 

13 

59 

0 

76 

22 

73 

0 

100 

20 

61 

0 

I 1 1 

29 

72 

0 

90 

27 

■ 72 

0 

6r 

4277 

16 

4674 

Jan.  3 

48 

0 

iC 

lOI 

ioo 

July  3 

70 

0 

62 

10 

60 

0 

85 

10 

59 

I 

95 

17 

58 

0 

85 

17 

58 

0 

81 

24 

66 

0 

103 

24 

80 

0 

lOI 

31 

79 

0 

96 

31 

57 

0 

83 

Feb.  7 

76 

0 

94 

Aug.  7 

58 

0 

93 

14 

70 

0 

87 

14 

62 

0 

113 

21 

68 

0 

100 

21 

59 

0 

104 

28 

65 

0 

90 

1 28 

93 

0 

80 

Mar.  6 

59 

0 

85 

Sept.  4 

66 

0 

106 

13 

69 

0 

92 

1 1 

45 

0 

90 

20 

60 

0 

92 

18 

63 

0 

88 

27 

63 

0 

100 

25 

55 

0 

93 

Apr.  3 

72 

0 

128 

Oct.  2 

67 

0 

113 

10 

70 

0 

103 

9 

55 

0 

95 

17 

59 

0 

71 

16 

48 

0 

94 

24 

62 

0 

74 

23 

61 

0 

104 

May  I 

66 

0 

56 

30 

68 

2 

94 

8 

67 

0 

70 

Nov.  6 

41 

I 

lOI 

15 

64 

0 

87 

13 

52 

0 

1 1 1 

22 

73 

0 

74 

20 

61 

0 

lOI 

29 

69 

0 

82 

27 

61 

0 

90 

June  5 

57 

0 

78 

Dec.  4 

69 

0 

1 1 1 

12 

65 

0 

71 

II 

64 

0 

88 

19 

58 

0 

86 

18 

56 

0 

no 

26 

64 

0 

83 

25 

61 

0 

86 

3276  4 4760 


28 — 2 


QUANTULUMCUNQUE 

CONCERNING  MONEY. 


1682 


NOTE  ON  THE  “ QUANTULUMCUNQUE. 


Petty’s  Quantulumcunque  concerning  Money  was  suggested, 
apparently,  by  the  project  of  recoinage  which  was  already  under 
discussion  when  he  came  to  London  in  June,  1682.  The  earliest 
allusion  to  the  book  occurs  in  his  letter  of  5 September  to  Southwell  : 
“ I have  writ  three  sheets  in  answer  to  Thirty-one  Questions  con- 
cerning Money.  If  it  take,  for  I renounce  all  judgment  of  my  own, 
you  shall  have  a copy\”  These  words,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
fact  that  Halifax  could  not  have  been  addressed  as  “Lord  Marquess” 
earlier  than  22  August,  1682“,  cast  some  suspicion  upon  the  date  of 
1681  which  is  assigned  to  the  Quantulumcunque  by  Harleian  MS. 
1223  in  the  British  Museum.  This  MS.,  moreover,  appears  to  be  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  rather  than  of  the  seventeenth,  and  the  pages 
containing  the  Quantulumcunque  (fif  169  se^.)  are  very  carelessly 
written.  Everything  considered,  the  tract  must  be  assigned  to 
August  or  September,  1682. 

In  1695,  when  the  recoinage  was  imminent,  the  Quantulumcunque 
was  privately  printed^  in  a quarto  edition  which  has  been  followed  in 
the  present  reprint.  Of  the  alleged  earlier  editions  in  octavo I have 
failed  to  find  a copy. 


^ Tliorpe,  Cai.  lib.  MSS.  bihl.  Soitlhzvelliamc,  405,  Fitzmaurice,  252. 
^ Doyle,  Official  Baronage,  ii.  93. 

^ Massie,  Observations  relating  to  the  Coin,  32. 

^ Bibliography,  10. 


Sir  William  Petty’S" 


Qiumtuhimcitnqtte  concerning  Money,  1682. 


To  the  Lord  Marquess  of  Halyfax. 


Uppose  that  20s.  of  new  mill’d  Moneys  doth  weigh  4 


Ounces  according  to  Custom  or  Statute.  Suppose 

that  20s.  of  old  Eliz.  and  James  s Money,  which  ought  also 
to  weigh  four  Ounces  Troy-,  doth  weigh  three  Ounces  Troy  \ 
and  vary  variously  between  3 and  4 Ounces,  viz.  none  under 
3,  and  none  full  4. 

Suppose  that  much  of  the  new  mill’d  regular  Money  is 
carried  into  the  East-Indies,  but  none  of  the  old  light  and 
unequal  Money. 


QUESTIONS. 


Ou.  I.  Whether  the  old  unequal  Money  ought  to  be  nezv 
Coined,  and  brought  to  an  equality  ? 

Anszv.  It  ought  : Because  Money  made  of  Gold  and 
Silver  is  the  best  Rule  of  Commerce,  and  must  therefore  be 
equal,  or  else  it  is  no  Rule ; and  consequently  no  Money,  and 

^ English  money  was  first  generally  milled  in  1662.  Lowndes,  Repo7't,  95 — 96. 

An  approximate  weight.  In  fact  12  ounces  Troy  of  standard  silver  were 
coined  into  62  shillings. 


440 


Qiuinlulinnciiiiqiic. 


but  bare  Metal  which  was  Money  before  it  was  worn  and 
abused  into  Inequality. 

Qu.  2.  At  whose  Charge? 

Ansiv.  At  the  States  Charge,  as  it  now  is:  Because  the 
Owner  was  no  cause  of  its  Inequality,  but  the  States  negledl 
in  preventing  and  punishing  such  Abuses,  which  arc  remedied 
by  new  Coinage. 

Ou.  3.  Of  zvhat  zvcight  and  fineness  ought  the  nciu  Shilling 
to  be? 

Anszv.  Of  the  same  with  the  other  present  new  Money, 
and  which  the  old  was  of,  when  it  was  new  : Because  all  must 
be  like,  all  according  to  the  Statute;  and  all  fit  to  pay  ancient 
Debts,  according  to  what  was  really  lent.  I1 
) Qu.  4.  Suppose  20s.  of  old  Mo7iey  may  make  bnt  i8s.  of 
new,  zvho  shall  bear  the  loss  of  the  two  shillings  ? 

Answ.  Not  the  States:  Because  men  would  clip  their  own 
Money  : But  the  Owner  himself  must  bear  the  loss,  because 
he  might  have  refused  light  and  defedlive  Money,  or  put  it 
away  in  time  ; it  being  sufficient  that  he  shall  have  new 
regular  beautiful  Money  for  his  old  unequal  Money,  at  the 
States  Charge,  Ounce  for  Ounce  weight. 

Qu.  5.  After  this  Reformation  of  Coin,  Will  more  Silver 
be  carried  out  of  England,  suppose  into  the  East  Indies,  then 
before;  and  to  the  Damage  England 

Anszv.  Somewhat  more:  But  none  to  the  Damage  of 
England,  Eo  Noinine ; but  rather  to  its  Profit : Because  the 
Merchant  will  be  considered  for  the  Manufadlure  of  the  new 
Money;  besides  the  Metal  of  it,  as  he  only  was  when  he 
carried  out  Spanish  Reals. 

Qu.  6.  Whereas  the  Merchant  carries  Scarlet  and  Silver 
to  the  Indies,  zvill  he  not  now  carry  07ily  the  new  coined 
Silver  ? 

Anszv.  The  Merchant  will  buy  as  much  Scarlet  as  he  can 
for  100  new  Shillings,  and  then  consider  whether  he  shall  get 
more  Silk  in  the  Indies  for  that  Scarlet  than  for  another  100 
of  the  like  Shillings  : And,  according  to  this  Conjedlure,  he 
will  carry  Scarlet  or  Shillings  in  specie,  or  part  one,  part  the 
other,  if  he  be  in  doubt. 


Jixportation  • of  Coin. 


44  J 


Ou.  7.  But  zvill  not  England  be  iinpoverislied  by  Merchants 
carrying  out  the  said  100  Shillings? 

Anszv.  No,  if  he  bring  home  for  them  as  much  Silk  as 
will  yield  above  100  Shillings,  (perhaps  200  Shillings)  in 
Spain,  and  then  bring  the  same  200  into  England : Or,  if  he 
bring  home  as  much  Pepper  as  an  English  man  will  give  him 
200  of  the  like  Shillings  for.  So  the  Merchant  and  England 
shall  both  Gain  by  Exporting  the  100  Shillings  \ 

Qu.  8.  But  if  the  neuo  Shilling  zvere  but  \ths  of  the  zveight 
as  formerly,  then  the  Merchant  zvould  not  meddle  zvith  thein  at 
all,  and  so  secure  this  fear  of  Impoverishment? 

Anszv.  The  Merchant  would  Export  then,  just  as  before; 
Only  he  will  give  but  f so  much  Pepper,  or  other  Indian 
Goods,  for  the  new  retrenched  Shilling  as  he  did  for  the  old  : 
And  would  accept  in  India  J as  much  Pepper  as  he  formerly 
had  for  the  old : And  consequently  there  would  be  no  differ- 
ence, but  among  a few  such  Fools  as  take  Money  by  its 
name,  and  not  by  its  weight  and  fineness. 

Qu.  9.  If  a Shilling  zvas  by  nezv  Coinage  reduced  to  \ of 
its  present  zveight,  shoidd  zve  710 1 thereby  have  moi'e  of  Money 
then  nozju  we  have,  and  consequently  be  so  much  the  richer?  |1 

Anszv.  You  would  indeed  have  ^ part  more  of  the  new  (3) 
christned  Shillings  ; but  not  an  Ounce  more  of  Silver,  nor 
Money ; nor  could  you  get  an  Ounce  more  of  Forreign 
Commodities  for  all  your  new  multiplied  Money  than  before  ; 
Nor  even  for  any  Domestick  Commodities;  but  perhaps  a little 
at  first  from  the  few  Fools  above  mentioned.  As  for  Instance; 
Suppose  you  buy  a Silver  Vessel  from  a Goldsmith  weighing 
20  Ounces,  at  6.5-.  per  Ounce,  making  6 Pounds^  or  24  Ounces 
of  Coined  Silver ; now  suppose  that  the  said  6 Pounds  were 
reduced  from  weighing  24  Ounces  to  weigh  but  18  Ounces 
upon  the  new  Coinage  ; but  be  still  called  6 Pound  even  by 
the  King’s  Proclamation  ; Can  it  be  imagined  that  the  Gold- 
smith will  give  his  Vessel  weighing  20  Ounces  of  wrought,  for 
18  Ounces  of  unwrought  Silver.^  For  the  Workmanship  of 

1 Cf.  Mun,  England's  Treasure,  ch.  IV.,  pp.  19 — 27  of  Ashley’s  edition. 

2 I.e.,  six  pounds  sterling,  which  would  weigh  24  ounces  Troy  upon  Petty’s 
assumption. 


442 


QiiantithiDicunqite. 


Money  is  of  little  value.  Now  the  Absurdity  is  the  same  in 
all  other  Commodities,  though  not  so  demonstrable  as  in  a 
Commodity  whose  Materials  is  the  same  with  Money. 

Qu.  lo.  Cannot  A'litJiordty  Coimnand  that  men  should  give 
as  much  Commodity  for  the  nezv  retrencht  Money,  as  for  the  old 
zvhich  zveighed  ^ part  more  ? 

Anszv.  Then  the  effedl  of  such  Authority  would  also  be 
to  take  away  J of  all  mens  Goods,  which  are  Commodities 
beyond  Seas  ; and  give  the  same  to  Forreigners,  who  would 
have  them  for  | of  the  usual  quantity  of  Silver : And  the 
same  Authority  would  take  away  from  the  Creditor  i of  the 
Money  which  was  due  before  the  Proclamation. 

Qu.  II.  Whereas  you  sicppose  retrenching  { in  the  nezjo 
Coinage ; Suppose  it  was  but  , how  zvould  the  matter  be  then  ? 

Answ.  Just  the  same:  for  Magis  & minus  non  mutant 
speciem  : But  it  were  better  you  supposed  that  one  Shilling 
were  to  be  taken  for  lO  or  20,  then  the  Absurdity  would  be 
it  self  so  visible,  as  to  need  no  such  Demonstration,  as  is 
needful  in  such  small  matters  as  Common  Sence  cannot 
discern:  P'or  if  the  wealth  of  the  Nation  could  be  decupled 
by  a Proclamation,  it  were  strange  that  such  Proclamations 
have  not  long  since  been  made  by  our  Governours. 

Qu.  12.  Will  not  some  men,  having  occasions  to  buy  Com- 
modities in  Forreign  Parts,  carjy  oiU  all  Money,  and  so  not 
Vend  or  Export  our  ozvn  Commodities  at  allf 

Anszv.  If  some  English  Merchants  should  be  so  impro- 
vident, yet  the  Forreign  Merchants  would  buy  up  such 
English  Commodities  as  they  wanted,  with  Money  brought 
(4)  into  England  from  their  respedlive  ||  Countries,  or  with  such 
Commodities  as  England  likes  better  than  Money.  P"or  the 
vending  of  English  Commodities  doth  not  depend  upon  any 
other  thing,  but  the  use  and  need  which  I'orreigners  have  of 
them.  But  were  it  not  a folly  for  an  English  man  not  to 
carry  Lead  into  Turkey;  but  go  thither  with  Money,  in  his 
Ballast,  and  so  loose  the  Freight  of  the  Lead,  which  he  might 
sell  there ; And  that  a Ship  should  come  from  Tuj'key  with 
Money,  in  her  Ballast  also,  to  fetch  Lead  from  England,  which 
might  have  been  carried  at  first  by  the  English  Ship  } No  : 


Raising  Money. 


443 


The  Art  of  a Merchant  is  to  consider  all  those  Matters,  so  as 
no  Prince’s  Proclamation  concerning  the  Weight  and  Deno- 
minations of  Coins,  signifies  anything  to  P'orreigners  when 
they  know  it,  nor  to  his  own  Subjedls  pro  futiiro,  what  e’re 
Disturbances  it  may  make  amongst  them  pro  prceterito.  We 
say  again  ; it  were  better  for  a Prince  owing  20s.  to  say  he 
will  pay  but  15^-.  than  disguising  his  own  particular  purpose, 
to  say  that  all  Landlords  shall  henceforth  take  15^-.  Rent 
for  20s.  due  to  them  by  their  Tenants  Leases  ; and  that  he 
who  hath  lent  100/.  on  the  Monday,  (the  Proclamation  of 
Retrenchment  coming  out  on  Tuesday i)  may  be  repaid  on 
Wednesday  with  f or  75/.  of  the  very  Money  he  lent  two 
days  before. 

Qu.  13.  Why  is  not  our  old  worn  unequal  Money  new 
Coined  and  equallizedf 

Answ.  There  may  be  many  weak  Reasons  for  it;  But  the 
only  good  one  which  I know,  is,  that  bad  and  unequal  Money 
may  prevent  hoarding,  whereas  weighty,  fine,  and  beautiful 
Money  doth  encourage  it  in  some  few  timorous  Persons, 
but  not  in  the  Body  of  Trading  men.  Upon  the  account  of 
Beauty  our  Britannia  Half  pence ^ were  almost  all  horded 
as  Medals  till  they  grew  common  ; For  if  but  100  of  those 
pieces  had  been  Coined,  they  would,  for  their  Work  and 
Rarity,  have  been  worth  above  5^-.  each,  which  for  their 
Matter  are  not  worth  that  Half  penny  they  pass  for  : P'or  in 
them,  Materiam  superabat  Optcs. 

Qu.  14.  Why  hath  Money  been  raised,  or  retrencht,  or 
inibased  by  many  wise  States,  and  so  often  ? 

A71SW.  When  any  State  doth  these  things,  they  are  like 
Bankrupt  Merchants,  who  Compound  for  their  Debts  by 
paying  idj*.  12s.  or  los.  in  the  pound;  Or  forcing  their 
Creditors  to  take  off  their  Goods  at  much  above  the  Market 
rates.  And  the  same  State  might  as  well  have  paid  but  | of 
what  they  ow’d,  as  to  retrench  their  Money  in  General  to  H 

^ Leake  says  that  the  Britannia  half-pence  were  coined  of  copper  in  1665,  “ but 
were  soon  called  in,  to  please  a neighbouring  monarch  ; they  are  therefore  not  very 
common.”  English  Money,  p.  371.  But  Ruding  doubts  whether  any  were 
milled  before  the  end  of  1672.  Annals,  ii.  14 — 15. 


444 


Quantuluincunque. 


of  the  known  weight  and  fineness.  And  these  pradlices  have 
been  compassed  by  Bankers  and  Cashiers,  for  oblique  Con- 
siderations, from  the  Favourites  of  such  Princes  and  States.  || 
(5)  Qu.  15.  It  is  then  the  Honour  of  England  that  no  such 
Tricks  have  been  praHiced,  th,ough  in  the  greatest  Str eights 
that  ever  that  State  hath  been  in  ? 

Anszu.  It  hath  been  their  Wisdom,  and  consequently 
their  Honour  to  keep  up  a Rule  and  Measure  of  trade 
amongst  themselves,  and  with  all  Nations. 

Oil.  16.  But  is  there  no  Case  zvherein  Money  may  be  justly 
and  honourably  raised  f 

Ansiv.  Yes,  in  order  to  Regulation  and  Equalizing  of 
Species  of  Coines  ; As  when  two  Species  of  one  Weight  and 
P^ineness  are  taken  at  different  Rates,  then  the  one  may  be 
raised  or  the  other  depressed  : But  this  must  be  rated  by  the 
estimation  of  the  whole  World  as  near  as  it  can  be  known, 
and  not  by  any  private  Notion  ; and  the  like  may  be  done 
between  Gold  and  Silverk 

Qu.  17.  What  do  you  think  of  the  rising  or  falling  of  the 
Price  of  Lands,  from  this  following  Instance,  viz.  A piece  of 
Land  was  sold  60  Years  ago  for  1000/.  that  is,  for  a 1000 
Jacobusses  ; and  the  same  Land  is  now  sold,  for  1000/.  or  1000 
Guineas,  and  the  Guinea  is  but  j the  weight  of  the  Jacobus. 
Is  the  Land  cheaper  now  thaii  60  Years  ago  ? 

Answ.  It  looks  like  a Demonstration  that  it  is  : Yet  if 
Gold  be  not  Money,  but  a Commodity  next  like  to  Money, 
and  that  Silver  be  only  Money  ; then  we  must  see  whether 
1000  Jacobusses  would  then  purchase  no  more  Silver  than 
1000  Gicineas  will  do  now  : For  if  so,  the  Land  was  heretofore 
and  now  sold  for  the  same  Quantity  of  Money,  though  not 
of  Gold ; and  is  neither  risen  nor  fallen  by  what  hath  been 
instanced. 

Qu.  18.  What  is  the  difference  between  retrenching  or 
raising  of  Money,  and  imbasing  the  Mettle  of  the  same,  as  by 
mixing  Copper  zvith  Silver? 

^ Petty’s  opinion  upon  the  point  here  involved  has  been  diversely  interpreted 
by  Lord  Liverpool,  Coins  of  the  Realm  (1880),  pp.  137 — 141 
Horton,  The  Silver  Pound,  165 — 171. 


Copper  Money. 


445 


Answ.  The  first  is  the  better  of  the  two,  if  such  Mixture 
be  of  no  use  in  other  things  : For  if  20s.  which  contains 
4 Ounces  of  Silver,  should  be  reduced  to  3 Ounces  of  Silver, 
it  is  better  than  to  add  one  Ounce  of  Copper  to  the  same,  in 
order  to  make  4 seeming  Ounces  as  before  : For  if  you  come 
to  want  the  said  3 Ounces  of  Silver  mixt  with  Copper,  you 
must  lose  the  Copper,  upon  the  Test,  and  the  Charge  of 
Refining  also,  which  will  amount  to  above  4 per  cent. 

Qu.  19.  What  do  yon  ohjeCt  against  sjnall  silver  Money  ; 
as  against  Single  Pence ^ Two  Penees.,  &e.  ? 

Answ.  That  the  Coinage  of  small  Pieces  would  be  very 
chargeable,  and  the  Pieces  themselves  apt  to  be  lost,  and 
more  liable  to  wearing ; for  little  of  our  old  small  Money  is 
now  to  be  seen,  and  our  Groats  are  worn  away  to  Three  half 
Pence  in  Metal.  || 

Qu.  20.  What  do  you  say  of  Money  made  wholly  of  base  (6) 
Metal  sueh  as  Farthmgs,  Sic.  ? 

Answ.  That  the  want  of  Materials  ought  to  be  made  up 
by  the  fineness  of  Coinage,  to  very  near  the  intrinsick  Value; 
or  what  is  gained  by  the  Want  of  either,  to  be  part  of  the 
Kings  Revenue. 

Qu.  21.  Whieh  is  best,  Copper  or  Tin,  for  this  purpose? 

Answ.  Copper:  Because  it  is  capable  of  the  most  imitable 
and  durable  Coinage  : though  the  Copper  be  P'oraign,  and 
Tin  a Native  Commodity.  For  suppose  Copper  and  Tin  of 
the  same  Value  in  England',  yet  if  100  Weight  of  Tin  sent  to 
Turky  will  fetch  home  as  much  Silk  as  will  fetch  above  100 
of  Copper  from  Sweden,  in  such  Case  the  Difference  between 
Native  and  Foreign  is  nothing. 

Qu.  22.  This  Doctrine  may  extend  to  a free  exportation  of 
Money  and  Bidlion,  whieh  is  against  our  Laws : Are  our  Lazvs 
7iot  good  ? 

Answ.  Perhaps  they  are  against  the  Laws  of  Nature, 
and  also  impradlicable : For  we  see  that  the  Countries  which 
abound  with  Money  and  all  other  Commodities,  have  followed 
no  such  Laws : And  contrarywise,  that  the  Countries  which 
have  forbid  these  Exportations  under  the  highest  Penalties, 
are  very  destitute  both  of  Money  and  Merchandize. 


44^  Qjtnntulnvianiquc. 

Ou.  23.  Is  not  a Country  the  Poorer  for  having  less 
Money  ? 

Answ.  Not  always:  For  as  the  most  thriving  Men  keep 
little  or  no  Money  by  them,  but  turn  and  wind  it  into  various 
Commodities  to  their  great  Profit,  so  may  the  whole  Nation 
also  ; which  is  but  many  particular  Men  united. 

Qu.  24.  May  a Nation,  suppose  England,  have  too  much 
Money  ? 

Anszv.  Yes : As  a particular  Merchant  may  have  too 
much  Money,  I mean  coined  Money,  by  him. 

Qu.  25.  Is  there  any  ivay  to  knoiv  how  imich  Money  is 
sufficient  for  any  Nation  ? 

A71SZU.  I think  it  may  pretty  well  be  guessed  at;  vi^. 
I think  that  so  much  Money  as  will  pay  half  a Years  Rent 
for  all  the  Lands  of  England,  and  a Quarters  Rent  of  the 
Houseing,  and  a Weeks  Expence  of  all  the  People,  and  about 
a Quarter  of  the  Value  of  all  the  exported  Commodities,  is 
sufficient  for  that  purpose.  Now  when  the  States  will  cause 
these  things  to  be  computed,  and  the  Quantity  of  their  Coins 
to  be  known,  which  the  new  Coining  of  their  old  Money  will 
best  do,  then  it  may  also  be  known  whether  we  have  too  much 
or  too  little  Money. 

Qu.  26.  What  remedy  is  there  if  zve  have  too  little 
Money  f || 

Anszv.  We  must  ere6l  a Bank,  which  well  computed,  doth 
almost  double  the  Effect  of  our  coined  Money : And  we  have 
in  England  Materials  for  a Bank  which  shall  furnish  Stock 
enough  to  drive  the  Trade  of  the  whole  Commercial  World. 

Quest.  27.  What  if  we  have  too  mnch  Coinef 

Anszv.  We  may  melt  down  the  heaviest,  and  turn  it  into 
the  Splendor  of  Plate,  in  Vessels  or  Utensils  of  Gold  and 
Silver ; or  send  it  out,  as  a Commodity,  where  the  same  is 
wanting  or  desired;  or  let  it  out  at  Intrest,  where  Intrest  is 
high. 

Qu.  28.  What  is  Interest  or  Use- Money  f 

Anszv.  A Reward  for  forbearing  the  use  of  your  own 
Money  for  a Term  of  Time  agreed  upon,  whatsoever  need 
your  self  may  have  of  it  in  the  mean  while. 

Qu.  29.  What  is  Exchange  ? 


Laws  IJmiting  hit  crest  > 447 

Aiisw.  Local  Interest,  or  a Reward  given  for  having  your 
Money  at  such  a Place  where  you  most  need  the  use  of  it. 

Qu.  30.  What  is  the  Trade  of  a Banker  f 

Answ.  Buying  and  selling  of  Interest  and  Exchange  : 
Who  is  honest  only  upon  the  Penalty  of  losing  a beneficial 
Trade,  founded  upon  a good  Opinion  of  the  World,  which  is 
called  Credit. 

Qu.  31.  You  were  speaking  of  base  Money  and  Farthings, 
zvhich  are  generally  beloiv  the  intrinsick  Value,  and  therefore 
ought  not  to  be  permitted  to  increase  ad  infinitum.  Is  there 
any  way  to  know  how  many  were  enough  ? 

Anszv.  I think  there  is:  viz.  Allowing  about  I2d.  in 
Farthings,  to  every  Family ; So  as  if  there  be  a Million  of 
Families  in  England  (as  I think  there  be)  then  about  50000/. 
in  Farthings  would  suffice  for  Change  ; and  if  such  Farthings 
were  but  ^ below  the  intrinsick  Value,  a Nation  would  pay 
but  10000/.  for  this  Convenience : But  if  this  way  of  Families 
be  not  Limitation  enough,  you  may  help  it  by  considering 
the  smallest  Piece  of  Silver  Money  current  in  the  Nation ; 
which  how  much  lesser  it  is,  by  so  much  lesser  may  the 
Number  of  Farthings  be  : The  use  of  Farthings  being  but  to 
make  up  Payments  in  Silver,  and  to  adjust  Accompts : To 
which  end  of  adjusting  Accompts  let  me  add,  that  if  your  old 
defedtive  Farthings  were  cryed  down  to  five  a penny,  you 
may  keep  all  Accompts  in  a way  of  Decimal  Arithmetick, 
which  hath  been  long  desired  for  the  ease  and  certainty  of 
Accompts. 

Qu.  32.  What  do  yon  think  of  our  Lazvs  for  limiting 
Interest  f |1 

Answ.  The  same  as  limiting  the  Exportation  of  Money  ; (8) 
and  there  may  be  as  well  Laws  for  limiting  Exchange  also  : 
For  Interest  always  carrieth  with  it  an  Ensurance  praemium, 
which  is  very  casual,  besides  that  of  Forbearance  : For 
Instance,  in  Ireland  there  was  a time  when  Land  (the  highest 
Security)  was  sold  for  2 Years  Purchase:  It  was  then  naturally 
just  to  take  20,  30,  or  40  per  Cent.  Interest ; whereas  there 
the  Law  allows  but  10.  And  since  that  time.  Land  being 
risen  to  12  Years  purchase,  responsible  Men  will  not  give 


44<S 


Qiiantnluviainqne. 


above  8.  And  insolent^  Men  will  offer  Cent,  per  Cent,  notwith- 
standing the  Law.  Again,  suppose  a Man  hath  lOo/.  of  Land, 
worth  20  Years  Purchase,  and  another  lOo/.  in  Houses,  worth 
12  Years  Purchase;  and  an  other  lOO/.  in  Shipping,  worth 
2 Years  Purchase;  and  another  in  Horses,  worth  6 Months 
Purchase;  Is  it  not  manifest’ he  must  have  a greater  Yearly 
pi'ceniiuni  for  lending  his  House  than  his  Land,  his  Ship  than 
his  House,  and  his  Horse  than  his  Ship  ? For  if  his  Horse  be 
worth  \ool.  he  cannot  hire  him  out  for  less  than  \os.  per  diem, 
whereas  the  Land  will  not  yield  a Groat  for  the  same  time ; 
and  these  Hires  are  the  same  with  Intrest. 

Price  2d. 2 


LONDON,  Printed  in  the  Year,  1695. 

^ The  reprint  in  Somers’  Tracts  has  ‘ insolvent.’ 

“ The  Brit.  Mus.  copies  8223a. 69  and  i04f.  61  have  not  ‘Price  2d. 


SEVERAL 

ESSAYS 

I N 

poUtical 

Arithmetick: 

The  Titles  of  which  follow  in  the 
Ensuing  Pages. 


B Y 

Sir  WILLIAM  PETTY, 

Late  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 


LONDON-. 

Printed  for  Robert  Clavel  at  the  Peacock, 
and  Henry  Mortlock  at  the  Phoenix  in  St.  FauFs 
Church-Yard.  1699. 


H.  P. 


29 


NOTE  ON  THE  ESSAYS  IN  “POLITICAL  ARITHMETICK.” 


The  Essays  in  Political  Arithmetick,  belong,  in  large  part,  to 
the  fourth  period  of  Petty’s  literary  activity,  and  most,  though  not 
all  of  them  were  written  in  London.  The  circumstances  which  led 
to  the  writing  of  the  various  essays  are  indicated,  so  far  as  known, 
in  connection  with  each  essay  severally.  Petty  never  grouped  the 
series,  and  it  is  uncertain  who  edited  the  collection  published  in 
1699k  The  order  then  adopted  was  chronological  by  date  of 
publication,  and  it  has  been  here  adhered  to  save  as  regards  the 
Political  Arithmetick.  That  book,  because  first  published  (as 
supposed)  in  1691,  was  made  to  follow  the  Five  Essays,  though 
it  has  little  direct  connection  with  them.  I have  transposed  it  to 
the  first  volume,  a position  which  indicates  more  correctly  its  true 
chronological  place  among  Petty’s  writings.  The  Essays  thus 
follow  Graunt’s  Observations,  to  which  in  subject  and  treatment 
they  are  more  closely  related  than  to  Petty’s  other  writings,  and 
also  precede  the  Treatise  of  Ireland,  with  which  their  chrono- 
logical connection  is  most  intimate. 

The  Essays  were  chiefly  written  in  Petty’s  last  years,  when  his 
health  was  much  impaired^,  and  were  almost  immediately  put  to 
press.  No  necessity  for  circulating  them  in  MS.  arose  and  no  MSS. 
of  them  are  known.  They  are  here  reprinted  not  from  the  post- 
humous collected  edition  of  1699,  but  from  the  several  original 
editions,  the  proof  of  nearly  all  of  which  doubtless  passed  under 
Petty’s  eye. 

^ Meitzen  suggests  that  the  editor  was  “John  Williamson”  (probably  Sir 
Joseph  is  intended),  but  the  suggestion  seems  to  rest  solely  upon  a misreading  of 
Anthony  a-Wood.  Geschichte  der  Statistik,  15.  Thorpe’s  Cat.  lib.  MSS.  bibl. 
Soiithwelliance,  lot  710,  describes  a draft  of  a letter,  dated  26  Dec.,  1698,  from 
Sir  Robert  Southwell  to  Petty’s  son  Henry,  afterwards  Baron  Shelburne,  “relative 
to  Sir  William  Petty’s  papers,  some  of  which  were  then  reprinting.” 

“ Fitzmaurice,  289  seq. 


ANOTHER 


ESSAY 

I N 

Political  Arithmetick, 

Concerning  the  Growth  of  the 

CITY 

O F 

LONDON: 

WITH  THE 

Measures,  Periods,  Causes, 
and  Consequences  there- 
of. 1682. 

By  Sir  IVilliam  Petty,  Fellow  of  the 
ROYAL  SOCIETY, 


L O N DO  N: 

Printed  by  H.  H.  for  Mark  Pardoe,  at  the  Black 
Raven,  over  against  Bedfoi'd-House,  in  the  Strand.  1683. 


29 — 2 


NOTE  ON  “ANOTHER  ESSAY  IN  POLITICAL 
ARITHMETIC.” 


Another  Essay  in  Political  Arithmetick  was  probably  written  in 
Ireland  about  i68i  but  was  not  sent  to  press  until  after  Petty  came 
to  London  in  June,  1682^.  Three  years  after  the  first  edition,  which 
is  dated  1683,  there  appeared,  under  a changed  title^,  a “second 
edition,  revised  and  enlarged.”  The  revision  extends  only  to  a few 
verbal  changes  which  are  recorded  in  the  footnotes  of  this  reprint. 
The  enlargement  was  affected  by  the  addition  of  the  stationer’s 
address  to  the  reader  and  the  “ extract  of  a letter  ” which  are  re- 
printed on  pages  453  to  455.  Aside  from  these  pages  the  ensuing 
text  conforms  to  that  of  the  original  edition  issued  in  1683.  The 
Essay  is  reviewed  in  the  Journal  des  S^avans,  15  Mars,  1683. 

^ See  p.  466  and  note,  also  p.  468. 

2 Cf.  pp.  438,  480. 

^ See  Bibliography  13,  17. 


THE 


STATIONER 

To  the  Reader. 


THe  ensuing  Essay  concerning  the  Growth  of  the  City  of 
London  was  entituled  [Another  Essay] ^ inthnating  that 
some  other  Essay  had  preceded  it,  which  was  not  to  be  found. 
I having  been  much  importuned  for  that  precedent  Essay  have 
found  that  the  same  was  about  the  Growth,  Encrease,  and 
Multiplication  of  Mankind,  which  Subject  shotdd  in  Order 
of  Nature  precede  that  of  the  Growth  of  the  City  of  London, 
but  am  7iot  able  to  procure  the  Essay  itself,  onely  I have 
obtained  from  a Gentleniaid , zvho  somethnes  corresponded  with 
Sir  W.  Petty,  an  Extradl  of  a Letter  from  Sir  William  to 
hwt,  which  I verily  believe  cojitaineth  the  scope  thereof ; wher'e- 
fore,  I must  desire  the  Reader  to  be  content  therewith,  till  more 
can  be  had. 


1 In  the  first  edition. 

2 “Only  a sort  of  syllabus  of  it  [pp.  454,  455]  remains,”  Fitzmaurice,  216. 

^ Probably  Sir  Robert  Southwell,  through  whom  Petty  had  other  dealings 
with  Mark  Pardoe,  the  stationer. 


The  Extraft  of  a Letter  concerning  the  scope  of  an  Essay 
intended  to  pj^ecede  Another  Essay  concerning  the  Growth 
of  the  City  of  (London),  E’c.  An  Essay  in  Political 
Arithmetick,  concerning  the  Value  and  Encrease  of  People 
ayid  Colonies. 

HE  scope  of  this  Essay,  is  concerning  People  and 


1 Colonies,  and  to  make  way  for  Another  Essay  con- 
cerning the  Groivth  of  the  City  of  London.  I desire  in  this 
first  Essay  to  give  the  World  some  light  concerning  the 
Numbers  of  People  in  England,  with  Wales,  and  in  Ireland', 
as  also,  of  the  ||  number  of  Houses,  and  Eamilies,  wherein 
they  live,  and  of  Acres  they  occupy. 

2.  How  many  live  upon  their  Lands,  how  many  upon 
their  Personal  Estates,  and  Conierce,  and  how  many  upon  Art, 
and  Lahotcr',  how  many  upon  Alms,  how  many  upon  Offices 
and  Publick  Employments,  and  how  many  as  Cheats  and 
Thieves ; how  many  are  Impotents,  Children,  and  decrepit 
Old  men. 

3.  How  many  upon  the  Poll-Taxes  in  England,  do  pay 
extraordinary  Rates,  and  how  many  at  the  LeveL. 

4.  How  many  Men  and  Women  are  Prolifick,  and  how 
many  of  each  are  Married  or  Unmarried. 

5.  What  the  Value  of  People"  are  in  England,  and  what 

^ See  Treatise  of  Taxes,  p.  62,  note. 

^ Petty  reckons  the  “value  of  people”  variously  at  more  than  £()o,  Two 
Essays,  post,  at  ^^69,  Verbuvi  Sap.,  p.  108,  at  £10,  Polit.  Anatomy,  p.  152, 
Treatise  of  Ireland,  post,  and  this  Essay,  p.  476,  and  at  ^80,  Polit.  Arith., 
p.  267. 


Political  Arithmctick  of  the  City  of  Londoji.  455 

in  Ireland  at  a Medinin,  both  as  Members  of  the  Chitrch  or 
Commonwealth^  or  as  Slaves  and  Servants  to  one  another ; 
with  a II  Method  how  to  estimate  the  same,  in  any  other 
Country  or  Colony. 

6.  How  to  compute  the  Value  of  Land  in  Colonies,  in 
comparison  to  England  and  Ireland. 

7 How  10  thousand  People  in  a Colony  may  be,  and 
planted  to  the  best  advantage. 

8.  A Conjedlure  in  what  number  of  years  England  and 
Irelajid  may  be  fully  peopled,  as  also  all  America,  and  lastly 
the  whole  habitable  Earth. 

9.  What  spot  of  the  Earths-Globe  were  fittest  for  a general 
and  universal  Emporium,  whereby  all  the  people  thereof  may 
best  enjoy  one  anothers  Labours  and  Commodities. 

10.  Whether  the  speedy  Peopling  of  the  Earth  would 
make 

1.  For  the  good  of  Mankind. 

2.  To  fulfil  the  revealed  Will  of  God. 

3.  To  what  Pi'ince  or  State  the  same  would  be 

most  advantageous.  || 

11.  An  exhortation  to  all  thinking  Men  to  salve  the 
Scriptures  and  other  good  Histories,  concerning  the  Number 
of  People  in  all  Ages  of  the  World,  in  the  great  Cities  thereof, 
and  elsewhere. 

12.  An  Appendix  concerning  the  different  Number  of 
Sea-fish  and  Wild-fowl,  at  the  end  of  every  thousand  years, 
since  Noah’s  F'lood. 

13.  An  Hypothesis  of  the  use  of  those  spaces  (of  about 
8,000  miles  through)  within  the  Globe  of  our  Earth,  supposing 
a shell  of  150  miles  thick. 

14.  What  may  be  the  meaning  of  Glorified  Bodies,  in  case 
the  place  of  the  Blessed  shall  be  without  the  Convex  of  the 
Orb  of  the  fixed  Stars,  if  that  the  whole  System  of  the  World 
was  made  for  the  use  of  our  Earths-men.  || 


3 


The  Principal  Points  of  this 
Discourse. 


I.  ' I T London  doubles  in  Foj^ty  Years,  and  all  England 
-L  in  Three  Inmdred  and  sixty  Years. 

2.  That  there  be,  Anno  1682.  about  Six  hundred  and 
seventy  Thousand  Soids  in  London,  and  about  seven  Millions 
foitr  hmidred  Thousand  in  all  England  and  Wales,  and  about 
tzventy-eight  Millions  of  Aeres  of  Land‘d. 

3.  That  the  Periods  of  doiLbling  the  People,  are  found  to  be 
in  all  Degrees,  from  betvueen  Ten,  to  Tzvelve  hundred  Years. 

4.  That  the  Grozvth  of  London  znust  stop  of  its  self,  before 
the  Year  1800. 

5.  A Table  helping  to  understand  the  Scriptures,  eoneerning 
the  Nitmber  of  People  mentioned  in  them.  |1 

4 6.  That  the  World  zvill  be  fully  Peopled  zvithin  the  next 

Tzvo  Thousand  Years. 

7.  Tzvelve  Toueh- stones'^,  zvhereby  to  Try  any  Pj^oposal, 
pretended  for  the  Publiek  Good. 

8.  Hozv  the  City  of  London  may  be  made  {Morally 
speaking')  Invincible. 

9.  An  Help  to  Uniformity  in  Religion. 

10.  That  Pis  possible  to  increase  Mankind  by  Generation 
four  times  'more  than  at  present. 

1 1.  The  Plagues  of  London  is  the  Chief  Impediment  and 
Objection  against  the  Grozvth  of  the  City. 

12.  That  an  Exalt  Aceount  of  the  PeopLC  is  Necessary  in 
this  Matter.]] 


^ 2d  ed.,  ‘Acres  of  Profitable  Land.’ 
^ 2d  ed.,  ‘Twelve  ways.’ 


Of  the  Growth  of  the  CITY  of  LONDON  15 
And  of  the  Measttres,  Periods,  Causes, 
and  Consequences  thereof. 


By  the  City  of  London,  we  mean  the  Housing  within  the 
Walls  of  the  Old  City,  with  the  Liberties 
thereof,  Westminster,  the  Bori'ongh  of  SoiUhwark,  meant  by 
and  so  much  of  the  built  Ground  in  Middlesex  and 
Stirref,  whose  Houses  are  contiguous  unto,  or  within  Call  of 
those  afore-mentioned.  Or  else  we  mean  the  Housing  which 
stand  upon  the  Ninety  seven  Parishes  within  the  Walls  of 
London  ; upon  the  Sixteen  Parishes  next,  without  them ; the 
Ten  Parishes  of  Westminster,  and  the  Seven  Parishes  ||  without  6 
them  all;  all  which  One  hundred  and  thirty  Parishes^  are 
comprehended  within  the  Weekly  Bills  of  Mortality‘s, 

The  Growth  of  this  City  is  Measured,  i.  By  the  Quantity 
of  Ground,  or  Number  of  Acres  upon  which  it 
stands.  2.  By  the  Number  of  Houses,  as  the  meant  by 
same  appears  by  the  Hearth-Books  and  late  Maps.  the^Growth 
3.  By  the  Cubical  Content  of  the  said  Housing. 

^ 2d  ed.,  ‘The  six  parishes  of  Westminster,  and  the  fourteen  out  parishes  in 
Middlesex  and  Surrey,  eontiguous  to  the  former ; all  which  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
three  parishes.’ 

^ Petty’s  arrangement  of  ninety-seven  parishes  within  the  walls,  sixteen  next 
without,  ten  in  Westminster,  and  seven  without  them  all,  is  a division  unknown  to 
the  bills.  It  probably  arose  from  a transposition  of  the  figures  for  Westminster 
(seven  parishes)  and  for  the  parishes  without  them  all  (ten)  given  by  Graunt.  In 
the  first  edition  Petty  cites  bills  for  1665 — 1682,  during  which  years  the  division 
was  in  fact  97,  16,  12,  and  5 parishes  in  1665 — 1670  and  97,  16,  [4,  and  5 parishes 
in  1674 — 1682.  In  the  second  edition,  published  in  1686,  Petty  corrected  the 
division  of  the  parishes  (see  preceding  note)  to  correspond  not  to  his  table,  which 
still  stopped  with  1682,  but  to  the  last  yearly  bill  published  when  he  wrote,  (the 
bill  for  1685),  which  included  97,  16,  14  and  6 parishes.  On  these  changes  see 
the  Introduction. 


458 


A^iother  Essay. 


4.  ]5y  the  Flooring-  of  the  same.  5.  By  the  Number  of 

Days-work,  or  Charge  of  Building  the  said  Houses.  6.  By 
the  Value  of  the  said  Houses,  according  to  their  Yearly 
Rent,  and  Number  of  Years  Purchase.  7.  By  the  Number  of 
Inhabitants ; according  to  which  latter  sense  only,  we  make 
our  Computations  in  this  Essay. 

Till  a better  Rule  can  be  obtained,  we  conceive  that  the 
7 Proportion  ||  of  the  People  may  be  sufficiently  Measured  by 
the  Proportion  of  the  Burials  in  such  Years  as  were  neither 
remarkable  for  extraordinary  Healthfulness  or  Sickliness. 

That  the  City  hath  Increased  in  this  latter  sense,  appears 
In  what  from  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  represented  in  the  two 
following  Tables,  viz.  One  whereof  is  a continuation 
hath  111-  for  Eighteen  years,  ending  1682,  of  that  Table 
creased.  which  was  Published  in  the  iiyth.  pag.  of  the 
Book  of  the  Observations  upon  the  London  Bills  of  Mortality, 
Printed  in  the  Year  1676.  The  other  sheweth  what  Number 
of  People  dyed  at  a Meduini  of  two  Years,  indifferently  taken, 
at  about  Twenty  Years  distance  from  each  other.  || 


8 The  first  of  the  said  tzvo  Tables. 


An.  Dom. 

97 

Parishes. 

r6 

Parishes. 

Out 

Parishes. 

Buried 
in  all.  * 

Besides  of 
the  Plague. 

Christened. 

1665 

5320 

12463 

10925 

28708 

68596 

9967 

1666 

1689 

3969 

5082 

10740 

1998 

8997 

1667 

7761 1 

6405 

8641 

15807 

35 

10938 

1668 

796 

6865 

9603 

17267 

14 

11633 

1669 

1323 

7500 

10440 

19263 

3 

12335 

1670 

1890 

7808 

10500 

20198 

1 1997 

1671 

1723 

5938 

8063 

15724 

5 

12510 

1672 

2237 

6788 

9200 

18225 

5 

12593 

1673 

2307 

6302 

8890 

17499 

5 

11895 

1674 

2801 

7522 

10875 

21198 

3 

1 1851 

1675 

2555 

5986 

8702 

17243 

I 

11775 

1676 

2756 

6508 

9466 

18730 

2 

12399 

1677 

2817 

6632 

9616 

19065 

2 

12626 

1678 

3060 

6705 

10908 

20673 

5 

12601 

1679 

3074 

7481 

II173 

21728 

2 

12288 

1680 

3076 

7066 

1091 1 

21053 

12747 

1681 

3669 

8136 

12166 

23971 

13355 

1682 

2975 

7009 

10707 

20691 

12653 

^ 7761  is  a misprint  for  761,  which  is  the  reading  of  the  second  edition  and 
corresponds  to  the  footing. 


Doubling  of  the  People  of  London. 


459 


According  to  which  latter  Table,  there  dyed  as  followeth.  \\ 

The  latter  of  the  said  two  Tables. 

There  dyed  in  London^  At  a Medmm  between  the  Years. 


1604  and  1605 
1621  and  1622 
1641  and  1642 
1661  and  1662 
1681  and  1682 


5135-  A.i 

8527.  B. 
11883.  c. 
15148.  D. 
22331.  E. 


Wherein  Observe,  That  the  Number  C.  is  double  to  A. 
and  806  over.  That  D.  is  double  to  B.^  within  1906.  That 
C.  and  D.  is  double  to  A.  B.  within  293.  That  E.  is  double 
to  C.  within  1435.  That  D.  and  E.  is  double  to  B.  and  C. 
within  3341.  And  that  C.  and  D.  and  E.  are  double  to  A. 
and  B.  and  C.  within  1736^  And  that  E.  is  above  Quadruple 
to  A.  All  which  differences  (every  way  considered)  do  allow 
the  doubling  of  the  People  of  London  in  forty  Years,  to  be  a 
sufficient  estimate  thereof  in  round  |1  Numbers,  and  without 
the  trouble  of  Fra6lions.  We  also  say,  That  669930  is  near 
the  Number  of  People  now  in  London,  because  the  Burials 
are  22331.  which  Multiplyed  by  30,  (one  dying  Yearly  out  of 
30,  as  appears  in  the  94  pag.  of  the  afore-mentioned  Obser- 
vations^) maketh  the  said  Number;  and  because  there  are 
84  Thousand  Tenanted  Houses  (as  we  are  Credibly  Informed®) 
which,  at  8 in  each,  makes  672  Thousand  Souls ; the  said  two 
Accounts  differing  inconsiderably  from  each  other. 

^ The  numbers  A,  B,  C,  and  D are  calculated  from  Graunt’s  table,  pp.  407 — 409. 
The  number  A,  5135,  is  miscalculated  or  misprinted;  it  should  be  5185.  The 
error  makes,  on  the  whole  rather  for  than  against  Petty’s  contention. 

^ In  figuring  that  one  number  “is  double  to”  another  within  a certain  sum, 
Petty  uses,  in  every  case  but  the  first,  a process  indicated  by  the  formula  x=2y^ii. 
But  in  order  to  get  the  result  that  “ G is  double  to  A and  806  over  ” one  must  use 

the  formula  ^=y^n.  Had  Petty  calculated  the  relation  of  C to  ^ as  he  does  the 

relation  of  D to  B,  etc.,  the  surplus  would  have  been  1613,  his  erroneous  valuation 
of  A being  accepted. 

2 ‘1736’  should  be  ‘1738.’ 

^ On  the  page  cited  (p.  393  of  this  edition)  Graunt  says  that  “ about  one 
in  32  dies.”  But  in  the  Index  (p.  332)  is  the  statement,  with  reference  to  page 
93,  that  “at  London  one  of  thirty  ” dies  yearly. 

® Probably  by  the  makers  of  Ogilby  and  Morgan’s  map  ; cf.  a note  to  Five 
Essays  below. 


460 


AnotJier  Essay, 


We  have  thus  pretty  well  found  out  in  what  Number 
of  Years  (viz.  in  about  40,)  that  the  City  of  London  hath 
doubled,  and  the  present  Number  of  LiJiabitants  to  be  about 
670  Thousand.  We  must  now  also  endeavour  the 
same  for  the  whole  Territory  of  England  and 
Wales.  In  Order  whereunto,  we  || 

First  say,  That  the  Assessment  of  London  is 
about  an  Eleventh  part  of  the  whole  Territory  \ 
and  therefore,  that  the  People  of  the  whole  may 
well  be  Eleven  times  that  of  London,  viz.  about  7 Millions, 
369  Thousand  Souls ; with  which  Account  that  of 
the  Poll-money,  Hearth-money‘s,  and  the  Bishops 
late  Numbring  of  the  CommiLnieants^,  do  pretty 
well  agree;  wherefore,  although  the  said  Number 
of  7 Millions,  369  Thousand,  be  not  (as  it  cannot 
be)  a demonstrated  Trnth,  yet  it  will  serve  for  a good  Suppo- 
sition, which  is  as  much  as  we  want  at  present. 

As  for  the  time  in  which  the  People  double,  it  is  yet 

^ By  31  Charles  II.,  c.  i.  (1679),  assessment  before  Petty  wrote, 

London  paid  ^^^'2145  15^.  8^.,  Middlesex,  including  Westminster,  ;!^i520  ^s.,  Surrey, 
including  Southwark  lOi-.  \d.,  in  all  ^4464  10^.  ^d.  or  a little  more  than  one 

eighth  the  monthly  assessment  of  ^34410  px.  be/.  But  the  proportion  of  London 
proper,  which  was  the  basis  of  Petty’s  earlier  calculation  {^Verbiim  Sap.,  p.  107, 
note)  now  fell  to  less  than  one  sixteenth.  On  the  proportion  of  London  in  different 
assessments  see  Thorold  Rogers,  Economic  Inter pretatioji  of  History,  145 — 156. 

^ The  hearth  money  was  imposed  by  14  Charles  11.  c.  10.  By  15  Charles  11. 
c.  13  it  was  enacted  that  whereas  the  revenue  from  hearth  money  had  “ beene 
much  obstructed  for  want  of  true  and  just  Accornpts  under  the  hands  of  the 
respective  Occupiers  of  Houses  Edifices  Lodgings  and  Chambers  as  by  the  said 
Act  is  required,”  therefore  the  account  should  be  verified  upon  visitation  by  the 
constable.  He  should  make  out  “a  Booke  or  Roll  fairely  written  wherein  shall 
be  Two  Columnes,  The  one  containing  the  Names  of  the  persons  and  the  number 
of  Hearthes  and  Stoves  in  their  respective  Possessions  that  are  chargeable  by  the 
said  Act,  and  the  other  the  Names  of  the  persons... not  chargeable.”  This  roll 
was  to  be  transmitted  to  the  high  constable,  then  to  the  Justices  of  the  peace, 
then  to  the  Clerk  of  the  peace,  who  should  “within  Two  Moneths  engrosse  in 
Parchment  a true  Duplicate  of  the  said  Booke  or  Roll,  which  being  signed  by 
him,  and  by  two  Justices  of  the  Peace  at  least  of  the  respective  County  and 
places  aforesaid  shall  be  transmitted  within  one  Moneth  after  such  Engrossment 
into  his  Majestie’s  Courts  of  Exchequer.” 

s In  Stowe  MS.  322  at  the  British  Museum,  ff.  89 — 90,  is  contained  the 
following  memorandum  : 


The  people 
of  England 
about 
7 Millions 
and  400 
thousand. 


The  People 
of  London 
are  about 
the 

j Eleventh 
part  of  all 
England 
and  Wales. 


Doubling  of  the  People  of  Englmid. 


46 


more  hard  to  be  found  : For  we  have  good  Experience  (in 
the  said  94  pag.  of  the  afore-mentioned  Observations)  That  || 
in  the  Countrey,  but  one  of  fifty  dye  per  Anmnn\  and  by  12 
other  late  Accounts,  that  there  have  been  sometimes  but  24 
Births  for  23  Burials,  The  which  two  points,  if  they  were 
universally,  and  constantly  true,  there  would  be  colour  enough 
The  Telling  of  Noses;  Or  The  Number  of  Freeholders  in  England  according 


to  S’-  W.  P. 

Conformists 

Nonconf. 

Papists 

X 1 • f (Cant. 

In  the  Province  of  L,  , 

2123362 

93151 

11878 

[York 

35.3892 

15.525 

1978 

In  both  2477254 
Conf.  2477254 

Nonconf.  108676 

Together  2585930 

Papists  138.56 

In  all  Engld  2599786 

108676 

13858 

According  to  Account  the  proportion  of  'j 
Conformists  to  Nonconformists,  is  2 24  I 

Conformists  to  Papists,  is  1 78^^  | 

Conf.  & Nonconf.  together,  to  Papists,  is  i86-|j 
[Endorsed].  Calculation  of  the  People  of  England.  1687. 

The  MS.  in  the  hand  of  a copyist,  who  has  unquestionably  misdated  it, 
was  formerly  at  Ashburnham  Place.  Eighth  Report  Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  App.  iii. 
p.  12.  The  same  calculation,  but  at  much  greater  length,  is  assigned  by  Sir  John 
Dalrymple’s  A/emoirs  of  Great  Britam  and  Irelatid,  2d  ed.,  appendix,  pt.  II.  pp. 
II — 15,  to  the  reign  of  William  III.  The  origin  of  the  figures  is  revealed  by 
Petty’s  friend,  Sir  Peter  Pett.  Pett  discusses  “ the  Result  of  the  Bishops  Survey, 
which  was  made  of  the  Province  for  Canterbury  and  wherein  none  under  the 
age  of  Communicants  or  16  were  return’d,  and  but  very  few  Servants,  or  Sons, 
and  Daughters,  or  Lodgers,  or  Inmates  of  the  people  of  several  perswasions  of 
Religion  : and  the  thing  endeavour’d  was  that  the  heads  of  Families  or  House- 
Keepers,  i.e.  Man  and  Wife  might  be  truly  return’d  : and  at  that  rate,  the  Total 
at  the  foot  of  the  account  for  the  Province  of  Canterbury  is  2,228,386,  the  which 
according  to  the  forementioned  currant  Rule  of  Calculation  to  be  necessarily  about 
doubled  on  account  of  the  people  under  16,  makes  the  Total  of  the  Souls  in  that 
Province  to  be  4 Millions  4 Hundred  56  thousand,  7 hundred  seventy  two  ; and 
the  Province  of  York  bearing  a sixth  part  of  the  Taxes,  and  having  therefore  the 
6th.  part  of  the  people,  that  the  Province  of  Canterbury  hath,  which  is  742,795, 
that  being  added  to  those  of  Canterbury,  makes  5 Millions,  a hundred  ninety  nine 
thousand,  five  hundred  sixty  seven.”  Happy  future  State  of  England,  117 — 118. 
Writing  in  1680,  although  his  book  was  not  published  until  1688,  Pett  goes  on  to 
say  that  this  enumeration  was  taken  in  1676,  that  it  was  defective,  and  that  the 
total  population  of  England  was,  at  the  time  when  he  wrote,  more  than  five  million 
two  hundred  thousand. 


462 


AjiotJier  lissay. 


to  say,  that  the  People  doubled  but  in  about  1200  Years.  As 
for  Example : Suppose  there  be  600  people,  of  which  let  a 
fiftieth  part  dye  per  Annum,  then  there  shall  dye  12  per 
Annum',  and  if  the  Births  be  as  24  to  23,  then  the  Increase  of 
the  People  shall  be  somewhat  above  half  a Man  per  A imum, 
and  consequently  the  supposed  Number  of  600,  cannot  be 
doubled  but  in  1 126  Years,  which  to  reckon  in  round  Numbers, 
and  for  that  the  afore-mentioned  Fra6lions  were  not  exa6l, 
we  had  rather  call  1200. 

There  are  also  other  good  Observations,  That  even  in  the 

13  Countrey,  one  in  about  30,  or  32  per  AnniLUi  jl  hath  dyed,  and 
that  there  have  been  five  Births  for  four  Burials^.  Now, 
according  to  this  Doctrine,  20  will  dye  per  Anmim  out  of 
the  above  600,  and  25  will  be  Born,  so  as  the  Increase  will 
be  5,  which  is  a hundred  and  twentieth  part  of  the  said  600. 
So  as  we  have  two  fair  CompiUations,  differing  from  each 
other  as  one  to  ten ; and  there  are  also  several  other  good 
Observations  for  other  Measures. 

I might  here  Insert,  That  although  the  Births  in  this  last 
Computation  be  25  of  600,  or  a Twenty  fourth  part  of  the 
People  ; yet  that  in  Natural  possibility,  they  may  be  near 
thrice  as  many,  and  near  75.  For  that  by  some  late  Obser- 
vations, the  Teeming  Fem.ales  between  15  and  44,  are  about 
180  of  the  said  600,  and  the  Males  of  between  18  and  59,  are 
about  180  also,  and  that  every  Teeming  Woman  can  bear  a 

14  Child  II  once  in  two  Years  ; from  all  which  it  is  plain,  that 
the  Births  may  be  90.  (and  abating  15  for  Sickness,  Young 
Abortions,  and  NatinM  Barre7tness)  there  may  remain  75 
Births,  which  is  an  Eighth  of  the  People  ; which  by  some 
Observations  we  have  found  to  be  but  a two  and  thirtieth 
pa}'t,  or  but  a qtiaj'ter  of  what  is  thus  shewn  to  be  Naturally 
possible.  Now,  according  to  this  Reckoning,  if  the  Births 
may  be  75  of  600,  and  the  Btndals  but  15,  then  the  Annual 
Increase  of  the  People  will  be  60 ; and  so  the  said  600  People 
may  double  in  10  Years,  which  differs  yet  more  from  1200 
above-mentioned.  Now,  to  get  out  of  this  Difficulty,  and  to 
temper  those  vast  disagreements,  I took  the  Mediiun  of  50 

^ Graunt,  p.  390. 


4^3 


Rapidity  of  Doubling  of  People. 

and  30  dying  per  Annum,  and  pitch’d  upon  40;  and  I also 
took  the  Medium  between  24  Births  and  23  Burials,  and  5 
Births  for  4 Bu-\\rials,  viz.  allowing  about  10  Births  for  9 15 
Burials',  upon  which  Supposition,  there  must  dye  15  per 
Annum  out  of  the  above-mentioned  600,  and  the  Births  must 
be  16  and  tzvo  Thirds,  and  the  Increase  i,  and  two  Thirds, 
or  five  Thirds  of  a Man,  which  Number  compared  with  1800 
Thirds,  or  600  Men,  gives  360  Years  for  the  time 
of  doubling  (including  some  Allowance  for  Wars,  time  of 
Plagues,  and  Famine,  the  Effedls  thereof,  though 
they  be  Terrible  at  the  Times  and  Places  where  now  360 
they  happen,  yet  in  a period  of  360  Years,  is 
no  great  Matter  in  the  whole  Nation.  For  the  Plagues  of 
England  in  20  Years  hath  carried  away  scarce  an  Eightieth 
part  of  the  People  of  the  whole  Nation  ; and  the  late  10 
Years  Civil  Wars,  (the  like  whereof  hath  not  been  in  several 
Ages  before)  did  not  take  away  ||  above  a fortieth  part  of  the  16 
whole  people.) 

According  to  which  Account  or  Measure  of  doubling,  if 
there  be  now  in  England  and  Wales,  7 Millions  400  Thousand 
People,  there  were  about  5 Millions  526  Thousand  in  the 
beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeths  Reign,  Anno  1560.  and  about 
two  Millions  at  the  Norman  Conquest,  of  which  Consult  the 
Dooms-day  Book,  and  my  Lord  Hales  Origination  of  MankiiM. 

Memorandum,  That  if  the  People  double  in  360  Years, 
that  the  present  320  Millions  computed  by  some  22oMillions 
Learned  Men,  (from  the  Measures  of  all  the  Nations  now  in  the 
of  the  World,  their  degrees  of  being  Peopled,  and 

^ Petty’s  allusion  to  Domesday  Book  rests,  probably,  upon  such  knowledge 
only  as  he  drew  from  reading  Sir  Matthew  Hale’s  The  prhnitive  Origi7iation  of 
Mankind  considered  atid  exammed,  (1672).  Hale,  however,  does  not  estimate  the 
population  of  England  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  at  all.  That,  he  thinks,  would 
be  “a  labourious  piece  of  work,  but  it  is  not  difficult  to  be  done  in  any  one 
County;  I have  tryed  the  comparison  in  the  County  of  Gloucester... and  I do 
find. ..that  the  number  of  inhabitants  now  are  above  twenty  times  more  than  they 
were  at  that  time,”  p.  235.  The  laborious  piece  of  work  has  since  been  performed 
by  Sir  Henry  Ellis,  but  the  “recorded  population”  (287,045)  must  be  multiplied 
“by  four,  five  or  six,  according  to  knowledge  or  taste,  before  the  population  of 
England  will  be  attained.” — Maitland,  Domesday  Book  and  beyond,  408;  cf.  pp. 

17 — 22,  400,  437,  also  Pell  in  Doomsday  Studies,  i.  561. 


464 


Another  Essay. 


good  Accounts  of  the  people  in  several  of  them)  to  be  now 
upon  the  Face  of  the  Earth \ will  within  the  next  2000  Years 

7 so  increase  as  to  give  one  ||  Head  for  every  two  Acres  of  Land 
in  the  Habitable  part  of  the  Earth.  And  then,  according  to 
the  Predi6lion  of  the  ScripUires,  there  must  be  Wars  and 
great  Slaughter,  &c. 

Wherefore,  as  an  Expedient  against  the  above-mentioned 
difference  between  10  and  1200  Years,  we  do  for  the  present, 
and  in  this  Countrey  admit  of  360  Years  to  be  the  time 
wherein  the  People  of  England  do  double,  according  to  the 
present  Laws  and  Practice  of  Marriages. 

Now,  if  the  City  double  its  People  in  40  Years,  and  the 
present  Number  be  670  Thousand,  and  if  the  ivhole  Territory 
be  7 Millions  400  Thousand,  and  double  in  360  Years,  as 
aforesaid  ; then  by  the  underwritten  Table  it  appears,  that 
Anno  1840,  the  People  of  the  City  will  be  10718880,  and 
those  of  the  whole  Country  but  10917389,  which  is  but 

8 inconsiderably  more.  Where-||fore  it  is  Certain  and  Necessary 
that  the  Growth  of  the  City  must  stop  before  the  said  Year 
1840:  And  will  be  at  its  utmost  height  in  the  next  preceding 
Period,  Anno  1800,  when  the  Number  of  the  City  will  be 
Eight  times  its  present  Number,  viz.  5 Millions  359  Thousand. 
And  when  (besides  the  said  Number)  there  will  be  4 Millions 
466  Thousand  to  perform  the  Tillage,  Pasturage,  and  other 
Rural  Works  Necessary  to  be  done  without  the  said  City,  as 
by  the  following  Table,  viz. 


1 1 

1 Burials  | 

f People  in  ] 

{ London,  j 

1 People  in  ] 

( England. ) 

1565 

2568 

77040 

5526929 

As  in  the  | 

5135 

former  [-  1642 

11883 

Table,  j 1682 

22331 

669930 

7369230 

1722 

44662 

1762 

89324 

1802 

178648 

5359440 

9825650 

1842 

357296 

10718880 

10917389  11 

^ Petty’s  learned  men  have  not  been  identified.  In  1685  Isaac  Vossius 
estimated  the  population  of  the  world  at  500  millions,  a number  which  Bayle 
ridiculed  as  too  large  : Vossii  variarjim  ohservationuni  liber,  68  ; Bayle,  Nouvelles 


Population  of  the  Ancient  World. 


465 


That  Lon- 
don will  be 
at  its  highest 
growth,  and 
eight  times 
as  great  as 
now,  Anno 
1800. 


A digression 
of  the  use 
of  the  vast 
difference 
between  10 
and  1200 
Years  of 
doubling. 


Now,  when  the  People  of  London  shall  come  to  be  so  19 
near  the  People  of  all  England,  Then  it  follows, 

That  the  Grozvth  of  London  must  stop  before  the 
said  Year  1842,  as  aforesaid,  and  must  be  at  its 
greatest  height  Anno  1800,  when  it  will  be  eight 
times  more  than  now,  with  above  four  Millions  for 
the  Service  of  the  Coiintrey  and  Ports,  as  aforesaid. 

Of  the  afore-mentioned  vast  difference  between  10  Years 
and  1200  Years  for  donbling  the  People,  we  make 
this  use,  viz.  To  justifie  the  Seriptures  and  all 
other  good  Histories  concerning  the  Ntmiber  of  the 
People  in  Ancient  Time.  For  supposing  the  eight 
Persons  who  came  out  of  the  Ark,  Increased  by  a 
Progressive  doubling  in  every  10  Years,  might 
grow  in  the  ||  first  100  Years  after  the  Flood  from  8 to  8000,  20 
and  that  in  350  Years  after  the  Flood  (when  abouts  Noah 
dyed)  to  one  Million,  and  by  this  time  1682,  to  320  Millions 
(which  by  rational  conjedlure,  are  thought  to  be  now  in  the 
World)  it  will  not  be  hard  to  compute,  how  in  the  intermediate 
Years,  the  Growths  may  be  made,  according  to  what  is  set 
down  in  the  following  Table,  wherein  making  the  doubling  to 
be  10  Years  at  first,  and  within  1200  Years  at  last,  we  take 
a discretionary  liberty,  but  justifiable  by  Observations  and 
the  Scriptures  for  the  rest,  which  Table  we  leave  to  be 
Corredled  by  Historians,  who  know  the  bigness  of  Ancient 
Cities,  Annies,  and  Colonies  in  the  respe6live  Ages  of  the 
World,  in  the  meantime  affirming  that  without  such  difference 
in  the  Measures  and  Periods  for  doubling  (the  extreams 
whereof  we  have  demonstra-l|ted  to  be  real  and  true)  it  is  '21 
impossible  to  solve  what  is  written  in  the  Holy  Scriptures 
and  other  Atithentick  Books.  For  if  we  pitch  upon  any  one 
Number  throughout  for  this  purpose,  150  Years  is  the  fittest 
of  all  round  Numbers  ; according  to  which,  there  would  have 
been  but  512  Souls  in  the  whole  World  in  Moses's  time  (being 


de  la  Rcpnbliqne  des  iMtres,  Janvier,  1685,  Oenvres,  i.  212 — 214.  See  the  chapter 
on  the  “ Historische  Entwickelung  der  Versuche,  die  Gesammt-bevolkerung  der 
Erde  zu  schatzen,”  in  Behm  and  Wagner,  Die  Bev'dlkernng  der  Erde,  ii.  3 — 8, 
Petermann’s  Geogr.  Mittheilungen,  Erganzungsband,  viil.  nr.  35. 


H.  P. 


30 


466 


Another  Essay. 


800  Years  after  the  Flood)  when  603  Thousand  Israelites  of 
above  20  Years  Old  (besides  those  of  other  Ages,  Tribes,  and 
Nations)  were  found  upon  an  exadl  Survey  appointed  by 
Godh  Whereas  our  Table  makes  12  Millions.  And  there 
would  have  been  but  8000  in  David'?>  Time,  when  were  found 
1100  Thousand  of  above  20  Years  Old  (besides  others,  as 
aforesaid)  in  Israel,  upon  the  Survey  instigated  by  Satan^, 
whereas  our  Table  makes  32  Millions.  And  there  would 
have  been  but  a quarter  of  a H Million  about  the  Birth  of 
Christ,  or  Atigustus  his  Time,  when  Rome  and  the  Roman 
Empire  were  so  great,  whereas  our  Table  makes  100  Millions. 
Where  Note,  That  the  Israelites  in  about  500  Years  between 
their  coming  out  of  Egypt  to  David's,  Reign,  increased  from 
603  Thousand  to  1100  Thousand. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  we  pitch  upon  a less  Number,  as 
100  Years,  the  World  would  have  been  over-peopled  700 
Years  since.  Wherefore,  no  one  Number  will  solve  the 
Phcenomena,  and  therefore  we  have  supposed  several  in 
Order  to  make  the  following  Table,  which  we  again  desire 
Historians  to  Corredl,  according  to  what  they  find  in  Anti- 
quity concerning  the  Number  of  the  People  in  each  Age 
and  Countrey  of  the  World. 

We  did  (not  long  since)  assist  a worthy  Divine^,  writing 
23  against  some  ||  Sceptichs,  who  would  have  baffled  our  belief 
of  the  Resurredlion,  by  saying,  that  the  whole  Globe  of  the 

1 Numbers  i.  i — 46.  The  precise  number  is  603,550.  Petty  has  overlooked 
the  later  enumeration  of  601,730,  Numbers  xxvi.  i — 51. 

2 I Chronicles  xxi.  i — 8,  ‘and  all  Israel  were  a thousand  thousand  and  a 
hundred  thousand  men  that  drew  the  sword;  and  Judah  four  hundred  three  score 
and  ten  thousand  men  that  drew  the  sword.’  The  account  in  2 Samuel  xxiv.  i — 9 
gives  800000  fighting  men  in  Israel  and  500000  in  Judah. 

2 Concerning  his  assistance  to  the  worthy  divine.  Petty  writes  thus  to  Sir 
Robert  Southwell : 

Dublin  20*''  Augh  1681. 

Dear  Cosen, 

Once  more  pay  the  Postage  of  4 Sheets.  By  ye  last  you  saw  ye 
Quantum  of  my  Damage;  by  this  you  shall  ye  Quomodo,  & consequently  ye 
Injury.  Oh ! that  I could  get  some  body  to  read  my  Papers. 

There  is  a good  man  about  this  Town  writing  ag®*^  Atheisme,  and  in  particular 
at  this  time  answering  their  Cavills  against  ye  Resurrection;  Which  are.  That  ye 
whole  Globe  of  ye  Earth  will  not  afford  sufficient  Matter  to  the  Bodies  that  must 


Nitinber  of  Mankind  at  the  Resurrection.  467 

Earth  could  not  furnish  Matter  enough  for  all  the  Bodies 
that  must  Rise  at  the  last  Day,  much  less  would  the  surface 
of  the  Earth  furnish  footing  for  so  vast  a Number;  whereas 
we  did  (by  the  Method  afore-mentioned)  assert  the  Number 
of  Men  now  living,  and  also  of  those  that  had  dyed  since  the 
beginning  of  the  World,  and  did  withal  shew,  that  half  the 

Rise,  much  less  will  the  surface  thereof  (say  they)  afford  footing  to  all  those  Bodies. 
Now  ye  assistances  which  I have  given  this  good  man  are  viz. 

I*’  Supposing  ye  People  in  England,  Scotland  & Ireland  to  be  ab*  nine 
Millions,  Those  in  Holland  and  Zealand  ab*  one  Million,  and  in  France  16,  I say 
that  by  comparing  ye  rest  of  ye  World  therew^^'  there  are  but  between  300  & 400 
Millions  of  Souls  now  living. 

2"  Upon  this  and  Grant’s  Measures  I ascertain  ye  Number  that  ever  have 
died  since  ye  Creation,  & find  that  Munster  would  afford  them  all  Graves,  and  ye 
Mangerton  Bodies,  or  ye  Equivalent  in  weight  of  Earth. 

Having  thus  help’d  my  Friend,  I took  occasion  to  proceed,  viz. 

I®*  I find  yt  ye  World  being  5630  years  old  [Scaliger’s  Chronology,  cf.  p.  388, 
note  i],  and  Adam  & Eve  doubling  but  every  200  years  (as  Grant  also  sales)  there 
must  be  now  316  Millions  of  People  upon  ye  Earth;  w°*^  answers  admirably,  and 
is  a brave  Argument  ag®*^  Scripture-Scoffers  and  Proe- Adamites. 

Nevertheless  upon  Examination  of  our  Friend  Grant’s  Positions, 

2‘^^y  I find  People  do  double  very  differently  in  every  Century  of  ye  World, 
and  have  (as  I think)  rectitified  his  Doctrine,  by  making  many  Numbers  in  con- 
tinuall  Proportion. 

3^*y  I further  find,  that  ye  World  at  a Medium  is  at  this  day  not  much  better 
peopled  then  our  wretched  Baronies  in  Keery,  nor  above  xV  so  well  as  our 
poor  Ireland  is;  nor  above  part  so  w-ell  as  Holland,  w'^*'  is  over-peopled. 

4thiy  I y|.  yg  j^gxt  1400  years  ye  World  doubling  it’s  People  in  my 

correcfled  proportion,  must  be  over-peopl’d,  and  then  that  there  must  be  great 
Wars  and  Slaughters,  and  yt  ye  Strong  must  then  destroy  ye  Weak,  or  ye  World 
must  (of  necessity)  come  to  an  end. 

gthiy  j py  looking  far  back  upon  ye  paucity  of  People  in  ye  Asyrian, 
Persian,  and  other  first  Monarchies,  how  easy  a thing  ’twas  for  a few  resolute 
Fellows  to  conquer  ye  World,  as  then  it  was.  And  that  (whatever  ye  King  of 
France  may  think)  ye  Universall  or  Great  Monarchy  does  and  will  grow  every 
Century  more  & more  difficult  by  ye  Course  of  Nature. 

fithiy  j conclude,  that  as  People  double  faster  now  then  they  did  in  former 
Ages,  so  ye  Rents  of  Lands  must  also  rise  proportionably,  and  ye  number  of  years 
Purchase  also : Wherefore  let  us  get  possession  of  what  ye  Affidavit  saies  is  kept 
from  us. 

Thus,  Dear  Cosen  (having  ended  where  I began)  I am  still  Yours. 
[Endorsement]  Dublin,  Augb  20^*^.  1681.  A Copy  of  S*'.  W*”.  Petty’s  Letter  to 
S*".  Rob^  Southwell.  Ab*.  ye  Number  of  Mortals,  &c. 

Rawlinsqn  MS.  A.  178,  fif.  71 — 72,  Bodleian  Library;  among  the  Pepys 
papers.  The  letter  has  been  printed  in  Rev.  John  Smith’s  Life.,  Journals,  and 
Correspondence  of  Pepys  (1844),  ii.  317. 


30—2 


468 


Another  Essay. 


Island  of  Ireland  would  afford  them  all,  not  only  Footing  to 
stand  upon,  but  Graves  to  lye  down  in,  for  that  whole 
Number;  and  that  two  Mountains  in  that  Countrey  were 
as  weighty  as  all  the  Bodies  that  had  ever  been  from  the 
beginning  of  the  World  to  the  Year  1680,  when  this  Dispute 
happened.  For  which  purpose  I have  digressed  from  my 
^4  intended  purpose,  to  insert  1|  this  Matter,  intending  to  pro- 
secute this  hint  further,  upon  some  more  proper  Occasion. 


A Table  showhig  hoiv  the  People  might  have  doubled  in  the 
several  Ages  of  the  World. 


Aimo  after  the  Flood. 

Periods  of 

" I 

8 persons. 

doubling 

10 

16 

20 

32 

30  . 

64 

40 

128 

In  10  Years 

5° 

256 

1 

j 

60 

512 

1 

1 

70 

1024 

1 

80 

2048 

90 

4096 

1 

100 

8000  and  more. 

( 120  Years  after 

In  20  Years  ■ 

the  Flood. 

16  Thousand. 

' 140 

( 170 

64 

30 

; 

1 200 

128 

40 

240 

256 

50 

290 

512 

60 

350 

I Million  and  more. 

70 

420 

2 Millions. 

100 

520 

4 Millions. 

190 

710 

8 Millions. 

290 

1000 

16  In  Moses  Time. 

400 

1400 

32  About  Davids  Tii 

550 

1950 

64 

750 

2700 

128  About  the  Birth 

1000 

3700 

256 

T 300  / 

1200  ( 

4000 

320!! 

Growth  of  London, 


469 


It  is  here  to  be  Noted,  That  in  this  Table  we  have  assigned  ^5 
a different  Number  of  Years  for  the  time  of  doubling  the 
People  in  the  several  Ages  of  the  World,  and  might  have 
done  the  same  for  the  several  Coimtries  of  the  World,  and 
therefore  the  said  several  Periods  assigned  to  the  whole 
World  in  the  Ltinip,  may  well  enough  consist  with  the  360 
Years  especially  assigned  to  England,  between  this  Day, 
and  the  Norman  Conquest  \ And  the  said  360  Years  may 
well  enough  serve  for  a Supposition  between  this  time,  and 
that  of  the  Worlds  being  fully  Peopled  ; Nor  do  we  lay  any 
stress  upon  one  or  the  other  in  this  disquisition  concerning 
the  Growth  of  the  City  of  London. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  Growth  of  I^ondon,  with  the 
Measures  and  Periods  thereof,  we  come  next  to  the  Causes 
and  Consequences  of  the  same.  |1 

The  Causes  of  its  Growth  from  1642  to  1682,  may  be  said  26 
to  have  been  as  followeth,  viz.  From  1642  to  1650,  That 
Men  came  out  of  the  Coiuitrey  to  London,  to  shelter  themselves 
from  the  Outrages  of  the  Civil  Wars,  during  that  time ; from 
1650  to  1660,  The  Royal  Party  came  to  London,  for  their 
more  private  and  inexpensive  Living;  from  1660  to  1670,  the 
Kings  Friends  and  Party  came  to  receive  his  Favours  after 
his  Happy  Restauratioii ; from  1670  to  1680,  The  frequency 
of  Plots  and  Parliaments  might  bring  extraordinary  Numbers 
to  the  City;  But  what  Reasons  to  assign  for  the  like  Increase 
from  1604  to  1642,  I know  not,  unless  I should  pick  out 
some  Remarkable  Accident  happening  in  each  part  of  the 
said  Period,  and  make  that  to  be  the  Cause  of  this  Increase 
(as  Vulgar  People  make  the  Cause  of  every  Mans  Sickness 
to  be  II  what  he  did  last  eat)  wherefore,  rather  than  so  to  27 
say  qiiidlibet  de  quolibet ; I had  rather  quit  even  what  I have 
above-said  to  be  the  Cause  of  Londons  Increase  from  1642 
to  1682,  and  put  the  whole  upon  some  Natural  and  Spon- 
taneous Benefits  and  Advantages  that  Men  find  by  Living 
in  great  more  than  in  small  Societies',  and  shall  therefore 
seek  for  the  Antecedent  Causes  of  this  Grozvth,  in  the  Conse- 
quences of  the  like,  considered  in  greater  Characters  and 
Proportions. 


470 


Another  Essay. 


Now,  whereas  in  Arithmetick,  out  of  two  false  Positio?is 
the  Truth  is  extra6led,  so  I hope  out  of  two  extravagant 
contrary  Suppositions,  to  draw  forth  some  solid  and  consistent 
Conclusion,  viz. 

The  first  of  the  said  two  Suppositions  is,  That  the  City 
of  London  is  seven  times  bigger  than  now,  and  that  the 
28  Inhabitants  of  it  are  four  ||  Millions  690  Thousand  People, 
and  that  in  all  the  other  Cities,  Po7'ts,  Towns,  and  Villages, 
there  are  but  two  Millions  710  Thousand  more. 

The  other  Supposition  is,  That  the  City  of  London  is  but 
a seventh  part  of  its  present  bigness,  and  that  the  Inhabitants 
of  it  are  but  96  Thousand,  and  that  the  rest  of  the  Inhabitants 
(being  7 Millions  304  Thousand)  do  Co-habit  thus,  104  Thou- 
sand of  them  in  small  Cities  and  Toivns,  and  that  the  rest, 
being  seven  Millions  200  Thousand,  do  Inhabit  in  Houses  not 
contiguous  to  one  another,  viz.  in  1200  Thousand  Houses, 
having  about  24  Acres  of  Ground  belonging  to  each  of  them, 
accounting  about  28  Millions  of  Acres  to  be  in  the  whole 
Territory  of  England,  Wales,  and  the  adjacent  Islands  \ yNVxods. 
any  Man  that  pleases  may  Examine  upon  a good  Map.  |1 
-9  Now,  the  Question  is.  In  which  of  these  two  Imaginary 
states,  would  be  the  most  convenient,  commodious  and 
comfortable  Livings  ? 

But  this  general  Question  divides  it  self  into  the  several 
Questions,  relating  to  the  following  Particulars,  viz. 

1.  For  the  Defence  of  the  Kingdom  against  Foraign 
Powers. 

2.  P'or  preventing  the  Intestine  Commotions  of  Parties 
and  F actions. 

3.  For  Peace  and  U niformity  in  Religion. 

4.  For  the  Administration  of  Justice. 

5.  P'or  the  proportionably  Taxing  of  the  People,  and 
easie  Levying  the  same. 

6.  For  Gaui  by  Foraign  Commerce. 

7.  P'or  HtLsbandry,  ManiLfadlnre,  and  for  Arts  of  Delight 
and  Ornament.  H 

30  8.  For  lessening  the  P^'atigue  of  Carriages  and  Travelling. 

9.  P'or  preventing  Beggars  and  Thieves. 


Future  Groivtk  of  London.  471 

10.  For  the  Advancement  and  Propagation  of  Useful 
Learning. 

11.  For  Increasing  People  by  Generation. 

12.  For  preventing  the  Mischiefs  of  Plagues  and  Con- 
tagions. And  withal,  which  of  the  said  two  states  is  most 
Praclicable  and  Natural,  for  in  these  and  the  like  particulars, 
do  lye  the  Tests  and  Touchstones  of  all  Proposals,  that  can 
be  made  for  the  Publick  Good. 

First,  as  to  PraTlicable,  we  say,  That  although  our  said 
Extravagant  Proposals  are  both  in  Nature  possible,  yet  it  is 
not  Obvious  to  every  Man  to  conceive,  how  London,  now 
seven  times  bigger  than  in  the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeths 
Reign,  should  be  seven  times  bigger  than  now  it  is,  ||  and  31 
49  times  bigger  than  Anno  1560.  To  which  I say,  i.  That 
the  present  City  of  London  stands  upon  less  than  1500’  Acres 
of  Ground,  wherefore  a City,  seven  times  as  large  may  stand 
upon  10500  Acres,  which  is  about  equivalent  to  a Circle  of 
four  Miles  and  a half  in  Diameter,  and  less  than  15  Miles 
in  Circumference.  2.  That  a Circle  of  Ground  of  35  Miles 
Semidiameter  will  bear  Corn,  Garden-stuff,  Fruits,  Hay,  and 
Timber,  for  the  four  Millions  690  Thousand  Inhabitants  of 
the  said  City  and  Circle,  so  as  nothing  of  that  kind  need  be 
brought  from  above  35  Miles  distance  from  the  said  City; 
for  the  Number  of  Acres  within  the  said  Circle,  reckoning 
one^  Acre  sufficient  to  furnish  Bread  and  Drink-Corn  for 
every  Head,  and  two  Acres  will  furnish  Hay  for  every 
Necessary  Horse;  And  that  the  Trees  which  may  grow  in 
the  Hedge-rows  of  the  |1  Fields  within  the  said  Circle,  may  32 
furnish  Timber  for  600  Thousand  Houses.  3.  That  all  live 
Cattel  and  great  Animals  can  bring  themselves  to  the  said 
City  ; and  that  Fish  can  be  brought  from  the  Lands-end  and 
Berwick  as  easily  as  now.  4.  Of  Coals  there  is  no  doubt : 
And  for  Water,  20s.  per  Family  (or  600  Thousand  pounds 
per  Annum  in  the  whole)  will  serve  this  City,  especially  with 
the  help  of* the  New  River.  But  if  by  Pra6licable  be  under- 
stood, that  the  present  state  may  be  suddenly  changed  into 
either  of  the  two  above-mentioned  Proposals,  I think  it  is 

^ 2ded.;  ‘2500  Acres.’  - 2ded.;  ‘ reckoning  two  Acres.’ 


472 


Another  Essay. 


not  Practicable.  Wherefore  the  true  Question  is,  unto  or 
towards  which  of  the  said  two  Extravagant  states  it  is  best 
to  bend  the  present  state  by  degrees,  viz.  Whether  it  be 
best  to  lessen  or  enlarge  the  present  City?  In  Order  where- 

33  unto  we  enquire  (as  to  the  first  Question)  which  ||  state  is 
most  Defensible  against  Forraign  Pozvers,  saying,  that  if  the 
above-mentioned  Housing,  and  a border  of  Ground,  of  3 
quarters  of  a Mile  broad,  were  encompassed  with  a Wall 
and  Ditch  of  20  Miles  about  (as  strong  as  any  in  Europe, 
which  would  cost  but  a Million,  or  about  a Penny  in  the 
shilling  of  the  House-Rent  for  one  Year)  w\\2X  Foimign  Prince 
could  bring  an  Army  from  beyond  Seas,  able  to  beat,  i.  Our 
Sea-Forces,  and  next  with  Horse  harrass’d  at  Sea,  to  resist  all 
the  fresh  Horse  that  England  could  make,  and  then  Conquer 
above  a Million  of  Men,  well  United,  Disciplin’d,  and  Guarded 
within  such  a Wall,  distant  everywhere  3 quarters  of  a Mile 
from  the  Housing,  to  elude  the  Granadoes  and  great  Shot 
of  the  Enemy  ? 2.  As  to  Intestine  Parties  and  Factions,  I 
suppose  that  4 Millions  690  Thousand  People  United  within 

34  this  great  ||  City,  could  easily  Govern  half  the  said  Number 
scattered  without  it,  and  that  a few  Men  in  Arms  within 
the  said  City,  and  Wall,  could  also  easily  Govern  the  rest 
unarmed,  or  Armed  in  such  manner  as  the  Soveraign  shall 
think  fit.  3.  As  to  U niformity  in  Religion,  I conceive.  That 
if  St.  Martins  Parish  may  (as  it  doth)  consist  of  about  40 
Thousand  Souls,  That  this  great  City  also  may  as  well  be 
made  b*ut  as  one  Parish,  with  7 times  130  Chappels,  in  which 
might  not  only  be  an  Uniformity  of  Common  Prayer,  but  in 
Preaching  also;  for  that  a thousand  Copies  of  one  Judiciously 
and  Authentically  Composed  Sermon  might  be  every  Week 
read  in  each  of  the  said  Chappels  without  any  subsequent 
Repetition  of  the  same,  as  in  the  Case  of  Homilies.  Where- 
as in  England  (wherein  are  near  10  Thousand  Parishes, 

35  in  each  of  which  upon  Sundays,  Holy-days,  i|  and  other 
Extraordinary  Occasions,  there  should  be  about  100  Sermons 
per  Annum,  making  about  a Million  of  Sermons  per  Annum 
in  the  whole:)  It  were  a Miracle,  if  a Million  of  Sermons 
Composed  by  so  many  Men,  and  of  so  many  Minds  and 


Division  of  Labour.  473 

Methods,  should  produce  Uniformity  upon  the  discomposed 
understandings  of  about  8 Millions  of  Hearers. 

4.  As  to  the  Administration  of  Justice.  If  in  this  great 
City  shall  dwell  the  Owners  of  all  the  Lands,  and  other 
Valuable  things  in  England ; If  within  it  shall  be  all  the 
Traders,  & all  the  Courts,  Offices,  Records,  J?iries,  and  Wit- 
nesses ; Then  it  follows,  that  Justice  may  be  done  with  speed 
and  ease. 

5.  As  to  the  Equality  and  easie  Levying  of  Taxes,  It  is 
too  certain,  That  London  hath  at  some  time  paid  near  half 
the  Excise  of  England ; and  that  the  people  pay  |1  thrice  as  36 
much  for  the  Hearths  in  London  as  those  in  the  Countrey, 
in  proportion  to  the  People  of  each,  and  that  the  Charge  of 
Colle6ling  these  Duties,  have  been  about  a sixth  part  of  the 
Duty  it  self.  Now,  in  this  great  City  the  Excise  alone 
according  to  the  present  Laws,  would  not  only  be  double 
to  the  whole  Kingdom,  but  also  more  equal.  And  the  Duty 
of  Hearths  of  the  said  City,  would  exceed  the  present  proceed 
of  the  whole  Kingdom.  And  as  for  the  Customs,  we  mention 
them  not  at  present. 

6.  Whether  more  would  hQ.gain'dhy  Foraign  Commerce^. 

The  Gain  which  England  makes  by  Lead,  Coals,  the 

Freight  of  Shipping,  &c.  may  be  the  same,  for  ought  I see, 
in  both  Cases.  But  the  Gain  which  is  made  by  Ma7iufa6lures, 
will  be  greater,  as  the  Manufa6lure  it  self  is  greater  and  better. 
For  in  so  vast  |1  a City  Manufactures  will  beget  one  another,  37 
and  each  Manufaclitre  will  be  divided  into  as  many  parts  as 
possible,  whereby  the  Work  of  each  Artisan  will  be  simple 
and  easie  ; As  for  Example.  In  the  making  of  a Watch,  If 
one  Man  shall  make  the  Wheels,  another  the  Spring,  another 
shall  Engrave  the  Dial-plate,  and  another  shall  make  the 
Cases,  then  the  Watch  will  be  better  and  cheaper,  than  if  the 
whole  Work  be  put  upon  any  one  Man.  And  we  also  see 
that  in  Towns,  and  in  the  Streets  of  a great  Town,  where 
all  the  Lnhabitants  are  almost  of  one  Trade,  the  Commodity 
peculiar  to  those  places  is  made  better  and  cheaper  than 
elsewhere.  Moreover,  when  all  sorts  of  Manufadlures  are 

^ 2d  ed. ; ‘by  commerce?’ 


474 


Another  Essay. 


made  in  one  place,  there  every  Ship  that  goeth  forth,  can 
suddenly  have  its  Loading  of  so  many  several  Particulars 

38  and  Species  as  the  Port  whereunto  she  is  bound  ||  can  take 
off.  Again,  when  the  several  ManufaElnres  are  made  in  one 
place,  and  Shipped  off  in  another,  the  Carriage,  Postage,  and 
Travelling-chaiges  will  Inhance  the  Price  of  such  ManiLfaCtnre, 
and  lessen  the  Gain  upon  Foraign  Coninierce.  And  lastly, 
when  the  Imported  Goods  are  spent  in  the  Port  it  self,  where 
they  are  Landed,  the  Carriage  of  the  same  into  other  places, 
will  create  no  surcharge  upon  such  Commodity  ; all  which 
particulars  tends  to  the  greater  Gain  by  Foraign  Commerce. 

7.  As  for  A rts  of  Delight  and  Ornament, 

They  are  best  promoted  by  the  greatest  Number  of 
Emnlators.  And  it  is  more  likely  that  one  Eigen  ions  C nr  ions 
Man  may  rather  be  found  out  amongst  4 Millions  than  400 
Persons.  But  as  for  Husbandry,  viz.  Tillage  and  Pasturage, 

39  I see  no  Reason,  but  the  second  state  (when  ||  each  Family  is 
charged  with  the  Culture  of  about  24  Acres)  will  best  promote 
the  same. 

8.  As  for  lessening  the  Fatigue  of  Carriage  and  Travel- 
ling, 

The  thing  speaks  it  self,  for  if  all  the  Men  of  Business, 
and  all  Artisans  do  Live  within  five  Miles  of  each  other; 
And  if  those  who  Live  without  the  great  City,  do  spend 
only  such  Commodities  as  grow  where  they  Live,  when 
the  charge  of  Carriage  and  Travelling  could  be  little. 

9.  As  to  the  preventing  of  Beggars  and  Thieves, 

I do  not  find  how  the  differences  of  the  said  two  states 
should  make  much  difference  in  this  particular;  for  Impotents 
(which  are  but  one  in  about  600)  ought  to  be  maintained  by 
the  rest.  2.  Those  who  are  unable  to  work,  through  the  evil 
Education  of  their  Parents,  ought  (for  ought  I know)  to  be 

40  main-||tained  by  their  nearest  Kindred,  as  a just  Punishment 
upon  them.  3.  And  those  who  cannot  find  Work  (though 
able  and  willing  to  perform  it)  by  reason  of  the  unequal 
application  of  Hands  to  Lands,  ought  to  be  provided  for  by 
the  Magistrate  and  Land-Lord  till  that  can  be  done  ; for 
there  needs  be  no  Beggars  in  Countries,  where  there  are 


The  Plague. 


475 


many  Acres  of  unimproved  improvable  Land  to  every  Head, 
as  there  are  in  England.  As  for  Thieves^  they  are  for  the 
most  part  begotten  from  the. same  Cause;  For  it  is  against 
Nature,  that  any  Man  should  venture  his  Life,  Limb,  or 
Liberty,  for  a wretched  Livelyhood,  whereas  moderate  Labour 
will  produce  a better.  But  of  this  see  Sir  Thomas  Moor,  in 
the  first  part  of  his  Utopia^. 

10.  As  to  the  Propagation  and  Improvement  of  Useful 
Leainiing,  || 

The  same  may  be  said  concerning  it  as  was  above-said  41 
concerning  Manuf allures,  and  the  Arts  of  Delight  and  Orna- 
ments ; for  in  the  great  vast  City,  there  can  be  no  so  odd  a 
Conceit  or  Design,  whereunto  some  Assistance  may  not  be 
found,  which  in  the  thin,  scattered  way  of  Habitation  may 
not  be. 

11.  As  for  the  Increase  of  People  by  Generation, 

I see  no  great  difference  from  either  of  the  two  states,  for 
the  same  may  be  hindred  or  promoted  in  either,  from  the 
same  Causes. 

12.  As  to  the  Plague, 

It  is  to  be  remembred  that  one  time  with  another,  a 
Plague  happeneth  in  London  once  in  20  Years,  or  there- 
abouts; for  in  the  last  hundred  Years,  between  the  Years 
1582  and  1682,  there  have  been  five  great  Plagues,  viz. 
Anno  1592,  1603,  1625,  1636,  and  1665.  And  it  is  also  to  || 
be  remembred  that  the  Plagues  of  London  do  commonly  kill  42 
one  fifth  part  of  the  Inhabitants.  Now,  if  the  whole  People 
of  Engla^id  do  double  but  in  360  Years,  then  the  Annual 
Increase  of  the  same  is  but  20000,  and  in  20  Years  400000. 
But  if  in  the  City  of  London  there  should  be  two  Millions 
of  People,  (as  there  will  be  about  60  Years  hence)  then  the 
Plague  (killing  one  fifth  of  them,  namely,  400000  once  in 
20  Years)  will  destroy  as  many  in  one  Year,  as  the  whole 
Nation  can  re-furnish  in  20:  And  consequently  the  People 
of  the  Nation  shall  never  Increase.  But  if  the  People  of 
London  shall  be  above  4 Millions  (as  in  the  first  of  our  two 
Extravagant  Suppositions  is  premised)  then  the  People  of 

^ I.upton’s  ecL,  p.  58. 


476 


Another  Essaj/. 


the  whole  Nation  shall  lessen  above  20000  per  Annum. 
So  as  if  People  be  worth  70/.  per  Head  (as  hath  elsewhere 
43  been  shown ||  then  the  said  greatness  of  the  City  will  be 
a damage  to  it  self  and  the  whole  Nation  of  14  hundred 
Thousand  pounds  per  Annum,  and  so  pro  7'ata,  for  a greater 
or  lesser  Number;  wherefore  to  determine,  which  of  the  two 
states  is  best,  (that  is  to  say,  towards  which  of  the  said  two 
states  Authority  should  bend  the  present  state')  a just  Balance 
ought  to  be  made  between  the  disadvantages  from  the  Plague, 
with  the  Advantages  accruing  from  the  other  Particulars 
above-mentioned  ; unto  which  Balance  a more  exa6l  Account 
of  the  People,  and  a better  Rule  for  the  Measure  of  its  Growth 
is  Necessary,  than  what  we  have  here  given,  or  are  yet  able 
to  lay  down.  |1 


See  note  2,  p.  454. 


Post-script. 


44 


IT  was  not  very  pertinent  to  a Discourse  concerning  the 
Groivth  of  the  City  of  London,  to  thrust  in  Considerations 
of  the  Time  when  the  whole  World  will  be  fully  Peopled  ; 
and  how  to  justifie  the  Scriptures  concerning  the  Number 
of  People  mentioned  in  them ; and  concerning  the  Number  of 
the  Quick  and  the  Dead,  that  may  Rise  at  the  last  Day,  &c. 
Nevertheless,  since  some  Friends  liking  the  said  Digressions 
and  Impertinencies  (perhaps  as  sauce  to  a dry  Discourse) 
have  desired  that  the  same  might  be  explain’d  and  made 
out.  I therefore  say  as  followeth. 

I.  If  the  Number  of  Acres  in  the  Habitable  part  of  the 
Earth,  be  under  |1  50  Thousand  Millions;  if  Twenty  Thousand  45 
Millions  of  People,  are  more  than  the  said  Number  of  Acres 
will  feed  ; (few  or  no  Countries  being  so  fully  Peopled  ;)  and 
for  that  in  six  doublings  (which  will  be  in  2000  Years)  the 
present  320  Millions  will  exceed  the  said  20  Thousand 
Millions. 

2.  That  the  Number  of  all  those  who  have  dyed  since 
the  Flood,  is  the  sum  of  all  the  Produdls  made  by  Multiplying 
the  Number  of  the  doubling  Periods  mentioned  in  the  first 
Column  of  the  last  Table,  by  the  Number  of  People  respedl- 
ively  affixed  to  them,  in  the  third  Column  of  the  same  Table ; 
the  said  sum  being  Divided  by  40  (one  dying  out  of  40  per 
Annnni,  out  of  the  whole  Mass  of  Mankind)  which  Quotient 
is  12570  Millions;  Whereunto  may  be  added,  for  those  that 
dyed  before  the  Flood,  enough  to  make  the  last-|lmentioned  46 


478 


Posta'ipt  to  another  Essay. 


Number  20  Thousand  Millions,  as  the  full  Number  of  all  that 
dyed,  from  the  beginning  of  the  World,  to  the  Year  1682; 
unto  which,  if  320  Millions,  the  Number  of  those  who  are 
now  alive,  be  added,  the  Total  of  the  Quick  and  the  Dead, 
will  amount  but  unto  one  fifth  part  of  the  Graves,  which  the 
surface  of  Ireland  will  afford,  without  ever  putting  two  Bodies 
into  any  one  Grave  ; for  there  be  in  Ireland  28  Thousand 
square  English  Miles,  each  whereof  will  afford  about  4 
Millions  of  Graves,  and  consequently  above  114  Thousand 
Millions  of  Graves,  viz.  about  5 times  the  Number  of  the 
Quick  and  the  Dead,  which  should  arise  at  the  last  Day, 
in  case  the  same  had  been  in  the  Year  1682. 

3.  Now,  if  there  may  be  place  for  five  times  as  many 
47  Graves  in  Ireland^  as  sufficient  for  all  that  ever  ||  dyed  ; And 
if  the  Earth  of  one  Grave  weigh  five  times  as  much  as  the 
Body  Interred  therein,  then  a Turf,  less  than  a Foot  thick, 
pared  off  from  a fifth  part  of  the  surface  of  E'eland,  will  be 
equivalent  in  bulk  and  weight  to  all  the  Bodies  that  ever 
were  Buried  ; And  may  serve  as  well  for  that  purpose,  as 
the  two  Mountains  afore-mentioned  in  the  body  of  this 
Discourse.  From  all  which  it  is  plain,  how  madly  they 
were  mistaken,  who  did  so  petulantly  vilifie  what  the  Holy 
Scriptures  have  delivered. 


FINIS. 


OBSERVATIONS 

UPON  THE 

duttUu  3Stllg 

O F 

MORTALITY, 

M D C L X X X I. 

AND  THE 

State  of  that  CITY, 


By  the  Observator^  on  the  LONDON 
Bills  of  MORTALITY. 


L ONDON : 

Printed  for  Mai'k  Paj'doe,  at  the  Sign  of 
the  Black  Raven,  over  against  Bedford- 
house  in  the  Strand.  1683. 


^ On  the  significance  of  this  apparent  ascription  of  the  London  Observations  to 
Petty,  see  Introduction,  also  an  article  by  the  editor  in  Polit.  Sci.  Quart,  xi.  113, 


NOTE  ON  THE  DUBLIN  “OBSERVATIONS.” 


The  earliest  known  reference  to  the  Dublin  bills  is  an  order  in 
the  city  assembly  roll  for  the  fourth  Friday  after  Christmas,  1658, 
for  the  treasurer  of  the  city  to  pay.  on  Mr  Mayor’s  warrant,  to 
John  Tadpole,  fifty  shillings  sterling  for  his  employment  heretofore 
in  bringing  in  the  weekly  bills  of  mortality  within  the  city  and  the 
suburbs  thereofb  To  these  bills  Petty  turned  his  attention  upon  the 
first  trip  which  he  made  to  Dublin  after  the  publication  of  Graunt’s 
book^  It  was  not,  however,  until  after  the  death  of  his  friend  that 
he  undertook  his  Observations  upon  them.  Concerning  the  Ob- 
servations he  writes  to  Southwell,  25  November,  1682,  that  he  will 
meddle  no  more  with  political  arithmetic  nor  ratiocinations,  but  will 
turn  beast  and  grow  absurd,  as  the  glorious  men  of  the  world  are. 
The  accompanying  pamphlet  is  not  a startling  from  his  resolutions, 
“for  it  was  put  a printing  when  I first  came  to  town^  and  hath 
been  kept  in  hand  by  my  brother  beast  Mark  Pardo,  the  stationer.... 
I would  have  you  run  to  the  city  of  Bristol  with  the  same  and  bore 
their  skulls  with  the  same  advice  that  is  here  given  for  Dublin 

^ Gilbert,  Calendar ^ iv.  154. 

^ Letter^  to  Brouncker,  4 February,  1663,  printed  in  note  ■2,  p.  398. 

June  1682,  Fitzmaurice,  250. 

^ Thorpe,  Cat.  lib.  M.SS.  Inhl.  Southwelliano’,  405. 


OBSERVATIONS 

UPON  THE 

D U B L I N-^\\\s  of  Mortality,  i68i. 

AND  THE 

State  of  that  CITY. 

The  Observations  upon  the  London-Bills  of  Moi'tality 
have  been  a new  Light  to  the  World  ; and  the  like 
Observation  upon  those  of  Dublin,  may  serve  as  Snuffers 
to  make  the  same  Candle  burn  clearer. 

The  Z(?;^</d?;/-Observations  flowed  from  Bills  regularly 
kept  for  near  One  hundred  years ; but  these  are  squeezed 
out  of  Six  stragling  London-VixW?,,  out  of  Fifteen  Dublin  Bills, 
and  from  a Note  of  the  Families  and  Hearths  in  each  Parish 
of  Dnblm ; which  are  all  digested  into  the  one  Table  or  Sheet 
annexed,  consisting  of  Three  Parts,  markt  A,  B,  C\  being 
indeed  the  A,  B,  C,  of  Pnblick  Oeconony,  and  even  of  that 
Policy  which  tends  to  Peace  and  Plenty.  |1 

Observations  npoii  the  Table  A. 

I.  ^ I ""He  Total  of  the  Burials  in  London,  (for  the  said 
X Six  stragling  years  mentioned  in  the  Table  is 
120170;  whereof  the  Medium  or  Sixth  part  is  20028;  and 
exceeds  the  Burials  of  Paris,  as  may  appear  by  the  late 
Bills  of  that  City. 

2.  The  Births,  for  the  same  time,  are  73683,  the  Medium 


H.  P. 


31 


482 


Observations  ripoii  the 


or  Sixth  part  whereof  is  12280,  which  is  about  Five  eighth 
parts  of  the  Burials  ; and  shews,  that  London  would  in  time 
decrease  quite  away,  were  it  not  supplyed  out  of  the  Countrey, 
where  are  about  Five  Births  for  Four  Burials,  the  proportion 
of  Breeders  in  the  Country  being  greater  than  in  the  City. 

3.  The  Burials  in  Dublin  for  the  said  Six  years,  were  9865, 
the  Sixth  part  or  Medium  whereof  is,  1644,  which  is  about 
the  Twelfth  part  of  the  LondoJi-^wxx^X^  ; and  about  a Fifth 
part  over.  So  as  the  people  of  London  do  hereby  seem  to  be 
above  Twelve  times  as  many  as  those  of  Dublin. 

4.  The  Births  in  the  same  time  at  Dublin,  are  6157,  the 
Sixth  part  or  Medium  whereof  is  1026,  which  is  also  about 
five  eighth  parts  of  the  1644  Burials;  which  shews,  that  the  1| 

3 proportion  between  Burials  and  Births  are  alike  at  Londo7t 
and  Dublin,  and  that  the  Accompts  are  kept  alike ; and  con- 
sequently are  likely  to  be  true,  there  being  no  Confederacy 
for  that  purpose  : Which  if  they  be  true,  we  then  say, 

5.  That  the  Births  are  the  best  way^  (till  the  Accompts 
of  the  people  shall  be  purposely  taken)  whereby  to  judge  of 
the  Increase  and  Decrease  of  People,  that  of  Burials  being 
subjedl  to  more  Contingencies  and  variety  of  Causes. 

6.  If  Births  be  as  yet  the  measure  of  the  People,  and 
that  the  Births  (as  has  been  shewn)  are  as  Five  to  Eight, 
then  Eight  fifths  of  the  Births  is  the  number  of  the  Burials, 
where  the  year  was  not  considerable  for  extraordinary  Sick- 
ness or  Salubrity;  and  is  the  Rule  whereby  to  measure  the 
same.  As  for  Example:  The  Medium  of  Births  in  Dublin 
was  1026,  the  Eight  fifths  whereof  is  1641,  but  the  real 
Burials  were  1644;  so  as  in  the  said  years  they  differed 
little  from  the  1641,  which  was  the  Standard  of  Healthy 
and  consequently,  the  years  1680,  1674,  and  1668,  were  siekly 
years,  more  or  less,  as  they  exceeded  the  said  Number  1641 ; 
and  the  rest  were  healthful  years,  more  or  less,  as  they  fell 
short  of  the  same  number.  But  the  City  was  more  or  less 

4 Populous,  as  the  Births  differ-||ed  from  the  Number  1026 ; 
viz.  Populous  in  the  years  1680,  1679,  1678,  & 1668:  For 

^ On  the  deficiencies  of  the  London  birth  returns  see  Ciraunt,  p.  361,  also 
Introduction. 


Dublin-Bills  of  Mortality.  ■ 483 

other  causes  of  this  difference  in  Births,  are  very  occult  and 
uncertain. 

7.  What  hath  been  said  of  Dublin,  serves  also  for  London. 

8.  It  hath  already  been  observ’d  by  the  Lo7tdon-VA\\^, 
That  there  are  more  Males  than  Females^.  It  is  to  be  further 
noted,  that  in  these  Six  Lo7tdon-'^\\\?>  also,  there  is  not  one 
instance  either  in  the  Births  or  Burials  to  the  contrary. 

9.  It  hath ’been  formerly  observ’d,  That  in  the  years 
wherein  most  dye,  feivest  are  born,  & vice  versa^.  The  same 
may  be  further  observ’d  in  Males  and  Females,  viz.  When 
fewest  Males  are  born,  then  most  dye : for  here  the  Males 
dyed  as  Twelve  to  Eleven,  which  is  above  the  mean  propor- 
tion of  Fourteen  to  Thirteen,  but  were  born  but  as  Nineteen 
to  Eighteen,  which  is  below  the  same. 


Observatiojis  upon  the  Table  B. 

I.  I ^Rom  the  Table  B,  it  appears,  That  the  Medium  of 

X the  Fifteen  years  Burials,  (being  24199)  is  1613, 
whereas  the  Medium  of  the  other  six  years  in  the  Table  A, 
was  1644,  and  that  the  Medium  of  the  Fifteen  ||  years  Births 
(being  in  all  14765)  is  984,  whereas  the  Medium  of  the  said 
other  six  years,  was  1026^  That  is  to  say,  there  were  both 
fewer  Births  and  Burials  in  these  Fifteen  years,  than  in  the 
other  six  years  ; which  is  a probable  sign  that  at  a Medium 
there  were  fewer  People  also. 

2.  The  Medium  of  Births  for  the  Fifteen  years  being  984, 
whereof  Eight  fifths  (being  1576)  is  the  Standai'd  of  Health 
for  the  said  Fifteen  years ; and  the  triple  of  the  said  1 576, 
being  4728,  is  the  standard  for  each  of  the  Ternaries  of  the 
Fifteen  years  within  the  said  Table. 

3.  That  2952,  the  triple  of  984  Births,  is  for  each  Ternary 
the  Standard  of  Peoples  increase  and  decrease  from  the  year 

1 Graunt,  p.  374.  ^ Ib.  p.  368. 

Table  A gives  the  births  in  i67'2  at  987,  table  B at  967  ; these  numbers  arc 
used  for  the  averages  respectively. 

J 


I — 2 


484 


Observations  iipon  the 


1666  to  1680  inclusive,  viz.  The  People  increased  in  the 
second  Ternary,  and  decreased  from  the  same  in  the  Third 
and  Fourth  Ternarys,  but  re-increased  in  the  Fifth  Ternary 
beyond  any  other. 

4.  That  the  last  Ternary  was  withal  very  healthful,  the 
Burials  being  but  4624,  viz.  below  4728,  the  Standard. 

5.  That  aceording  to  this  proportion  of  increase,  the 
Housing  of  Dublin  have  probably  increased  also.  || 


6 Observations  tipon  the  Table  C. 

I.  Thirst,  from  the  Table  C,  it  appears,  i.  That  the 
A Housing  of  Dttblm  is  such,  as  that  there  are  not 
five  Hearths  in  each  House  one  with  another,  but  nearer  five 
than  four. 

2.  That  in  St.  Warburghs  Parish  are  near  six  Hearths 
to  an  House.  In  St.  Johns  five.  In  St.  Michaels  above  five. 
In  St.  Nicholas  within  above  six.  In  Christ-Church  above 
seven.  In  St.  James  s,  and  St.  Katherines,wc\di  in  St.  Michans, 
not  four.  In  St.  Kevans  about  four. 

3.  That  in  St.  Janies^,  St.  Michans,  St.  Brides,  St.  War- 
burgh,  St.  Andrews,  St.  Michaels,  and  St.  Patricks,  all  the 
Christnings  were  but  550,  and  the  Burials  1055, 

double ; and  that  in  the  rest  of  the  Parishes  the  Christnings 
were  five,  and  the  Burials  seven,  viz.  as  457  to  634^  Now 
whether  the  cause  of  this  difference  were  negligence  in  Ac- 
compts,  or  the  greaterness  of  the  Families,  Stc.  is  worth 
inquiring. 

4.  It  is  hard  to  say  in  what  order  (as  to  greatness)  these 
Parishes  ought  to  stand,  some  having  miost  Families;  some 
most  Hearths,  some  most  Births,  and  others  most  Burials. 

7 Some  Parishes  exceeding  the  rest  in  two,  i|  others  in  three 
of  the  said  four  particulars,  but  none  in  all  four.  Wherefore 


^ According  to  table  C,  the  total  burials  in  the  enumerated  parishes  are  looo, 
not  1055,  the  total  christenings  are  585,  not  550,  while  the  total  Imrials  in  the  rest 
of  the  parishes  are  789,  not  634  and  the  total  christenings  are  422  not  457. 


Diihlin-Bills  of  Mortality.  4(S5 

this  Table  ranketh  them  according  to  the  plurality  of  the 
said  four  particulars  wherein  each  excelleth  the  other. 

5.  The  Loiidoji-Observations  reckon  eight  heads  in  each 
Family^ ; according  to  which  estimation,  there  are  32000 
Souls'"^  in  the  4000  Families  of  DtibLin\  which  is  but  half  of 
what  most  Men  imagine;  of  which  but  about  one  sixth  part 
are  able  to  bear  Arms,  besides  the  Royal  Regiment 

6.  Without  the  knowledge  of  the  true  munber  of  People^ 
as  a Principle,  the  whole  scope  and  use  of  the  keeping  Bills 
of  Births  and  Burials  is  impaired  ; wherefore  by  laborious 
Conjeflures  and  Calculations  to  deduce  the  number  of  People 
from  the  Births  and  Burials,  may  be  Ingenious,  but  very 
preposterous. 

7.  If  the  number  of  Families  in  Dttblin  be  about  4000, 
then  Ten  Men,  in  one  week  (at  the  Charge  of  about  Five 
pound,  Surveying  Eight  Families  in  an  hour)  may  directly, 
and  without  Algebra,  make  an  Accompt  of  the  whole  People, 
expressing  their  several  Ages,  Sex,  Marriages,  Title,  Trade, 
Religion,  &c.  and  those  who  survey  the  Hearths,  or  the 
Constables  or  Parish  Clarks,  (may,  if  required)  do  the  same 
ex  Officio,  and  without  o-|lther  Charge,  by  the  Command  of  8 
the  Chief  Governor,  the  Diocesan,  or  the  Mayor^ 

8.  The  Bills  of  London  have  since  their  beginning,  ad- 
mitted several  Alterations  and  Improvements  ; and  eight  or 
ten  pound  per  a7inum  surcharge,  would  make  the  Bills  of 
Dublm  to  exceed  all  others,  and  become  an  excellent  In- 
strument of  Government.  To  which  purpose  the  Forms  for 


1 Graunt,  p.  385. 

2 Graunt  had  estimated  30,000  in  1662,  see  p.  399. 

^ How  entirely  Petty’s  dispute  about  the  Down  Survey  occupied  his  attention 
in  1659  evident  from  his  ignorance  of  the  census  which  was  taken  in  Dublin  and 
elsewhere  in  that  year.  It  gave  the  number  of  all  the  people  in  eleven  parishes 
(Christ  Church  and  Nicholas  without  omitted)  at  8780.  Gilbert,  Calendar.,  iv.  571, 
also  p.  xiii.  Mr  Hardinge  shews  reason  for  believing  that  Petty  had  copies  of  the 
returns  of  that  census  for  nearly  the  whole  of  Ireland.  If  he  had,  it  is  not  likely 
that  he  secured  them  until  after  the  writing  of  the  Dtiblin  Observations,  as  neither 
the  Observations  nor  the  Polit.  Anat.  mentions  the  census  of  1659.  See  Hardinge, 
The  earliest  known  MS.  Census  Returns  of  the  People  of  Ireland,  in  Trans.  R.  /. 
Acad.,  vol.  XXIV.  antiquities,  pp.  317-328. 


4^^  Observations  upon  the 

Weekly,  Quarterly,  and  Yearly  Bills  are  humbly  recommended, 
viz} 


i YEARLY 

Anno. 

BILLS  OB'  MORTALITY  FOR 

LONDON  and  DUBLIN 

Burials.  Births,  i Burials.  Births. 

i 

lon; 

1 Burials. 

DON. 

Births. 

1 Males. 

j Female.s. 

Males. 

j Female.s. 

1680 

21053 

‘ 12747  J 1826 

1096 

i 1^039 

i 10044 

6543 

1 6199 

1679 

21730 

1 12288  1397 

' 1061 

ITI54 

: >0576 

6247 

6041 

1678 

20678 

12601  1401 

1045 

10681 

' 9977 

6568 

6033 

: ‘674 

2I20I 

11851  2106 

942 

1 1000 

10196 

6113 

573« 

j 1672 

18230 

12563  i 1436 

987 

9560 

8070 

6443 

6120 

i 1668 

17278 

11633  : 1699 

1026 

9111 

8167 

6073 

5566  , 

120170 

73683  9865 

6157 

62545 

57030 

37992 

35697 

The  medium  or  6th 
j part  whereof  is 

i 20028 

1 

12280  1644 

1026 

t 

10424 

9505 

6332 

5949  i 

DUBLIN. 

Anno. 

Burials. 

Births. 

In  Ternaries 
of  years. 

1666 

1667 

1668 

1669 

1670 

1671 

1672 

1673 

1674 

1675 

1676 

1677 

1678 

1679 

1680 

1480 

1642 

1699 

1666 

1713 

1974 

1436 

1531 

2106 

1578 

f39' 

1359 

1 40 1 

1397 

1826 

952) 

1 00 1 
1026  j 

lOOOj 

1067  - 
1003) 

967) 

933  r 

942) 

823] 

952 

897] 

1045] 

1061 

1096] 

4821 

5353 

5073 

4328 

4624 

2979 

1 

3070  s 

2842 

2672 

i 

3202  j 

24199 

14765 

24199 

14765 

1 

d'he  medium  or  i5th| 
part  whereof  is  ) 

1613 

984 

1613 

984 

’ The  tables  A,  B,  and  C are  printed,  in  the  1683  edition,  upon  sheets 
inserted  after  p.  8 of  the  pamphlet,  so  that  “A  Weekly  Bill  of  Mortality  for  the 
City  of  Dublin,”  here  printed  on  p.  487,  there  follows  immediately  after  the 
recommendation  of  it. 


Dublin-Bills  of  Mortality. 


487 


An.  1670,  71  &72 
at  a Medium. 

The  Parishes  of  DUBLIN. 

Anno  1671. 

Families. 

Hearths. 

Births. 

Burials. 

r 

St.  Katherins  and  St.  y antes, 

661 

2399 

i6r 

290 

2 

St.  AHcholas  without, 

490 

2348 

207 

262 

3 

St.  Michans, 

656 

2301 

127 

221 

4 

St.  Andrews  with  Donabrook, 

483 

2123 

108 

178 

5 

St.  Bridgets, 

416 

1989 

70 

too 

6 

St.  Johns, 

244 

1337 

70 

1,38 

7 

St.  IVarb rough. 

267 

1650 

' 54 

108 

8 

St.  Audaens, 

2 16 

io8r 

53 

I2I 

9 

St.  Michael, 

140 

793 

1 44 

59 

i ‘o 

St.  Heavens, 

106 

433 

i 64 

133 

1 1 

St.  Nicholas  within, 

93 

6f4 

28 

34 

12 

St.  PatricBs  Liberties, 

52 

255 

t 21 

44 

I 

*3 

Christ-Church  and  Triniljt-CoWedge  per  estimate 

26 

197 

I 

1 

‘3850 

1 7500 

1013 

1696 

Houses  built  between  1671,  and  1681,  pre[ 
estimate.  ) 

‘50 

150 

4000 

18150 

A Weekly  Bill  of  Mortality  for  the  City  of  Dublin, 

Ending  the  day  of  1681. 


PARISHES  NAMES. 

Births. 

0 

Females. 

Burials. 

Under  16 
years  old. 

Above  t6 
years  old. 

Plague. 

Small  Pox. 

Measels. 

Spotted 

Fever. 

1 

2 

3 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

It 

12 

‘3 

St.  Katherins  and  St.  James, 

St.  Nicholas  without, 

St.  Michans, 

St.  Andrews  with  Donabrook, 

St.  Bridgets, 

St.  Johns, 

St.  Warbrough, 

St.  Audaens, 

St.  Michael, 

St.  Keavens, 

St.  Nicholas  wdthin, 

St.  Patrick’s,  Liberties, 
Christ-Church  and  7>/;/7/9'-Colledge 

i 

1 

Totals, 

! 1 

i_ 

488 


Observations  upon  the 


A Quarterly  Bill  of  Mortality, 


beginning  and  ending  for  the  City  of  Dublin. 


PARISHES  Names 

Births. 

i Marriages. 

1 2. 

But 

0 

ft’ 

5;  r 

V,  < 

0 

S'  o\ 

• 0 

■ied  1 
f 

D. 

c«  ft, 

1 

Plague. 

' Small  Pox, 
Spotted  Fever, 

1 Measels, 

Stone. 

Gout,  _ 

Dropsie, 

Consumption, 

Sudden  Death. 

Quinsey, 

Pleurisie, 

1 Fever, 

Aged  above  70  j 

' years  old.  ] 

1 Infants  under 

2 years  old. 

All  other  I 

Casualties.  | 

I 

-2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

1 1 

1 2 

13 

St.  Katherins  and  St.  yanies, 

St.  Nicholas  without, 

St.  Michans, 

St.  Andrezos  with  Donabrook, 

St.  Bridgets., 
vSt.  Johns, 

St.  IVarbroiigh, 

St.  Audaens, 
vSt.  Michael, 

St.  Keavens, 

St.  Nicholas  within, 

St.  Patrick\  Liberties 
Christ-Church  and  /’reV/Z/j'-Col ledge 

! 

1 

1 

Totals, 

1 

r ~ 

1 

An  Account  of  the  People  of  Dublin  for  one  year, 

Ending  the  24th  of  March,  168^. 


iz: 

Whereof 

■c  g 

Persons  1 

of  ' 

1 Pro 

testai 

p 

3-  P 
cfp'  “ 

1 

5 1 

w 

c 

P 

PARISHES  Names. 

? 3 
1^ 

P 

; 

\ 

3 1 

p 

0 2 

3 0 

Y'  Cl- 

p 5 

{ Abov 
years 

F ' 

o-S 

3 ET 
■f  n 

f\ 

1 

P* 

: Orq 

* 0 

0 

.s:3^ 

0 « 

f-E' 

of  above  16 
years  old. 

1 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

' 10 

i n 

; 12 

13 

St.  Katherins  and  St.  James, 

St.  Nicholas  without, 

St.  Afichans, 

St.  Andreivs  with  Donabrook, 

St.  Bridgets, 

St.  Johns, 

St.  IVarbrongh, 

St.  Audaens, 

St.  Michael, 

St.  Keavens, 

St.  Nicholas  within, 

St.  Patrick's,  Liberties, 
Christ-Church  and  7>'7«?/p-Colledge, 

1 

! 

1 

i 

1 

Totals, 

Dublin-Bills  of  Mortality. 


489 


Casualties  and  Diseases. 


Aged  above  70  years. 

Abortive  and  Still-born. 
Childbed- women. 

Convulsion. 

Teeth. 

Worms. 

Gout,  and  Sciatica. 

Stone. 

Palsey. 

Consumption,  and  French  Pox. 
Dropsie,  and  Tympany. 
Rickets,  and  Livergrown. 
Head-ach  and  Megrim. 
Epilepsie,  and  Planet. 

Fever,  and  Ague. 

Pleurisie. 

Quinsey. 

Executed,  Murder’d,  Drown’d. 
Plague,  and  Spotted-Fever. 
Griping  of  the  Guts. 

Scowring,  Vomiting,  Bleeding. 
Small  Pox. 

Measels. 

Neither  of  all  the  other  sorts. 


A 


POSTSCRIPT 


TO  THE 

STATIONER. 


Hereas  you  complain,  that  these  Observations  make  no 


V V sufficient  Bulk,  I could  answer  you,  That  I wish  the 
Bulk  of  all  Books  were  less  ; but  do  never-the-less  comply 
with  you  in  adding  what  follows,  viz. 

1.  That  the  Parishes  of  Dtiblin  are  very  unequal ; some 
having  in  them  above  Six  hundred  Families,  and  others 
under  Thirty. 

2.  That,  Thirteen  Parishes  are  too  few  for  Four  thousand 
P'amilies  ; the  midling  Parishes  of  London  containing  One 
hundred  and  twenty  P'amilies ; ac-||cording  to  which  rate, 
there  should  be  about  Thirty  three  Parishes  in  Dublin. 

3.  It  is  said,  that  there  are  Eighty  four  thousand  Houses 
or  P'amilies  in  LoJidon,  which  is  Twenty  one  times  more  than 
are  in  Dublin ; and  yet  the  Births  and  Burials  of  London  are 
but  Twelve  times  those  of  Dublin  : which  shews  that  the 
Inhabitants  of  Dublin  are  more  crowded  and  streightned  in 
their  Housing,  than  those  of  London ; and  consequently,  that 
to  increase  the  Buildings  of  Dublin,  will  make  that  City  more 
conformable  to  Lojidon. 

4.  I shall  also  add  some  Reasons  for  altering  the  present 
forms  of  the  Dublin-Bills  of  Mortality,  according  to  what  hath 
been  here  recommended,  viz. 


Observations  upon  the  Dnblin-Bills  of  Mortality.  491 

1.  VVe  give  the  distin6lions  of  Males  and  Females  in 
the  Births  onely ; for  that  the  Burials  must,  at  one  time  or 
another,  be  in  the  same  proportion  with  the  Births.  || 

2.  We  do  in  the  Weekly  and  Quarterly  Bills  propose, 
that  notice  be  taken  in  the  Burials  of  what  numbers  dye 
above  Sixty  and  Seventy,  and  what  under  Sixteen,  Six,  and 
Two  years  old  ; foreseeing  good  uses  to  be  made  of  that 
distindlion. 

3.  We  do  in  the  Yearly  Bill,  reduce  the  Casualties  to 
about  Twenty  four,  being  such  as  may  be  discerned  by 
common  sense  and  without  Art  ; conceiving  that  more  will 
but  perplex  and  imbroil  the  Account.  And  in  the  Quarterly 
Bills,  we  reduce  the  Diseases  to  Three  Heads,  viz.  Contagious, 
Acute,  and  Chronical ; applying  this  distindlion  to  Parishes, 
in  order  to  know  how  the  different  Scituation,  Soil,  and  way 
of  living  in  each  Parish,  doth  dispose  Men  to  each  of  the  said 
Three  Species  : and  in  the  Weekly  Bills  we  take  notice  not 
only  of  the  Plague,  but  of  the  other  Contagious  Diseases  in 
each  Parish;  that  strangers  and  fear-||ful  Persons  may  thereby 
know  how  to  dispose  of  themselves. 

4.  We  mention  the  Number  of  the  People,  as  the  Funda- 
mental Term  in  all  our  proportions;  and  without  which,  all 
the  rest  will  be  almost  fruitless. 

5.  We  mention  the  number  of  Marriages  made  in  every 
Quarter,  and  in  every  year;  as  also  the  proportion  which 
Married  Persons  bear  to  the  whole ; expedfing  in  such 
Observations  to  read  the  improvement  of  the  Nation. 

. 6.  As  for  Religions,  we  reduce  them  to  Three,  viz. 

1.  Those  who  have  the  Pope  of  Ronie  for  their  Head. 

2.  Who  are  Governed  by  the  Laws  of  their  Country. 

3.  Those  who  rely  respedlively  upon  their  own  private 
Judgments.  Now  whether  these  distindlions  should  be  taken 
notice  of  or  not,  we  do  but  faintly  recommend,  seeing  many 
Reasons  pro  and  con  for  the  same  : and  therefore  although  we 
have  mentioned  it  as  a matter  fit  to  be  considered,  yet  we 
humbly  leave  it  to  Authority.lj 


'<  A 


• V It^ 

■ -‘if  il'M  'i>>t  /-flor.  ' .‘ilniH  ‘jfu  •• 
> ‘!  -/‘{t)T<i  r^lj  rrl'  -Tj  .I'ufJoiiji 

'/;  :'  ..1  .•  -”'!& 


>b  .*%f; 


. Ia 


*’  .;•  ci  v^wvtl'w 

* J /flHV 

i ‘ H I.  • : . » « i '^■"  fl.J’-J 

:i  '”  - 

- ' fTti'/i  liJilOffr 

r ......  I ‘’(b- 

> i.  rjJ  1 :7*‘U^i/<gv 

JO  . 

■ * _ 

. - . ^ . f- 

..  -j’  ''  I ■ ' T 


•d;.. 


' ‘ i ’■ 

t ■ \ ■'<  A 


‘it 


F U R T H E R 

OBSERVATION 

UPON  THE 

jiuibltn^tUs: 

O R, 

ACCOMPTS 

OF  THE 

H ouses,  Hearths,  Baptisms, 
And  Burials  in  that 

CITY. 

The  Second  Edition,  CorreSled  and  Enlarg'd. 

By  Sir  IV I L L I A M PETTY, 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 


LONDON: 

Printed  for  Mark  Pardoe,  at  the  Sign  of 
the  Black  Raven,  over  against  Bed- 
House  in  the  Strand.  1686. 


NOTE  ON  THE  “ FURTHER  OBSERVATIONS.” 


In  1686  the  Further  Observations  were  prefixed  to  the 
Observations  upon  the  Dublin  Bills  as  issued  in  1683,  and  the 
whole  was  put  forward  as  a “ second  edition,  corrected  and  enlarg’d.” 
In  fact,  however,  the  original  Observations  of  1683  were  not  even 
reprinted  in  1686,  the  left-over  sheets  being  utilized,  and  the  only 
change  being  the  suppression  of  the  1683  title  given  at  p.  479.  The 
following  four  pages,  therefore,  include  all  that  was  ever  added  to  the 
1683  Observations. 


The  Stationer 


TO  THE 

READER. 


I Have  not  thought  fit  to  make  any  Alteration  of  the  first 
Edition,  but  have  only  added  a New  Table,  with  Obser- 
vation upon  it,  placing  the  same  in  the  front  of  what  was 
before ; which  perhaps  might  have  been  as  well  placed  after 
the  like  Table  at  the  8th  Page  of  the  first  Edition. 


Dublin, 

1682. 

Parishes. 

Houses. 

Fire-places. 

Baptiz’d. 

Buri’d. 

St.  James^ 

272 

836I 

TOO 

St.  Katharines^ 

540 

2i98f 

St.  Nicholas  with-| 

out,  and  r 

St.  Patricks  ) 

1064 

00 

0 

145 

414 

St.  Bridgets 

395 

1903 

68 

149 

St  Andoncs 

276 

1510 

56 

164 

St.  Michael 

! 174 

884 

34 

50 

St.  Jolms 

i 302 

1636 

74 

lOI 

St.  Nicholas  within,  | 

1 

and  r 

: 153 

902 

26 

52 

Christ-Church  Lib.  ) 

St.  IV arbors 

240 

1638 

45 

105 

St.  Michans  \ 

938 

3516 

124 

389 

St.  A ndrews 

864 

3638 

131 

300 

St.  Kenans 

554 

2120) 

S'? 

233 

Donabrook 

253 

506^ 

07 

1 

6025 

25369 

912 

2263 

Further  Observations  upon  Dublin  Accompts 
of  Baptisms  and  Burials,  Houses  and  Hearths, 
viz. 

THe  Table  hath  been  made  for  the  Year  1682,  wherein  is 
to  be  noted,  || 

I.  That  the  Houses  which  Anno  1671,  were  but  3850  are 
Anno  1682,  6025;  but  whether  this  difference  is  caused  by 
the  real  encrease  of  Housing,  or  by  fraud  and  defedl  in  the 
former  Accompts,  is  left  to  consideration.  For  the  Burials  or 


Further  Observation  on  the  Dublin-Bills.  497 

People  have  increased  but  from  1696,  to  2263,  according  to 
which  proportion,  the  3850  Houses  Anno  1671,  should  Anno 
1682  have  been  but  5143,  wherefore  some  fault  may  be 
suspe6led  as  aforesaid,  when  Farming  the  Hearth-mony  was 
in  agitationh 

2.  The  Hearths  have  encreased  according  to  the  Burials, 
and  A of  the  said  increase  more,  viz.  the  Burials  Anno  1671 
were  1696,  the  ^ whereof  is  563,  which  put  together  makes 
2259,  which  is  near  the  number  of  Burials  Anno  1682.  But 
the  Hearths  Anno  1671  were  17500,  whereof  the  \ is  5^33> 
making  in  all  but  23333  i whereas  the  whole  Hearths  ||  Anno  3 
1682  were  25369,  viz.  \ and  better  of  the  said  5833  more. 

3.  The  Housing  were  Anno  1671,  but  3850,  which  if  they 
had  encreased  Anno  1682  but  according  to  the  Burials,  they 
had  been  but  5143,  or  according  to  the  Hearths,  had  been 
but  5488,  whereas  they  appear  6025,  encreasing  double  to  the 
Hearths.  So  as  ’tis  likely  there  hath  been  some  errour  in 
the  said  Account  of  the  Housing,  unless  the  new  Housing 
be  very  small,  and  have  but  one  Chimney  apiece,  and  that 
I part  of  them  are  untenanted.  On  the  other  hand,  his  more 
likely  that  when  1696  dy’d  />er  An.  there  were  near  6000; 
for  6000  Houses  at  8 Inhabitants  per  House,  would  make  the 
number  of  the  People  to  be  48  Thousand,  and  the  number  of 
1696  that  died  according  to  the  Rule  of  One  out  of  30,  would 
have  made  the  number  of  Inhabitants  about  50  Thousand : 
For  which  reason  I continue  to  |1  believe  there  was  some  4 
Errour  in  the  Accompt  of  3850  Houses  as  aforesaid,  and  the 
rather  because  there  is  no  ground  from  experience  to  think 
that  in  ii  year,  the  Houses  in  Dublin  have  encreased  from 
3850  to  6025. 

Moreover,  I rather  think  that  the  number  of  6025  is  yet 
short,  because  that  number  at  8 heads  per  House  makes  the 
Inhabitants  to  be  but  48200 ; whereas  the  2263  who  died  in 
the  year  1682,  according  to  the  aforementioned  Rule  of  one 
dying  out  of  30  makes  the  num.ber  of  People  to  be  67890 ; 

’ In  the  years  1674-75.  It  appeal's  that  Petty  had  suggested  to  Essex  certain 
reforms  in  the  collection  of  the  hearth  money,  for  the  farm  of  which  he  was  one  of 
the  bidders.  Fitzmaurice,  169,  Capcl  Lciters,  pp.  399-418. 

H.  P. 


32 


49‘^  Further  Observation  on  the  Dnblin-Bills. 

the  ]\Iedinin  betwixt  which  number  and  48200  is  58045,  which 
is  the  best  estimate  I can  make  of  that  matter,  which  I hope 
Authority  will  ere  long  re6lifie,  by  dire6l  and  cxacl  Enquiries. 

4,  As  to  the  Births,  we  say  that  Anno  1640,  1641,  and 
1642,  at  London,  just  before  the  Troubles  in  Religion  began, 

5 the  Births  were  | of  the  ||  Burials,  by  reason  I suppose  of  the 
greaterness  of  Families  in  London  above  the  Country,  and  the 
fewer  Breeders,  and  not  for  want  of  Registring.  Wherefore, 
dedu6ling  i of  2263,  which  is  377,  there  remains  1886  for 
the  probable  number  of  Births  in  Dublin  for  the  year  1682  ; 
whereas  but  912  are  represented  to  have  been  Christen’d  in 
that  year,  though  1023  were  christened  Anno  1671,  when 
there  died  but  1696;  which  decreasing  of  the  Christnings, 
and  increasing  of  the  Burials,  shews  the  increase  of  Non- 
registering in  the  Legal  Books,  which  must  be  the  increase 
of  Roman  Catholicks  at  Dublin. 

The  scope  of  this  whole  Paper  therefore  is.  That  the 
People  of  Dublin  are  rather  58000,  than  32000b  and  that 
the  Dissenters,  who  do  not  Register  their  Baptisms,  have 

6 encreased  from  391  to  974  : but  of  Dissenters,  none  |1  have 
increased  but  the  Roman  Catholicks,  whose  Numbers  have 
encreased  from  about  2 to  5 in  the  said  Years.  The  exa(51:er 
Knowledge  whereof,  may  also  be  better  had  from  dire6l 
Enquiries. 


FINIS. 


Petty  previously  calculated  32000  inhabitants  in  Dublin,  See  p.  485. 


w 

I- 


••  •. 


4 ? 


32—2 


WHITE-HALL, 

Ajig.  26th  1686. 

Let  this  Paper  be  printed. 

Sunderland  P. 


TWO 

ESSAYS 

I N 

Concerning  the 

People,  Housing,  Hospitals,  &c, 
o F 

London  and  Paris. 


By  Sir  WILLIAM  PETTY, 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 


Qui  s civet  Regibus  uti 

Fastidiret  olus^ 


LONDON, 

Printed  for  J.  Lloyd  in  the  Middle  Exchange 

next  Salisbury -YioMst.  in  the  Straud.  1687. 


^ ‘Si  pranderet  olus  patienter,  regibus  uti 

Nollet  Aristippus.’  ‘ Si  sciret  regibus  uti, 

Fastidiret  olus,  qui  me  notat.’  Utrius  horum 
Verba  probes  et  facta  doce  vel  junior  audi. 

Cur  sit  Aristippi  potior  sententia. 

Horace,  Epistles,  I.  17,  13-17. 

The  story  of  the  conversation  between  Aristippus  and  Diogenes  is  told  by 
Diogenes  Laertius. 


NOTE  ON  THE  “TWO  ESSAYS. 


Petty’s  Two  Essays  concerning  London  and  Paris,  though  first 
published  in  French,  were  originally  written  in  English  h They  were 
probably  finished  between  the  17  July,  1686,  the  day  on  which  was 
licensed  no.  180  of  the  Philosophical  Transactions  containing  the 
account  of  Verbiest’s  journeys  referred  to  in  the  first  essay-,  and  the 
26  August  of  the  same  year,  when  the  Two  Essays  were  themselves 
approved ^ 

^ Bibliography,  18.  The  French  Version  declares  itself  to  be  “Traduit  de 
rOriginal  Anglois.” 

- P.  508. 


P.  500. 


T O T H E 


KINGS 

Most  Excellent  MAJESTY. 


I Do  presume y iu  a very  small  Paper,  to  shew  Your  Majesty 
that  Your  City  of  London  seems  more  considerable  than 
the  Tzvo  best  Cities  of  the  French  Monarchy,  and  for  ought  1 
can  find,  greater  than  any  other  of  the  Universe,  zvhich  because 
I can  say  |1  ivithout  flattery,  and  by  such  Demonstration  as  Your 
Majesty  can  examine,  I Inunbly  pray  Yoitr  Majesty  to  accept 
from 


Your  Majesty’s 

Most  Humble,  Loyal 

and  Obedient  Subjedl, 

William  Petty. 


\ 


A N 


ESSAY 

I N 

Political  Arithmetick, 

B Y 

Sir  WILLIAM  PETTY, 

Tending  to  prove  London  hath  more  People  and  Housing 
than  the  Cities  of  Paris  and  Rotten  put  together,  and  is 
also  more  considerable  in  several  other  respe6lsf 

I.  I 'HE  Medium  of  the  Burials  at  London  in  the  three 
JL  last  years,  viz.  1683,  1684  and  1685,  (wherein  there 
was  no  extraordinary  Sick-|lness,  and  wherein  the  Christenings 

^ The  common  notion  at  the  time  when  Petty  wrote  appears  to  have  been  that 
Paris  must  be  larger  than  London  because  the  court  of  Louis  XIV.  was  more 
splendid  than  that  of  Charles  11.  Petty  was  not  the  first  who  held  London  the 
larger,  but  he  appears  to  have  been  the  first  who  gave  an  adequate  reason  for  his 
belief.  Gregorio  de  Leti  says  that  he  himself  had  once  believed  Paris  the  more 
populous  city,  but  ‘ all  the  more  general  and  infallible  rules  ’ had  shewn  him  the 
superiority  of  London.  De  Leti  had  unusual  opportunities  for  observation,  but  his 
estimate  of  the  actual  population  of  the  two  cities  is  absurdly  high.  He  appears 
to  credit,  somewhat  grudgingly,  the  assertion  of  an  (unidentified)  French  am- 
bassador, who  had  told  him  that  Paris  contained  a million  and  a half  of  people. 
And  he  is  ‘forced  to  believe  ’ that  in  London  there  are  not  less  than  two  million 
souls!  Del  teatro  britannico  (1683),  p.  75.  A more  trustworthy  account  is  given 
by  Le  Maire,  the  author  of  Paris  ancieii  et  nouveau,  1685.  After  quoting 
Giovanni  Botero  (1540-1617)  on  “ Parigi  citta  che  di  popolo  & di  abbondanza  d’ogni 
cosa  avanza  de  gran  lunga  tutte  I’altre  di  Christianita,”  Le  Maire  gives  the  number 
of  people  and  of  houses  in  each  of  the  sixteen  quarters  of  La  Ville  de  Paris — 
as  in  the  case  of  London,  an  area  smaller  than  that  included  in  the  bills  of 


5o6 


Two  Essays. 


do  correspond  in  Lheir  ordinary  proportions  with  the  Bicrials 
and  CJmstcnings  of  each  year  one  with  another)  was  22337, 
and  the  like  Medium  of  Burials  for  the  three  last  Paris  Bills 
we  could  procure,  viz.  for  the  years  1682,  1683  and  1684 
(whereof  the  last  as  appears  by  the  Christeiiings  to  have  been 
very  sickly)  is  19887  k 

2.  The  City  of  BristoP  in  England  appears  to  be  by 
good  estimate  of  its  Trade  and  Cnstomes  as  great  as  Ronen 
in  France,  and  the  City  of  Dublin  in  Ireland  appears  to  have 
more  Chimnies  than  Bristol,  and  consequently  more  People, 

3 and  the  Burials  in  ||  Dublin  were  Anno  1682  (being  a sickly 
year)  but  2263. 

3.  Now  the  Burials  of  Paris  (being  19887)  being  added 
to  the  Burials  of  Dublin  (supposed  more  than  at  Rouen)  being 
2263,  makes  but  22150,  whereas  the  Burials  of  London  were 
187  more,  or  22337,  or  as  about  6 to  7k 

4.  If  those  who  die  unnecessarily,  and  by  miscarriage  in 
UJiostel  Dieu  in  PajHs  (being  above  3000)  as  hath  been 
elsewhere  shewn k or  any  part  thereof,  should  be  subtra6led 
out  of  the  Paris  Burials  aforementioned,  then  our  assertion 

4 will  be  stronger,  and  more  proportionable  to  what  fol-l|lows 
concerning  the  Housing  of  those  Cities,  viz. 


mortality — according  to  an  enumeration  made  in  1684.  The  totals  are  91,252 
persons  and  20,641  houses.  Le  Maire,  pp.  5-15.  The  enumeration  of  1684  is 
reprinted  in  Boislisle’s  Alaiioire  de  la  Generalite  de  Paris  (in  the  Documents 
inedits),  p.  422.  A modern  estimate  gives  543,270  inhabitants  to  the  Paris  of 
1684.  Husson,  Les  Consommations  de  Paris  (1856),  p.  20. 

^ In  Paris  there  died  17,493  in  1682  and  17,764  in  1683,  which,  according  to 
Petty’s  average  of  19,887,  would  leave  24,404  deaths  in  the  “very  sickly”  year 
1684.  In  the  first  nine  months  of  1684,  for  which  alone  the  official  compilers  of 
the  KechercJies  statistiques  could  recover  the  figures,  there  died  18,737.  The  average 
mortality  1670-1675,  1678-1683  was  19,684.  RecJierches,  ii.,  tableau  53.  The 
figures  for  1676,  1677  and  1685-1687  are  probably  lost.  They  may  perhaps  be 
preserved  in  Grimperel’s  MS.  in  the  Bibliotheque  de  I’lnstitut  National  de  France 
(n"  X.  214,  2 vols.  in  f’),  which  I have  not  seen. 

Petty’s  informant  concerning  Bristol  may  have  been  Sir  Robert  Southwell, 
whose  seat.  King’s  Weston,  was  near  that  town,  cf.  p.  480,  note  on  the  Dublin 
Observations, 

^ Six  to  seven  is  approximately  the  ratio  between  the  burials  of  Paris  alone 
and  the  burials  of  London. 

^ See  p.  511. 


Houses  of  London  and  of  Paris.  507 

5.  There  were  burnt  at  London,  Anno  1666,  above  13000 
houses,  which  being  but  a fifth  part  of  the  whole,  the  whole 
number  of  houses  in  the  said  year,  were  above  65000  ; and 
whereas  the  ordinary  Burials  of  London  have  increased  be- 
tween the  years  1666  and  1686,  above  one  third  the  total  of 
the  houses  at  London  Anno  1686,  must  be  about  87000,  which 
Anno  1682,  appeared  by  accompt  to  have  been  84000 h 

6.  Monsieur  Merely,  the  great  French  Author  of  the  late 
Geographieal  Dictionaries^-,  who  makes  Paris  the  greatest  City 
in  the  World,  !!  doth  reckon  but  50000  houses  in  the  same,  5 
and  other  Authors  and  knowing  Men  much  less ; nor  are 
there  full  7000  houses  in  the  City  of  Dublin,  so  as  if  the 
50000  houses  of  Paris,  and  the  7000  houses  in  the  City  of 
Dublin  were  added  together,  the  total  is  but  57000  Houses, 
whereas  those  of  London  are  87000  as  aforesaid,  or  as  6 to  9. 

7.  As  for  the  Shipping  and  foreign  Commerce  of  London, 
the  common  sense  of  all  Men  doth  judge  it  to  be  far  greater 
than  that  of  Paris  and  RotLcn  put  together. 

8.  As  to  the  Wealth  and  Gain  accruing  to  the  Inhabitants 
of  London  and  Paris  by  Law-suits  (or  La  chicanef  I onely 
say  that  the  Courts  ||  of  London  extend  to  all  England  and  6 
Wales,  and  affe6l  seven  Millions  of  People,  whereas  those  of 
Paris  do  not  extend  near  so  far : Moreover  there  is  no 
palpable  conspicuous  argument  at  Paris  for  the  Number  and 
Wealth  of  Lawyers  like  the  Buildings  and  Chambers  in  the 
Two  Temples,  Lincohis  Inn,  Grafs  Inn,  Doctors  Commons,  and 
the  seven  other  Inns  in  which  are  ^ Chimnies,  which  are 
to  be  seen  at  Londoii,  besides  many  Lodgings,  Halls,  and 
Offices  relating  to  the  same. 

9.  As  to  the  plentifull  and  easie  living  of  the  People 
we  say, 

I.  That  the  People  of  Paris  to  those  of  Lotulon,  being  as 

1 See  P..459,  note  5. 

“ “ Les  Modernes  assurent  qu’elle  [la  ville  de  Paris]  a aujourd’huy  environ 
cinquant  mille  Maisons.  ” Le  grand  dictionnaire  historique  ou  le  melange  curienx 
de  riiistoire  sacree  et  profane.  Seconde  edition,  revue  par  Al.  Louys  Aloreri. 

A.  Lyon,  M.D.C.  LXXXI.,  vol.  il.  p.  823  b. 

On  Petty’s  attitude  towards  the  law  and  lawyers  see  Fitzinaurice,  169-172. 

^ A blank  in  both  French  and  English  editions. 


5o8 


Tzvo  Essays. 


a-i|bout  6 to  7,  and  the  Housing  of  the  same  as  about  6 to  g, 
vve  infer  that  the  People  do  not  live  at  London  so  close  and 
crouded  as  at  Paris,  but  can  afford  themselves  more  room 
and  liberty. 

2.  That  at  London  the  Hospitals  are  better  and  more 
desirable  than  those  of  Paris,  for  that  in  the  best  at  Paris 
there  die  2 out  of  15^,  whereas  at  London  there  die  out  of  the 
worst  scarce  2 of  16,  and  yet  but  a fiftieth  part  of  the  whole 
die  out  of  the  Hospitals  at  London,  and  \ or  20  times  that 
proportion  die  out  of  the  Paris  Hospitals  which  are  of  the 
same  kind  ; that  is  to  say,  the  number  of  those  at  London, 
who  chuse  to  lie  sick  in  Hospitals  rather  than  ||  in  their  own 
Houses,  are  to  the  like  People  of  Paris  as  one  to  twenty  ; 
which  shews  the  greater  Poverty  or  want  of  Means  in  the 
People  of  Paris  than  those  of  London. 

3.  We  infer  from  the  premisses,  viz.  the  dying  scarce  2 
of  16  out  of  the  London  Hospitals,  and  about  2 of  15  in  the 
best  of  Paris,  {\.o  say  nothing  of  V hostel  Dien)  That  either  the 
Physicians  and  Chirnrgeons  of  London  are  better  than  those 
of  Paris,  or  that  the  Air  of  London  is  more  wholesome. 

10.  As  for  the  other  great  Cities  of  the  World,  if  Paris 
were  the  greatest  we  need  say  no  more  |1  in  behalf  of  London. 
As  for  Peqinn  in  China,  we  have  no  account  fit  to  reason 
upon  ; nor  is  there  anything  in  the  Description  of  the  two 
late  Voyages  of  the  Chines  s EniperoiLr  from  that  City  into 
East  and  West  Tartary'\  in  the  years  1682  and  1683,  which 


^ The  Paris  bills  entered  the  hospitals  separately  from  the  parishes  in  which 
they  were  situated.  See  p.  510. 

“ Ferdinand  Verbiest,  S.  J.  (1625 — 1688)  wrote  Voyage  de  V Empereur  de  la 
Chine  dans  la  Tartarie ; anx  quelles  on  a joint  nne  novelle  dccotiverte  anx  Afexique. 
Paris:  chez  E.  Michellet ; 1685,  12”.  Verbiest’s  accounts  were  received  with 
great  interest  in  Europe.  An  English  translation  of  them  was  included  in  A 
Relation  of  the  Invasion  and  Conquest  of  Florida  by  the  Spaniards,  under  the 
Coinuiand  of  Fernando  de  Soto.  Written  in  Portuguese  by  a Gentleman  of  the 
Town  of  Flvas.  Nosv  Englished.  To  which  is  subjoy ned  7 wo  fourneys  of  the 
present  Emperour  of  China  into  I'artaiy  in  the  Years  1682  and  1683.  London  : 
printed  for  John  Lawrence,  1686  (licensed  7 June),  12",  and  a translation  was  also 
published  in  the  Philosophical  lYansactions,  vol.  xvi.  no.  180,  pp.  39—62.  On 
Verbiest  see  R.  II.  Major’s  introduction  to  the  Earl  of  Ellesmere’s  translation  of 


Great  Cities  of  the  World. 


509 


can  make  us  recant  what  we  have  said  concerning  London. 
As  for  Dely  and  Agra  belonging  to  the  Mognll  we  find 
nothing  against  our  position,  but  much  to  shew  the  vast 
numbers  which  attend  that  Emperonr  in  his  business  and 
pleasures. 

11.  We  shall  conclude  with  Constantinople  and  Gran 
Cairo  \ as  for  Constantinople  it  hath  been  said  by  one  who 
endeavour’d  to  shew  ||  the  greatness  of  that  City,  and  the  10 
greatness  of  the  Plague  which  reigned  in  it,  that  there  died 
1500  per  diem^  without  other  circumstances:  To  which  we 
answer,  that  in  the  year  1665  there  died  in  London  1200  per 
diem,  and  it  hath  been  well  proved  that  the  Plague  of  London 
never  carried  away  above  ^ of  the  People,  whereas  it  is 
commonly  believed  that  in  Constantinople,  and  other  Eastern 
Cities,  and  even  in  Italy  and  Spain,  that  the  Plague  takes 
away  | one  half  or  more  ; wherefore  where  1 200  is  but  ^ of 
the  People  it  is  probable  that  the  number  was  greater,  than 
where  1500  was  | or  one  half,  &c.  || 

12.  As  for  Giaxn  Cairo  it  is  reported,  that  73000  died  in  n 
10  weeks  or  1000  per  dienP,  where  note,  that  at  Gran  Cairo 
the  PlagiLe  comes  and  goes  away  suddenly,  and  that  the 
Plague  takes  away  2 or  | parts  of  the  People  as  aforesaid  ; so 
as  73000  was  probably  the  number  of  those  that  died  of  the 
Plague  in  one  whole  year  at  Gran  Cairo,  whereas  at  London 
Anno  1665,  97000  were  brought  to  account  to  have  died  in 
that  year.  Wherefore  it  is  certain,  that  that  City  wherein 
97000  was  but  i of  the  People,  the  number  was  greater  than 
where  73000  was  | or  the  half.  |1 

We  therefore  conclude,  that  London  hath  more  People,  12 
Housing,  Shipping  and  Wealth,  than  Paris  and  Rouen  put 
together ; and  for  ought  yet  appears,  is  more  considerable 
than  any  other  City  in  the  Universe,  which  was  propounded 
to  be  proved.  || 

P.  J.  d’Orleans’s  History  of  the  two  Tartar  Conquerors  of  China,  Hakluyt  Soc., 
1834,  p.  vii.,  also  pp.  69 — 96,  103 — [31. 

1 In  Hale’s  Primitive  Origination  of  Mankind,  213,  citing  Leo’s  History  of 
Africa.  Such  figures  were  frequently  printed  in  the  [7th  century,  e.g.  Purchas, 
Pilgrimes  (1625),  p.  833. 


3 


A N 


ESSAY 

I N 

Political  Arithmetick, 

B Y 

Sir  WILLIAM  PE7WY, 

Tending  to  prove  that  in  the  Hospital  called  IJ hostel  Dicii  at 
Paris,  there  die  above  3000  per  A^inum  by  reason  of  ill 
accommodation, 

I.  T T appears  that  Anno  1678  there  entred  into  the 
X Hospital  o{  La  Charitc  2647  Souls,  of  which  there 
14  died  there  within  the  said  year  338,  which  1|  is  above  an 
eighth  part  of  the  said  2647,  and  that  in  the  same  year  there 
entred  into  L hostel  Diett  2 1491,  and  that  there  died  out  of 
that  number  5630,  which  is  above  one  quarter,  so  as  about 
half  the  said  5630,  being  2815,  seem  to  have  died  for  want  of 
as  good  usage  and  accommodation  as  might  have  been  had 
at  La  CharitP. 

2.  Moreover  in  the  year  1679  there  entred  into  La 
Charite  3118,  of  which  there  died  452,  which  is  above  a 
seventh  part,  and  in  the  same  year  there  entred  into  V hostel 
Dieu  28635,  of  which  there  died  8397  ; and  in  both  the  said 

^ The  source  of  this  information  is  doubtless  the  Paris  bills,  which  reported 
the  deaths  in  each  of  the  seventeen  hospitals  in  the  city  and  gave  after  1671,  a 
monthly  Etat  de  Vhotel  dieu,  cf.  Morand  in  Histoii'e  de  V Academie  Royale  des 
Sciences,  annee  1771,  pp.  832 — 842. 


Hospitals  of  London  and  of  Paris.  51 1 

years  1678  and  1679  (being  very  different  in  their  degrees 
of  II  Mortality)  there  entred  into  U hostel  Dien  28635 
2 1491,  in  all  50126,  the  Medium  whereof  is  25063,  and  there 
died  out  of  the  same  in  the  said  Two  years  5630  & 8397,  in 
all  14027,  the  Medium  whereof  is  7013. 

3.  There  entred  in  the  said  years  into  La  Charite  2647 
and  3118,  in  all  5765,  the  Medium  whereof  is  2882,  whereof 
there  died  338  and  452,  in  all  790,  the  Medium  whereof  is 
395- 

4.  Now  if  there  died  out  of  U hostel  Dien  7013  per 
aminni,  and  that  the  proportion  of  those  that  died  out  of 
LLiostel  Dien  is  double  to  those  that  died  out  of  La  Charite 
(as  by  the  above  ||  Numbers  it  appears  to  be  near  thereabouts)  16 
then  it  follows  that  half  the  said  Numbers  of  7013  being 
3506,  did  not  die  by  naUtral  necessity,  but  by  the  evil 
administration  of  that  Hospital. 

5.  This  Conclusion  seem’d  at  the  first  sight  very  strange, 
and  rather  to  be  some  mistake  or  chance  than  a solid  and 
real  truth,  but  considering  the  same  matter  as  it  appeared  at 
London,  we  were  more  reconciled  to  the  belief  of  it,  viz. 

1.  In  the  Hospital  of  St.  Bartholonieiv  in  London  there 
was  sent  out  and  cured  in  the  year  1685,  1764  Persons,  and 
there  died  out  of  the  said  Hospital  252.  !I  Moreover  there  17 
were  sent  out  and  cnred  out  of  St.  Thomas^  Hospital  1523, 
and  buried  209,  that  is  to  say,  there  were  cur’d  in  both 
Hospitals  3287,  and  buried  out  of  both  Hospitals  461,  and 
consequently  cured  and  buried  3748,  of  which  number  the 
461  buried  is  less  than  an  eighth  part\  whereas  at  La  Charite 
the  part  that  died  was  more  than  an  eighth  part\  which 
shews  that  out  of  the  most  poor  and  wretched  Hospitals  of 
London  there  died  fewer  in  proportion  than  out  of  the  best  in 
Paris. 

2.  Furthermore,  it  hath  been  above  shewn  that  there 
died  out  of  La  Charite  -dX  a Medium  395  per  annum,  and  141 
out  of  Les  11  Incurables  making  in  all  536;  and  that  out  of  ig 
St.  Bartholomezv  s and  St.  Thomas's  Hospital,  London,  there 
died  at  a Medium  but  461,  of  which  Les  Inc'urables  are  part ; 
which  shews  that  although  there  be  more  People  in  London 


512 


Tivo  Essays. 


than  in  Paris^  yet  there  went  at  London  not  so  many  People 
to  Hospitals  as  there  did  at  Paris,  although  the  poorest 
Hospitals  at  London,  were  better  than  the  best  at  Paris', 
which  shews  that  the  poorest  People  at  London  have  better 
accommodation  in  their  own  houses,  than  the  best  Hospital 
of  Paris  affordeth. 

6.  Having  proved  that  there  die  about  3506,  Persons  at 
Paris  7innecessaidly  to  the  damage  of  France,  ||  we  come  next 
to  compute  the  value  of  the  said  damage  and  of  the  Remedy 
thereof,  as  follows,  viz.  the  value  of  the  said  3506  at  60  li. 
Sterl.  per  head,  being  about  the  value  of  Argier  Slaves, 
(which  is  less  than  the  intrinsick  value  of  People  at  Paris) 
the  whole  loss  of  the  Subjedls  of  France  in  that  Hospital 
seems  to  be  60  times  3506  li.  Sterl.  per  Annum,  viz.  210 
thousand  360  li.  Sterl.  equivalent  to  about  two  Millions  524 
Thous.  320  Fre^ich  Livers. 

7.  It  hath  appeared  that  there  came  into  LLiostel  Dieu 
at  a Medium  25063  per  Annum,  or  2089  per  Mensem,  and 

0 that  the  whole  stock  of  what  remain’d  in  the  ||  precedent 
Months  is  at  a Medium  about  2108  (as  may  appear  by  the 
third  Line  of  the  Table  5,  which  shall  be  shortly 
published)*  viz.  the  Medium  of  Months  is  2410  for  the  sickly 
year  1679,  whereunto  1806,  being  added  as  the  Medium  of 
Months  for  the  year  1678,  makes  4216,  the  Medium  whereof 
is  the  2108  above  mentioned  ; which  number  being  added  to 
the  2089  which  entred  each  Month,  makes  4197  for  the 
Number  of  Sick  which  are  supposed  to  be  always  in  LLiostel 
Dieu  one  time  with  another. 

8.  Now  if  60  French  Livers  per  Annum  for  each  of  the 

1 said  4197  sick  Persons  were  added  to  |1  the  present  ordinary 
Expence  of  that  Hospital  (amounting  to  an  addition  of  251 
Thousand  820  Livers)  it  seems  that  so  many  lives  might  be 
saved  as  are  worth  above  ten  times  that  sum,  and  this  by 
doing  a manifest  deed  of  Charity  to  Mankind.  !| 

Memorandum,  That  Anno  1685,  the  Burials  of  London 
were  23222,  and  those  of  Amsterdam  6245  ; from  whence. 


^ The  table  was  not  published. 


London  and  Amsterdam. 


513 

and  the  difference  of  Air,  ’tis  probable  that  the  People  of 
London  are  quadruple  to  those  of  Amsterda7}d. 

1 In  the  Philosophical  Transactions  for  July — September,  1686  (vol.  XVI. 
no.  183,  p.  152)  appeared  the  following,  unsigned: 

“ An  Extract  of  two  Essays  in  Political  Arithmetick  concerning  the  comparative 
Magnitudes,  &c.  of  London  and  Paris  by  Sr.  William  Petty  Knight,  R S.S. 

The  excellent  Author  of  these  two  Essays,  has  in  several  former  of  the  same 
Nature  made  it  appear  that  Mathematical  Reasoning,  is  not  only  applicable  to 
Lines  and  Numbers,  but  affords  the  best  means  of  Judging  in  all  the  concerns  of 
humane  Life.  In  the  present  he  endeavours  to  prove  London,  as  it  now  is,  the 
most  considerable  City  now  in  being,  by  shewing  it  much  to  exceed  Paris,  (which 
not  only  the  French  but  foreigners  have  asserted  to  be  the  chief  City  of  Europe), 
both  in  People,  Housing,  and  Wealth.  The  first  by  comparing  the  Bills  of 
Mortality,  whereby  he  finds  that  the  People  of  London  are  as  many  as  those  of 
Paris  and  Rouen  put  together.  The  second  by  comparing  the  number  of  Houses, 
which  by  the  Chimney-Books  are  found  above  80000  in  London,  whereas  a great 
Author  among  the  French,  (who  seldome  faile  to  magnifie  their  own  things), 
reckons  but  50000  Houses  in  Paris.  As  to  the  third,  to  wit  the  Wealth,  he 
conceives  that  there  is  yet  a much  greater  disposition,  there  being  no  comparison 
between  them  for  Trade,  and  besides  a good  argument  drawn  from  the  Law-Suites 
of  both  places,  he  concludes  from  the  Paris  bills  of  Mortality,  that  two  5ths  of  the 
People  of  Paris  are  so  poor  that  they  chuse  rather  to  die  in  Hospitals,  than  lie 
sick  at  their  own  Charges;  and  that  a third  of  the  whole  People  of  that  City,  die 
out  of  the  most  wretched  Hospitall  of  L’Hostel  Dieu;  wheras  at  London  there 
dies  scarce  one  in  fiftie  in  our  Hospitals.  Hereupon  in  the  second  Essay,  our 
Author  extends  his  Charity  to  those  poor  wretches,  shewing  how  by  a reasonable 
expence,  3000  persons  might  be  there  saved  per  Annum,  who  die  for  want  of  good 
accomodation.  The  whole  is  so  close  writt,  that  it  will  not  bear  Epitomizing, 
wherefore  I rather  recommend  it  to  the  Curious  who  cannot  but  be  satisfied 
therewith. 

end.” 


H.  P. 


33 


WINDSOR, 

Sep.  2ist  1686. 

I do  hereby  License  these  Ob- 
servations to  be  printed. 

Sunderland  P. 


OBSERVATIONS 

•UPON  THE 

CITIES 

O F 

LONDON 

AND 

ROME. 


By  Sir  WILLIAM  PETTY, 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 


LONDON, 

Printed  for  Henry  Mortlocke,  at  the  Phoenix,  in 
St.  PauVs  Church-Yard,  and  J.  Lloyd,  in  the  middle 
Exchange  next  Salisbury in  the  Strand.  1687. 


33--2 


OBSERVATIONS 

UPON  THE 

CITIES 

O F 

LONDON  and  ROME. 


I.  '"T^HAT  before  the  year  1630,  the  Christnings  at 
JL  London  exceeded  the  Burials  of  the  sameS  but 
about  the  year  1655  they  were  scarce  half;  and  now  about 
two  thirds ^ H 

2.  Before  the  Restauration  of  Monarchy  in  Efiglmid,  2 
Anno  1660,  the  People  of  Paris  were  more  than  those  of 
London  and  Dublin  put  together,  whereas  now,  the  People  of 
London  are  more  than  those  of  Paris  and  Rome,  or  of  Paris 
and  Rouen^. 

^ According  to  Graunt’s  table  (pp.  407 — 8),  which  was  probably  Petty’s  source 
of  information,  this  assertion  is  far  from  correct.  In  the  twenty-five  years  from 
1604  to  1630  the  burials  exceeded  the  christenings  in  sixteen  instances,  or 
including  the  plague  burials  in  nineteen  instances. 


2 

Year. 

Burials. 

Christenings. 

1683 

20,587 

14,735 

1684 

23,202 

14,702 

1685 

23,222 

14,730 

^ As  late  as  1672  Graunt  thought  Paris  more  than  one-fifth,  but  less  than 
one-fourth  larger  than  London  (pp.  424).  Petty,  however,  includes  parishes  which 
Graunt  excluded  (pp.  423,  457),  and  this  may  account  for  his  transference  to  1660 
of  the  time  when  Paris  exceeded  London. 


5i8  Observations  itpon  the  Cities  of  London  and  Rome. 

3.  Anno  1665  one  fifth  part  of  the  then  People  of 
London,  or  97  thousand  died  of  the  Plague^  and  in  the  next 
year  1666,  13  thousand  Houses  or  one  fifth  part  of  all  the 
Housing  of  London  were  burnt  also. 

4.  At  the  Birth  of  Christ,  old  Rome  was  the  greatest 

3 City  of  the  World,  and  London  the  greatest  ||  at  the  Coro- 
nation of  King  James  the  Second,  and  near  6 times  as  great 
as  the  present  Rome,  wherein  are  119  thousand  Souls  besides 
Jews\ 

5.  In  the  years  of  King  Charles  the  Second  his  death, 
and  King  James  the  Second  his  Coronation  (which  were 
neither  of  them  remarkable  for  extraordinary  Sickliness  or 
Healthfulness)  the  Burials  did  wonderfully  agree,  viz.  Anno 
1684,  they  were  23202,  and  Anno  1685  they  were  23222,  the 
Medinm  whereof  is  23212.  And  the  Christnings  did  very 
wonderfully  agree  also,  having  been  Anno  1684,  14702,  and 
Anno  1685,  14732,  the  Medium  whereof  is  14716^,  which 

4 consistence  was  |1  never  seen  before,  the  said  number  of 
23212  Burials  making  the  People  of  London  to  be  696360,  at 
the  rate  of  one  Dying  per  animm  out  of  30. 

6.  Since  the  great  Fire  of  London,  Arino  1666  about  7 
parts  of  15  of  the  present  vast  City  hath  been  new  built,  and 
is  with  its  People  increased  near  one  half,  and  become  equal 
to  Paris  and  Rome  put  together,  the  one  being  the  Seat  of 
the  great  French  Monarchy,  and  the  other  of  the  Papacy. 

FINIS. 


^ In  1665  97,306  died,  but  only  68,596  were  returned  of  the  plague. 

2 “A  Rome  il  meurt  plus  de  3000  personnes  par  an  parce  qu’il  y a plus  de 
cent  mil  ames.  I’annee  passee  il  y en  avoit  119825  sans  les  Juifs  qui  sont  pres  de 
trent  milles.  On  meurt  moins  a Rome  parce  qu’il  n’y  a pas  d’enfants  a proportion 
des  autres  Villes,  et  bien  des  gens  y vienent  demurer  ayant  passe  le  temps  auquel 
on  meurt  d’advantage.  la  sobriete  et  le  soin  qu’on  a de  la  saute  fait  qu’on  y 

meurt  moins  qu’en  une  Ville  ou  on  est  debauche.” Extract  from  a letter  of 

IT.  Justel  to  the  Royal  Society,  read  27  October,  1686;  Royal  Society’s  Letter 
Book,  vol.  X.,  p.  26. 

2 14716  should  be  14717. 


T 


I 


WHITE-HALL, 

Feb.  1 8th,  1 68^. 

Let  this  be  printed. 

Stmderland  P. 


FIVE  ESSAYS 

I N 

V I Z. 

I.  Objedlions  from  the  City  of  Rey  in  Persia, 
and  from  Mons’^  Auzoiit,  against  two  former  Essays, 
answered,  and  that  London  hath  as  many  People 
as  Paris,  Rome  and  Rotten  put  together. 

II.  A Comparison  between  London  and  Paris  in  14 
particulars. 

III.  Proofs  that  at  London,  within  its  134  Parishes 
named  in  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  there  live  about 
696  thousand  People. 

IV.  An  estimate  of  the  People  in  London,  Paris, 
Amsterdam,  Venice,  Rome,  Dublin,  Bristoll  and 
Rotten,  with  several  observations  upon  the  same. 

V.  Concerning  Holland  and  the  rest  of  the  VII 
United  Provinces. 


By  Sir  WI LLI AM  PETTY, 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 


Invidiam  augendo  tilciscar. 


L O N D ON, 

Printed  for  Henry  Mortlock  at  the  Phoenix  in 
St.  Patd^s  Church-yard.  1687. 


NOTE  ON  THE  “FIVE  ESSAYS.” 


At  the  session  of  the  Royal  Society  22  December,  1686,  Petty 
produced  a defence  of  the  Two  Essays.  The  defence  was  read 
and  the  author  promised  to  lodge  it  with  the  Society*.  The  29th 
December  he  gave  in  two  notes  about  the  magnitude  of  London  and 
Paris,  which  were  ordered  with  his  leave  to  be  printed  I The  two 
notes  were  accordingly  published  in  the  Philosophical  Transactions 
for  November  and  December,  1686^  under  the  caption  of  A further 
Assertion  of  the  Propositions  concerning  the  Magnitude  of  London, 
etc.'^  The  first  note  is  substantially  identical  with  the  first  of  the 
Five  Essays  as  printed  in  1687  and  here  reprinted — variations 
are  indicated  in  the  foot  notes.  The  second  note,  reprinted  on 
p.  537,  is  not  unlike  the  theses  of  the  Fourth  Essay.  At  the  next 
session  of  the  Society,  5 January,  1687,  Petty  produced  three  more 
papers  in  answer  to  the  objection  of  Mr.  Auzout  against  his  con- 
clusion that  London  was  greater  than  Paris  and  Rouen  taken 
together.  He  permitted  them  to  be  read  and  it  was  ordered 
that  Justel’s  pleasure  should  be  known  with  regard  to  printing  an 
extract  of  Auzout’s  letter  with  Petty’s  answers^  Justel  sent  the 
following  interesting  reply; 


Vendredy  au  soir. 

Ce  billet  est  pour  vous  supplier  Monsieur  de  ne  vouloir  pas 
mettre  I’endroit  de  la  lettre  de  Monsieur  Auzout  ou  il  parle  de  celuy 
qui  luy  a dit  qu’il  n’y  a que  vingt  quatre  mil  maisons  parceque  ceci 
leur  nuirait  a tous  deux  et  on  me  reprocherait  d’estre  cause  de 
leur  malheur.  on  est  si  delicat  en  france  que  la  moindre  chose 

^ Birch,  IV.  513.  - Ibid.  516.  ^ Vol.  xvi.  no.  185,  pp.  ■237 — 240. 

^ Bibliography,  19.  ® Birch,  iv.  517. 


Note  on  the  Five  Essays. 


523 


qu’on  trove  disadvantageuse  au  pays  chocque  les  gens  ou  les  rend 
suspects,  il  faut  mettre  qu’on  a dit  a Monsieur  Auzout  qu’il  n’y 
avait  que  vingt  quatre  mil  maisons  sans  nommer  celuy  qui  luy  a dit. 
Vous  en  pouuez  deuiner  la  raison.  J’attends  ce  plaisir  la  de  votre 
bonte  et  suis  Vostre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissant  serviteur 

Justel. 

For  Mr  Edmond  Halley  to  be  left 
with  Mr  Henry  Hunt  at  Gresham 
College  in  bishopgatestreet 
London. 

[Endorsed  by  Southwell]  Mr  Justel’s  note  read  Jan.  26  i68|-l 

Accordingly  no  extract  from  Auzout’s  letter  was  published  with 
Petty’s  three  papers. 

The  Five  Essays  were  published  in  English  and  French  on 
opposite  pages,  each  version  having  its  own  pagination.  The 
French,  here  omitted,  is  a fairly  close  translation  of  the  English. 
They  were  reviewed  in  Leclerc’s  Bibliotheque  universelle  et  histoi’ique^ 
VIII.  Mars,  1688. 


1 Royal  Society’s  Letter  Book  Ji,  letter  no. 


TO  THE 


KINGS 

Most  Excellent  MAJESTY. 

SIR, 

A/' Our  Majesty  having  graciously  accepted  my  two  late 
Essays,  about  the  Cities  and  Hospitals  of  London  and 
Paris,  as  also  my  Observations  on  Rome  and  Ronen ; I do 
(after  six  Months^  waiting  for  what  may  be  said  against  my 
several  Do6lrines,  by  the  able  men  of  Europe)  humbly 
pre-llsent  Your  Majesty  with  a few  other  Papers  upon  the 
same  Subje6l,  to  strengthen,  explain  and  enlarge  the  former  ; 
hoping  by  such  real  arguments,  better  to  praise  and  magnifie 
Your  Majesty,  than  by  any  other  the  most  specious  Words 
and  Elogies  that  can  be  imagined  by 

Your  Majesty  s 

Most  humble,  loyal 

and  obedient  S'ubjedl, 

William  Petty. 

^ The  Tzvo  Essays  were  licensed  the  26  August,  1686,  the  Five  Essays  the 
18  February,  1687. 


The  FIRST  ESSAY. 


I 


IT  could  not  be  expe6led  that  an  assertion  of  Londons 
being  bigger  than  Paris  and  Ronen,  or  than  Paris  and 
Rome  put  together,  and  bigger  than  any  City  of  the  World, 
should  scape  uncontradidled^ ; and  ’tis  also  expelled,  that  I 
(if  continuing  in  the^  same  persuasion)  should  make  some 
reply  to  those  contradi^lions.  In  order  whereunto, 

I begin  with  the  ingenious  Authour  of  the  ^Repnbliq  des 
Lettres^^  who  saith  that  Rey  in  Persia  is  far  bigger  than 

^ The  fact  that  the  Two  Essays  were  published  in  French  and  that  an  “extract” 
of  them  appeared  in  the  Philosophical  7'ransactions  may  have  contributed 
something,  perhaps,  to  the  attention  which  they  attracted  on  the  continent ; their 
subject,  however,  doubtless  had  more  to  do  with  it.  Pierre  Bayle  reviewed  them 
in  his  Nouvelles  de  la  Republiqiie  des  Lett7'es  for  October,  1686  (p.  1144  ff. , also  in 
his  Oeuvres  diverses,  pp.  661 — 662),  and  the  Leipzig  Acta  ei'udilortwi  for  October, 
1687,  summarized  his  review  in  connection  with  its  notice  of  Petty’s  Further 
Assertioti.  Bayle  concludes,  “ On  attend  quelques  autres  Pieces  considerables  de 
M.  le  Chevalier  Petty,  qui  apparemment  se  verra  critique  bientot  par  quelque 
Savant  de  Paris.”  It  seems  that  Bayle’s  conjecture  must  have  been  verified,  for  the 
3rd  November  Justel  communicated  to  the  Royal  Society  that  there  was  an  answer 
published  in  France  to  Petty’s  essay  on  the  comparison  between  London  and  Paris, 
and  in  the  s^me  month  Petty  was  told  by  the  King  that  his  Essays  were  answering  in 
France,  and  by  several  others  that  the  mightiest  hammers  there  were  battering  his 
poor  anvil.  Birch,  iv.  500,  Fitzmaurice,  285.  I have  found  no  trace  of  these 
replies,  nor  anything  to  indicate  that  they  ever  came  into  Petty’s  hands.  (See 
“The  Eighth  Objection”  in  the  Treatise  of  Irela7id,  post).  Bayle’s  criticism,  on 
the  contrary,  doubtless  reached  Petty  in  November,  as  the  previous  number  of  the 
Nouvelles,  September,  1686,  was  received  at  the  Royal  Society  27  October,  1686. 
Birch,  IV.  498. 

2 1686,  ‘ that.’  3 1686,  ‘ the  Nouvelles  de  la  RepubliqueP 

^ Bayle,  commenting  on  Petty’s  assertion  that  London  was  the  largest  city 
in  the  world,  asks,  “ Mais  que  seroit-ce  en  comparaison  de  Rey,  si  tout  ce  que  les 
Historiens  de  Perse  en  disent  etoit  veritable?”  He  then  refers  to  his  review  of 


526 


Five  Essays. 


2 London,  for  that  ||  in  the  sixth  Century  of  Christianity  (I 
suppose,  An.  550  the  middle  of  that  Century)  it  had^  15000, 
or  rather  44000  Moschees,  or  Mahometan  Temples;  to  which 
I reply,  that  I hope  this  Objedlor  is  but  in  jest,  for  that 
Mahomet  was  not  born  till  about  the  year  570,  and  had  no 
Moschees  till  about  50  years  after. 

^In  the  next  place  I reply  to  the  excellent  Monsr.  AnzouF 
Letters  from  Rome,  who  is  content  that  London,  Westminster 
and  Soicthwark,  may  have  as  many  people  as  Paris  and  its 
Suburbs;  and  but  faintly  denieth,  that  all  the  Housing  within 
the  Bills,  may  have  almost  as  many  people  as  Paris  and  || 
Rouen,  but  saith  that  several  Parishes  inserted  into  these 
Bills,  are  distant  from,  and  not  contiguous  with  Londo7i,  and 
that  Grant  so  understood  it^ 

The  Travels  of  Sir  John  Chardin  into  Persia  and  the  East  Indies  (London  : Moses 
Pitt,  1686,  f"),  in  the  same  number  of  the  Nonvelles.  The  passage  of  Chardin 
(p.  387),  which  Bayle  translates,  runs  thus:  “Opposite  to  this  [Ech-mouil]  are  to 

be  seen  some  footsteps  of  that  famous  City  of  Rey,  the  biggest  city  in  Asia The 

Persian  Histories  report,  that  in  the  time  of  Calife  Medybilla-abou-Mohamed- 
Darvanich,  who  liv’d  in  the  ninth  Age  of  Christianism  the  City  of  Rey  was 
divided  into  96  Quarters,  of  which  every  one  contained  46  streets,  and  every  Street 

400  Houses  and  ten  Mosqnes Arabian  writers  affirm  in  like  manner,  that  in 

the  third  Age  of  Muhametism,  which  is  exactly  at  the  same  time,  that  Rey  was  the 
best  peopl’d  City  in  Asia.”  This  refers  obviously  to  the  ninth  century,  but 
Bayle  summarizes  “ elle  [la  Geographie  Persane'\  porte  qu’au  6.  siecle  du 
Christianisme  la  Ville  de  Rey  etoit  divisee,”  etc.  And  it  is  exclusively  against 
this  chronological  blunder,  perhaps  caused  by  a misprint,  that  Petty  directs  his 
answer  to  Bayle. 

^ 1686,  ‘An.  550,  it  had.’ 

^ 1686:  ‘The  next  is  the  excellent  Monsieur  Atizont  from  Rome,  who  is 
content  that  London,  IVestmmster,  and  Southwark  with  the  contigous  Housing 
may  have,’  etc.  The  French  version  of  1687  has,  ‘ Ensuite  je  repons  aux  lettres 
que  I’excellent  Mr.  Auzout  ecrit  de  Londres.'  In  the  1699  edition  “Lortdres”  is 
altered  to  “Rome.” 

3 Adrien  Auzout,  astronomer,  was  born  at  Rouen  early  in  the  seventeenth 
century.  He  was  one  of  the  first  members  of  the  Academie  des  Sciences,  but  lost 
his  seat  through  an  intrigue  and  went  to  Italy,  dying  at  Rome  in  1691.  Auzout 
was  a frequent  correspondent  of  the  Royal  Society.  Birch,  iv.  162,  301 ; Philos. 
Trans,  no.  i,  p.  3,  no.  2,  p.  18,  no.  3,  p.  36,  no.  4,  pp.  55,  56,  63,  68,  69,  74,  no. 
7,  p.  120,  no.  12,  p.  203,  no.  21,  p.  373.  His  letter  or  letters  here  referred  to  are 
not  preserved  at  the  Royal  Society,  nor  do  I find  any  allusion  to  his  letter  of  19 
November  in  Justel’s  letters.  Pie  may  have  addressed  himself  to  Petty  directly. 

See  p.  423. 


Extent  of  London. 


527 


To  which  (as  his  main  if  not  his  onely  obje6lion)^  we 
answer:  i.  That  the  London  Bills  appear  in  Grants  Book, 
to  have  been  always  since^  the  year  1636,  as  they  now  are. 

2.  That  about  50  years  since,  3 or  4 Parishes,  formerly  some- 
what distant®  were  joyned  by  interposed  Buildings,  to  the 
Bulk  of  the  City,  and  therefore  then  inserted  into  the  Bills. 

3.  That  since  50  years,  the  whole  ||  buildings  being  more  4 
than  double;  have  perfedled  that  Union,  so  as  there  is  no 
House  within  the  said  Bills,  from  which  one  may  not  call  to 
some  other  House.  4.  All  this  is  confirmed  by  Authority  of 
the  King  and  City,  and  the  Custome  of  50  years^  5.  That 
there  are  but  3 Parishes  under  any  colour  of  this  Exception, 
which  are  scarce  part  of  the  whole. 

Upon  the  whole  matter,  upon  sight  of  Monsr.  Au^onfs 
large  Letter,  dated  the  19th  of*  November,  from  Rome,  I 
made  Remarques®  upon  every  Paragraph  thereof ; but  sup- 
pressing it  (because  it  lookt  like  a War  against  a worthy 
Per-|lson  with®  whom  I intended  none,  whereas  in  truth  it  5 
was  but  a reconciling  explication  of  some  doubts)  I have 
chosen  the  shorter  and  softer^  way  of  answering  Monsieur 
Auzoiit  as  followeth,  viz.  || 


Concerning  the  number  of  People  in  Lo7idon,  as  also  in  6 
Paris,  Rouen  and  Ro^rie,  viz. 

Monsieur  Auzoiit  alledgeth  an  authentick  Ac-" 
compt®,  that  there  are  23223  Houses  in  Pains, 
wherein  do  live  about  80  thousand  Families,  and 
therefore  supposing  3J  Families  to  live  in  every 
of  the  said  Houses,  one  with  another,  the  number  487,680 
of  Families  will  be  81280;  and  Monsr.  Auzout  also  | 
allowing  6 Heads  to  each  Family®,  the  utmost  | 

^ 1686,  ‘his  main,  if  not  only  Objection.’ 

2 1686,  ‘ to  have  been,  since.’  ® 1686,  ‘ formerly  distant.’ 

^ 1686,  ‘ and  so  long  custom.’  ‘ Of  50  years  ’ was  added  in  1687. 

^ 1686,  ‘ Upon  sight  of  Monsieur  Auzouts  large  Letter,  I made  Remarques.’ 

® 1686,  ‘ against  one  with.’  ^ 1686,  ‘sweeter.’ 

® 1686,  ‘ Register.’ 

® Petty  previously  allowed  eight  heads  to  the  tenanted  house  (p.  459)  and 
later  (p.  534),  he  assumed  eight,  ten  or  five  according  to  social  position. 


528 


Five  Essays. 


number  of  People  in  Paris  according  to  that 
opinion^  will  be  || 

The  Medium  of  the  Paris  Burials  was  not  denied^ 
by  Monsr.  Aiizoiit  to  be  19887,  nor  that^  there  died 
3506  unnecessarily  out  of  U Hotel- Dieti  \ where- 
fore dedudling  the  said  last  Number  out  of  the 
former,  the  neat'‘  standard  for  Burials  at  Paris,  will 
be  16381,  so  as  the  number  of  People  there,  allowing  491,430 
but  one  to  die  out  of  30  (which  is  more  advantageous 
to  Paris  than  Monsr.  A?izout’s  opinion  of  one  to  die 
out  of  25)  the  number  of  People  at  Paris  will  be 
8491,430,  II  more  than  by  Monsr.  Auzoitf^  own  last 
mentioned  Account. 

/ 

And  the  Medium  of  the  said  2 Paris  acc^®  is  j 488,055  -^ 
The  Medium  of  the  London  Burials  is  really®  | 

23212,  which  multiplied  by  30  (as  hath  been  done  [ 696,360 
for  Paris)  the  number  of  the  People  there  will  be  ||  J 
9 The  number  of  Houses  at  London  appears  by' 
the  Register  to  be  105,315,  whereunto  adding  jL 
part  of  the  same,  or  1033 H,  as  the  least  number  of 
double  Families  that  can  be  supposed  in  London,  I 695,076 
the  total  of  Families  will  be  115,840®;  and  allowing 
6 heads  for  each  Family  as  was  done  for  Paris,  the 
total  of  the  People  at  London  will  be 

The  Medium  of  the  two  last  London  Accounts ) 
is  II 


I 


695,718 


^ 1686,  ‘ to  M.  Auzout’s  opinion.’ 

^ 1686,  ‘ was  allowed  by.’ 

^ 1686,  ‘and  that.’ 

^ 1686,  ‘ Number,  the  neat.’ 

^ 488,055  should  be  489,555  ; this  mistake,  continued  through  the  subse- 
quent calculations,  gives  rise  to  errors  that  are  mentioned  in  the  notes.  But 
accepting  Petty’s  mistaken  “ medium  of  the  said  two  Paris  accounts,”  his  calculations 
are  correct. 

® “Really”  apparently  refers  to  Petty’s  previous  use  (p.  506)  of  22,337  the 
medium  of  London  burials.  He  gets  this  new  and  higher  medium  by  taking  the 
years  1684  and  1685  only,  instead  of  1683 — 85,  as  in  the  Two  Essays. 

^ 1686,  ‘part  or  10531.’  The  ‘ 10,331  ’ of  the  1687  edition  is  a misprint  for 

10,531- 

® 1 1 5,840  is  a misprint  for  1 1 5,846. 


Extent  of  London. 


529 


So  as^  the  People  of  Paris  according] 
to  the  above  account^  is  I ’ I 

Of  Rotten  according  to  Monsr.  A uzotifs 
utmost  demands 

Of  Rome  according  to  his  own  report  ] 
thereof  in  a former  Letter^  ||  J 


80,000 


25,000 


693.055 


So  as  there  are  more  People  at  London  than  at 
Paris,  Rotten  and  Rome  by 

Metnorandttm,  That  the  Parishes  of  Islington,  ^ 
Nezvington  and  Hackney,  for  which  onely  there  is 
any  colour  of  Non-contiguity,  is  not  part  of 
what  is  contained,  in  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  and 
consequently  London,  without  the  said  3 Parishes, 
hath®  more  |1  People  than  Paris  and  Rotten  put 
together,  by 

®Which  number  of  114,284  is  probably  more  People  than 
any  other  City  of  France  contains.  || 


2,663* 


114,284- 


^ 1686  omits  ‘ So  as.’  ^ 1686,  ‘ the  above-said  Account.’ 

‘ 488,055  ’ should  be  489,555.  ^ ‘ 693,055  ’ should  be  694,555. 

® 1686  omits  ‘in  a former  letter,’  which  may  imply  that  a second  letter, 
making  the  first  ‘ former,’  was  received  from  Auzout  between  the  publication  of 
this  essay  in  the  Philos.  Trans,  and  its  issue  in  book  form. 

® ‘ 2663  ’ should  be  1163.  ^ ‘ 1 14,284 ’ should  be  1 12,784. 

^ 1686,  ‘without  them,  hath.’ 

® 1686  omits  the  last  paragraph  ‘ Which... contains,’  and  concludes  with  the 
‘several  other  estimates’  printed  on  p.  537. 


H.  P. 


34 


13 


The  SECOND  ESSAY. 


S for  other  Comparisons  of  London  with  Paris,  we  farther 


Jr\.  repeat  and  enlarge  what  hath  been  formerly  said  upon 
those  matters,  as  followeth,  viz, 

1.  That  40  per  Cent,  die  out  of  the  Hospitals  at  Paris 
where  so  many  die  unnecessarily,  and  scarce  2^^  of  that 
proportion  out  of  the  Hospitals  of  Lo7idon,  which  have  been 
shewn  to  be  better  than  the  best  of  Paris. 

2.  That  at  Paris  81280  Kitchins,  are  within  less  than 

14  24000  11  Street-doresh  which  makes  less  cleanly  and  convenient 
way  of  living  than  at  London. 

3.  Where  the  number  of  Christnings  are  near  unto,  or 
exceed  the  Burials,  the  People  are  poorer,  having  few  Servants 
and  little  Equipage. 

4.  The  river  of  Thames  is  more  pleasant  and  navigable 
than  the  Seyne,  and  its  Waters  better  and  more  wholesome; 
and  the  Bridge  of  London,  is  the  most  considerable  of  all 
Europe. 

5.  The  Shipping  and  foreign  Trade  of  Londo7i  is  incom- 
parably greater  than  that  at  Pa7'is  and  Ronen.  || 

15  6.  The  Lawyers  Chambers  at  L^o7ido7i  have  2772  Chimnies 
in  them,  and  are  worth  140  thousand  Pounds  sterling,  or 
3 millions  of  French  Livers,  besides  the  dwellings  of  their 
Families  elsewhere. 

7.  The  Air  is  more  wholesome,  for  that  at  Lo7ido7i  scarce 
2 of  16  die  out  of  the  worst  Hospitals,  but  at  Pa7'is  above  2 

^ On  the  basis  of  one  kitchen  for  each  of  Auzout’s  families  and  one  street 
door  for  each  of  his  23,233  houses,  see  p.  527. 


Londo7i  and  Paris. 


531 


of  15  out  of  the  best.  Moreover  the  Burials  of  Paris  are  i 
part  above  and  below  the  Medium,  but  at  London  not  above 
y^2>  so  as  the  intemperies  of  the  Air  at  Paris  is  far  greater 
than  at  Lo^idon. 

8.  The  Fuel  cheaper,  and  lies  in  less  room,  the  Coals 

being  an  ||  wholesome  sulphurous  bitumen.  16 

9.  All  the  most  necessary  sorts  of  Vi6luals,  and  of  Fish, 
are  cheaper,  and  Drinks  of  all  sorts  in  greater  variety  and 
plenty. 

10.  The  Churches  of  London  we  leave  to  be  judg’d  by 
thinking  that  nothing  at  Paris  is  so  great  as  St.  Pard'^  was, 
and  is  like  to  be,  nor  so  beautifull  as  Henry  the  seventh’s 
Chapel. 

11.  On  the  other  hand,  ’tis  probable,  that  there  is  more 
Money  in  Paris  than  Lo7ido7i,  if  the  publick  Revenue  (grosly 
speaking,  |j  quadruple  to  that  of  E7igia7id)  be  lodged  there.  17 

12.  Paris  hath  not  been  for  these  last  50  years  so  much 
infested  with  the  Plague  as  Lo7ido7i ; now  that  at  Lo7ido7i  the 
Plague  (which  between  the  year  1591  and  1666,  made  5 
returns,  viz.  every  15  years,  at  a Medium,  and  at  each  time 
carried  away  i of  the  People)  hath  not  been  known  for  the 
21  years  last  past,  and  there  is  a visible  way  by  God’s  ordinary 
Blessing  to  lessen  the  same  by  | when  it  next  appearethk 

13.  As  to  the  Ground  upon  which  Paris  stands  in  respedt 
of  London,  we  say,  that  if  there  be  5 Stories  ||  or  Floors  of  18 
Housing  at  Paris,  for  4 at  Lo7ido7i,  or  in  that  proportion,  then 
the  82  thousand  Families  of  Paris  stand  upon  the  equivalent 
of  65  thousand  Lo7ido7i  Housteds,  and  if  there  be  1 15  thousand 
Families  at  Lo7ido7i,  and  but  82  thousand  at  Paris,  then  the 
proportion  of  the  Lo7ido7i  Ground  to  that  of  Paris  is  as  115 
to  65,  or  as  23  to  13. 

14.  Moreover  Paris  is  said  to  be  an  Oval  of  3 English 
Miles  long  and  2\  broad,  the  Area  whereof  contains  but 
square  Miles  ; but  Lo7ido7t  is  7 Miles  long,  and  ij  broad  at  a 
Medium,  which  makes  an  Area  of  near  9 square  Miles,  which 
proportion  of  5|-  to  9 differs  little  from  that  of  13  to  23.  || 

^ Probably  an  allusion  to  Petty’s  plan  ‘Of  Lessening  ye  Plagues  of  London.’ 
See  Verbum  Sap.,  p.  109,  note. 


34—2 


532 


Five  Essays. 


19  1 5.  Memorandtim,  That  in  Nerd’s,  time,  as  Monsr.  Chivreau 
reporteth\  there  died  300  thousand  People  of  the  Plague  in 
Old  Rome  \ Now  if  there  died  3 of  10  then,  and  there,  being 
a hotter  Countrey,  as  there  dies  2 of  10  at  London,  the 
number  of  People  at  that  time,  was  but  a million,  whereas 
at  London  they  are  now  about  700  thousand.  Moreover  the 
Ground  within  the  Walls  of  Old  Rome  was  a Circle  but  of 
3 Miles  diameter,  whose  Area  is  about  7 square  Miles,  and 
the  Suburbs  scarce  as  much  more,  in  all  about  13  square 
Miles,  whereas  the  built  Ground  at  London  is  about  9 square 

20  Miles  as  1|  aforesaid  ; which  two  sorts  of  proportions,  agree 
with  each  other,  and  consequently  Old  Rome  seems  but  to 
have  been  half  as  big  again  as  the  present  London,  which  we 
offer  to  Antiquaries.  || 

^ Petty’s  use  of  Chevreau’s  estimate  argues  no  knowledge  of  the  Histoire 
dll  Monde  (Paris,  1686,  2 v.  4°)  beyond  what  he  might  have  drawn  from  Bayle’s 

words,  “ II  s’etend  beaucoup  sur  la  magnificence  de  Rome II  croit  qu’il  s’y  est 

trouve  pres  de  quatre  millions  d’habitans,  & il  reporte  que  les  trois  cens  mille 
personnes  qui  y moururent  de  peste  en  une  Automne  sous  le  regne  de  Neron,  ne 
firent  pas  remarquer  que  le  nombre  des  habitans  fut  devenu  moindre,  Repiiblique 
des  Lettres,  Nov.,  1686,  Oeuvres,  i.  680. 


The  THIRD  ESSAY. 


21 


P Roofs  that  the  number  of  People  in  the  134  Parishes  of 
the  London  Bills  of  Mortality,  without  reference  to  other 
Cities,  is  about  696  thousand,  viz. 

I know  but  three  ways  of  finding  the  same. 

I.  By  the  Houses,  and  Families,  and  Heads  living  in  each. 

2.  By  the  number  of  Burials  in  healthfull  times,  and  by 
the  proportion  of  those  that  live,  to  those  that  die.  || 

3.  By  the  number  of  those  who  die  of  the  Plague  in  22 
Pestilential  years,  in  proportion  to  those  that  scape. 

The  First  way. 

To  know  the  number  of  Houses  I used  three  methods,  viz. 

I.  The  number  of  Houses  which  were  burnt  Anno  1666, 
which  by  authentick  Report  was  13200;  next  what  proportion 
the  People  who  dyed  out  of  those  Houses,  bore  to  the  whole  ; 
which  I find  Anno  1686,  to  be  but  f part,  but  Anno  1666 
to  be  almost  J,  from  whence  I infer  the  whole  Housing  of 
London  ||  Anno  1666  to  have  been  66  thousand,  then  finding  23 
the  Burials  Anno  1666  to  be  to  those  of  1686  as  3 to  4, 

I pitch  upon  88  thousand  to  be  the  number  of  Housing 
Anno  1686. 

2.  Those  who  have  been  employed  in  making  the  general 
Map^  of  London,  set  forth  in  the  year  1682,  told  me  that  in 

^ Petty  twice  refers  to  a map  of  London  “ set  forth  in  the  year  1682  ” (see  also 
p.  542),  but  no  such  map  can  be  found  at  the  British  Museum.  Mr  C.  H.  Coote, 
of  the  Department  of  Maps,  thinks  it  probable  that  the  map  which  Petty  used  was 
Ogilby  and  Morgan’s.  This  map  was  published  with  the  title  : A lat'ge  and 


534 


Five  Essays. 


that  year,  they  had  found  above  84  thousand  Houses  to  be  in 
London,  wherefore  Anno  1686,  or  in  4 years  more,  there  might 
be  Jq  or  8400  Houses  more  {Londoji  doubling  in  40  years)  so 
as  the  whole,  Aimo  1686  might  be  92400.  || 

24  3.  I found  that  Anno  1685,  there  were  29325  Harths 
in  Dublin,  and  6400  Houses,  and  in  London  388  thousand 
Harths,  whereby  there  must  have  been  at  that  rate  87000 
Houses  in  Londoji.  Moreover  I found  that  in  Bristol  there 
were  in  the  same  year  16752  Harths,  and  5307  Houses,  and 
in  London  388  thousand  Harths  as  aforesaid  ; at  which  rate 
there  must  have  been  123  thousand  Houses  in  Lo7idon,  and 
at  a Medium  between  Dublin  and  Bristol  proportions  105 
thousand  Houses. 

Lastly,  By  Certificate  from  the  Harth-Ofifice,  I find  the 
Houses  within  the  Bills  of  Mortality  to  be  105,315.11 

25  Having  thus  found  the  Houses,  I proceed  next  to  the 
number  of  Families  in  them,  and  first  I thought  that  if  there 
were  3 or  4 Families  or  Kitchins  in  every  House  of  Paris, 
there  might  be  2 Families  in  of  the  Housing  of  London', 
unto  which  supposition,  the  common  opinion  of  several 
Friends,  doth  concur  with  my  own  conjedlures. 

As  to  the  number  of  Heads  in  each  Family,  I stick  to 
Grant' ?>  observation  in  page  ^ of  his  fifth  Edition,  That  in 
Tradesmen  of  London's  Families,  there  be  8 Heads  one  with 

26  another,  in  Families  of  higher  Ranks,  above  10,  ||  and  in  the 
poorest  near  5,  according  to  which  proportions,  I had  upon 
another  occasion*'*  pitch’d  the  medium  of  Heads  in  all  the 
Families  of  E^igland  to  be  61,  but  quitting  the  Fra6lion  in 
this  Case,  I agree  with  Monsieur  Auzout  for  6. 

accurate  map  of  the  city  of  London  Ichnographically  Describing  all  the  Streets, 
Lanes,  Alleys,  Courts,  Yards,  Churches,  Halls  and  Houses,  dr.  Actually  Surveyed 

and  Delineated  By  John  Ogilby  Esq.  dedicated  and  presented  by  ...William 

Morgan,  and  was  accompanied  by  a descriptive  text  entitled  London  Survey'd: 
or,  an  explanation  of  the  large  map  of  London.  Giving  a Particular  Account  Of 
the  Streets  and  Lanes,  in  the  City  and  Liberties.  By  John  Ogilby  d William 
Morgan,  His  Majesty's  Cosmographers.  London,  Fruited  and  Sold  at  the  Authors 
House  In  White  Fryers,  1677.  So  far  as  I can  discover,  neither  the  map  nor  the 
text  makes  any  calculation  of  the  population  or  of  the  houses  of  London. 

^ Page  82  of  the  fifth  ed.,  p.  385  of  this  reprint. 

“ In  some  ealculation  now  probably  lost. 


Burials  at  Lo7tdon. 


535 


To  conclude,  the  Houses  of  London  being  1053 15,  and 
the  addition  of  double  Families  1053 1 more,  in  all  115846; 
I multiplied  the  same  by  6,  which  produced  695076  for  the 
number  of  the  People. 


The  Second  way. 

I found  that  the  years  1684  and  1685,  being  next  each 
other,  and  1|  both  healthfull,  did  wonderfully  agree  in  their  27 
Burials,  viz.  1684  they  were  23202,  and  A71710  1685  23222,  the 
Medium  whereof  is  23212;  Moreover  that  the  Christnings 
1684  were  14,702,  and  those  A71710  1685  were  14730,  wherefore 
I multiplied  the  Medium  of  Burials  23212  by  30,  supposing 
that  one  dies  out  of  30  at  Lo7ido7t,  which  made  the  number 
of  People  696,360  Souls h 

Now  to  prove  that  one  dies  out  of  30  at  Londo7t,  or 
thereabouts,  I say, 

1.  That  G7'a7it  in  the  ^ page  of  his  fifth  Edition, 
affirmeth  from  observation,  that  3 died  of  88  per  ||  a7i.  which  28 
is  near  the  same  proportion. 

2.  I found  that  out  of  healthfull  places,  and  out  of  adult 
persons,  there  dies  much  fewer,  as  but  i out  of  50  among 
our  Parliament  men,  and  that  the  Kings  of  E7igland  having 
reigned  24  years  one  with  another,  probably  lived  above 
30  years  each. 

3.  Gra7it,  page  hath  shewn  that  but  about  i of  20 
die  per  a7i.  out  of  young  Children  under  10  years  old,  and 
Monsr.  Auzout  thinks  that  but  i of  40  die  at  Ro77te,  out  of  the 
greater  proportion  of  adult  persons  there,  wherefore  we  still 
stick  at  a Medium  to  the  number  30.  1| 

4.  In  9 Countrey  Parishes  lying  in  several  parts  of  29 
E7igla7id,  I find  that  but  one  of  37  hath  died  per  a7i.  or  311 
out  of  1 1 507,  wherefore  till  I see  another  round  number, 

^ Cf.  p.  506,  where,  by  averaging  more  years,  Petty  gets  a smaller 
population. 

^ Page  82  of  the  fifth  ed.,  p.  385  of  this  reprint.  Graunt  says  that  3 died 
out  of  1 1 families  and  guesses  that  the  families  have,  one  with  another,  8 members. 

^ Graunt  makes  no  such  assertion.  Petty’s  proposition  appears  to  be  a 
guess  which  may  find  some  slight  support  on  pp.  386 — 387  of  Graunt. 


536 


Five  Essays. 


grounded  upon  many  observations,  nearer  than  30,  I hope 
to  have  done  pretty  well  in  multiplying  our  Burials  by  30, 
to  find  the  number  of  the  People,  the  produ6l  being  696,360, 
and  what  we  find  by  the  Families  they  are  695,076,  as 
aforesaid. 


The  Third  way. 

It  was  prov’d  by  Gra7id,  that  -t  of  the  People  died  of  the 

30  Plague,  but  Anno  1665  there  died  of  the  ||  Plague  near  98 
thousand  persons^  the  Quintuple  whereof  is  490  thousand,  as 
the  number  of  People  in  the  year  1665,  whereunto  adding 
above  J,  as  the  increase  between  1665  and  1686,  the  total  is 
653  thousand,  agreeing  well  enough  with  the  other  two 
Computations  above  mentioned. 

Wherefore  let  the  proportion  of  i to  30  continue  till  a 
better  be  put  in  its  place. 

Meniorandimi^  That  2 or  3 hundred  new  Houses  would 
make  a Contiguity  of  2 or  3 other  great  Parishes,  with  the 
134  already  mentioned  in  the  Bills  of  Mortality  ; and  that  an 
oval  Wall  of  about  20  Miles  in  compass  would  enclose  the  || 

31  same,  and  all  the  Shipping  at  Deptfo^E  and  Blaek-wall,  and 
would  also  fence  in  20  thousand  Acres  of  Land,  and  lay  the 
foundation  or  designation  of  several  vast  advantages  to  the 
Owners,  and  Inhabitants  of  that  Ground,  as  also  to  the  whole 
Nation  and  Government.  || 

^ Graunt  does  not  say  this. 

2 In  1665  there  died  in  all  97,306,  whereof  68,596  of  the  plague.  On  this 
basis,  Petty’s  method  would  give  a population  of  about  460,000  in  1686, 
agreeing  ill  enough  with  the  other  two  computations  above  mentioned. 


The  FOURTH  ESSAYS. 


32 


Co7tceriiing  the  proportions  of  People  in  the  8 eminent 
Cities  of  Christendom  undernamed^  viz. 

I.  TT  7E  have  by  the  number  of  Burials  in  healthfull 
V V years,  and  by  the  proportion  of  the  living  to 
those  who  die  yearly,  as  also  by  the  number  of  Houses  and 
Families  within  the  134  Parishes,  called  London,  and  the 
estimate  of  the  Heads  in  each,  pitch’d  upon  the  number  of 
People  in  that  City  to  be  at  a Medium  695718.  || 

2.  We  have,  by  allowing  that  at  Paris  above  80  thousand  33 
Families  {viz.  81280)  do  live  in  23223  Houses,  32  Palaces, 
and  38  Colleges,  or  that  there  are  81,280  Kitchins  within  less 
than  24  thousand  Street-dores  ; as  also  by  allowing  30  Heads 
for  every  one  that  died  necessarily  there ; we  have  pitch’d 
upon  the  number  of  People  there  at  a Medium  to  be  488055, 
nor  have  we  restrained  them  to  300  thousand,  by  allowing 
with  Monsr.  Anzont  6 Heads  for  each  of  Morerfs  50  thousand 
Houses  or  Families. 


^ This  essay  is  outlined  in  the  “Several  other  Estimates”  which  Petty 
appended  to  the  earliest  publication  of  the  Ftrs^  Essay  (p.  5^2)  viz. 

I.  That  London  alone  is  equal  to  Paris,  Roven,  and  Rome,  as  aforesaid. 

II.  That  London,  Bristol,  and  Dublin  are  equal  to  Paris,  Amsterdam,  and 
Venice. 

III.  That  London  alone  is  to  Amsterdain,  Venice,  and  Roven  as  7 to  4. 

IV.  That  London  and  Bristol  are  equal  to  any  four  Cities  of  Finance. 

V.  That  Dublin  is  probably  equal  to  the  second  best  City,  of  any  Kingdom 
or  State  in  Christendome. 

VI.  That  London,  for  ought  appears,  is  the  greatest  City  of  the  World,  but 
manifestly  the  greatest  Emporium. 


538 


Five  Essays. 


3.  To  Amsterdam  we  allow  187350  Souls,  viz.  30  times 
the  number  of  their  Burials,  which  were  6245  in  the  year 
1685.  II 

34  4.  To  Venice  we  allow  134  thousand  Souls,  as  found 
there  in  a special  account  taken  by  authority,  about  10  years 
since,  when  the  City  abounded  with  such  as  returned  from 
Candia,  then  surrendered  to  the  Tnrks^. 

5.  To  Rome  we  allow  119  thousand  Christians  and  6000 
Jews,  in  all  12.5  thousand  Souls,  according  to  an  account  sent 
hither  of  the  same  by  Monsr.  Anzonf. 

6.  To  Dublin  we  allow  (as  to  Amsterdant)  30  times  its 
Burials,  the  Medium  whereof  for  the  last  2 years  is  2303,  viz. 
69090  Souls.  II 

35  7.  As  to  Bristol^  we  say  that  if  the  6400  Houses  of 
Dublin,  give  69,090  People,  that  the  5307  Houses  of  Bristol, 
must  give  above  56  thousand  People ; Moreover,  if  the 
29325  Harths  of  Dublin  give  69,090  People,  the  16,752 
Harths  of  Bristol,  must  give  about  40  thousand  ; but  the 
Medium  of  56  thousand  and  40  thousand  is  48  thousand. 

8.  As  for  Rouen,  we  have  no  help,  but  Monsr.  Auzoufs 
fancy  of  80  thousand  Souls  to  be  in  that  City,  and  the 
conjedlure  of  knowing  Men  that  Rouen  is  between  the  -f  and 
\ part  of  Paris,  and  also  that  it  is  by  a third  bigger  than 

2,6  Bristol',  By  all  which,  we  estimate  ||  (till  farther  light)  that 
Rouen  hath  at  most  but  66  thousand  People  in  it. 

Now  it  may  be  wondred  why  we  mentioned  Rouen  at  all, 


^ In  the  Commonplace  book  of  Petty’s  friend  Dr  Ent  at  the  Royal  Society 
(MSS.  vol.  83)  is  a memorandum  (pp.  78 — 79)  of  the  number  of  inhabitants  of 
Venice.  The  classes  enumerated  are  noblemen,  merchants,  servants,  artificers, 
beggars,  friars,  nuns,  priests,  poor  in  hospitals,  Jews.  In  most  cases  they  are 
distinguished  as  male  and  female,  and  the  number  of  their  children,  male  and 
female,  is  also  given.  The  total  is  134,801.  If  Petty’s  authority  be,  as  seems  not 
improbable,  the  same  as  that  used  by  Ent,  the  chronology  is  confused.  He  was 
writing  in  1686  or  1687.  Candia  surrendered  nearly  20  years  before,  the  special 
account  is  said  by  Ent  to  have  been  taken  more  than  20  years  before  the  sur- 
render, and  Yriarte  appears  to  assign  it  to  the  year  1582.  La  vie  d'tai  patricien 
de  Venise,  p.  72.  Unfortunately  I have  no  present  access  to  such  authoritative 
books  as  might  determine  the  question.  The  Present  State  of  Venice,  by  J.  Gailhard 
(1669)  .says  that  the  city  contains  above  300,000  souls. 

See  p.  529,  and  note  5. 


Population  of  Various  Cities. 


539 


having  had  so  little  knowledge  of  it ; Whereunto  we  answer, 
that  we  did  not  think  it  just  to  compare  London  with  Paris., 
as  to  Shipping  and  foreign  Trade,  without  adding  Rouen 
thereunto,  Rouen  being  to  Paris  as  that  part  of  London 
which  is  below  the  Bridge,  is  to  what  is  above  it. 

All  which  we  heartily- submit  to  the  corredlion  of  the 
Curious  and  ||  Candid,  in  the  mean  time  observing  according  37 
to  the  Gross  numbers  undermentioned. 


m. 

London 

696 

Paris 

488 

A ms  ter  dam 

187 

Venice 

134 

Ro7ne 

125 

Dublin 

69 

Bristoll 

48 

Rouen 

66  II 

Observatio7is  on  the  said  8 Cities.  38 

m. 

1.  That  the  People  of  Paris  being  488 

of  Rome  125 

of  Rouen  66 

do  make  in  all  but  679 


thousand,  or  17  thousand  less  than  the  696  thousand  of 
London  alone. 

2.  That  the  People  of  the  2 English  Cities  and  Em- 
poriums, viz.  of  London  696  thousand,  and  Bristol  48 
thousand,  do  make  744  thousand,  or  more  than 


m. 

In  Paris  488 

A msterdaiPi  187 

Rouen  66 

Being  in  all  741  || 


540 


Five  Essays. 


3.  That  the  same  2 English  Cities  seem  equivalent 
To  Paris,  which  hath  488  thous.  Souls. 


To  Rouen  66 

To  Lyons  100 

To  TJwulose  90 

In  all  744 


If  there  be  any  Errour  in  these  Conje6lures  concerning 
these  Cities  of  Fra^ice,  we  hope  they  will  be  mended  by  those 
whom  we  hear  to  be  now  at  work  upon  that  matter^.  1| 

4.  That  the  King  of  England's,  3 Cities,  viz. 


m. 

m. 

London 

696) 

T3 

<L) 

Paris 

488 

Dublin 

69  [ 

0 

U 

A nisterdani 

187 

Bristoll 

48) 

X 

a; 

. Venice 

134 

in  all 

813 

being  but 

809 

5.  That  of  the  4 great  Emporiums,  London,  Amsterdani, 
Venice  and  Rouen,  London  alone  is  near  double  to  the  other 
3,  viz.  above  7 to  4. 

m. 

A nisterdani  1 87  '1  m. 

Venice  I34r  3^7 

Rouen  66)  2 

774  Lond.  696  m.  || 

6.  That  London  (for  ought  appears)  is  the  greatest  and 
most  considerable  City  of  the  World,  but  manifestly  the 
greatest  Emporium. 

When  these  Assertions  have  past  the  Exanien  of  the 
Critiques,  we  shall  make  another  Essay,  shewing  how  to 
apply  those  Truths  to  the  Honour  and  Profit  of  the  King 
and  Kingdom  of  EnglaiuF.  || 


^ See  p.  525,  note. 

" Failing  health  and  interest  in  his  Treatise  of  Ireland,  printed  in  this  volume, 
probably  prevented  Petty  from  writing  the  promised  essay. 


The  FIFTH  ESSAY. 


42 


Concerning  Holland  and  the  rest  of  the  United 
Provinces. 

Since  the  close  of  this  Paper,  it  hath  been  objedled  from 
Holland,  That  what  hath  been  said  of  the  number  of 
Houses  and  People  in  London  is  not  like  to  be  true  ; for  that 
if  it  were,  then  London  would  be  the  | of  the  whole  Province 
of  Holland.  To  which  is  answered,  That  Loiidon  is  the  | of 
all  Holland  and  more,  that  Province  having  not  a Million 
and  44  thousand  Inhabitants  (whereof  696  m.  is  the  |)  nor 
above  800  11  thousand,  as  we  have  credibly  and  often  heard  ; 43 
for  suppose  Amsterdam  hath,  as  we  have  elsewhere  noted ^ 
187  thousand,  the  seven  next  great  Cities  at  30  thousand 
each  one  with  another  210  thousand,  the  10  next  at  15 
thousand  each  150  thousand,  the  10  smallest  at  6 thousand 
each  60  thousand,  in  all  the  28  walled  Cities  and  Towns  of 
Holland  607  thousand,  in  the  Dorps  and  Villages  193 
thousand,  which  is  about  one  Head  for  every  4 Acres  of 
Land  ; whereas  in  England  there  is  8 Acres  for  every  Head, 
without  the  Cities  and  Market  Towns. 

Now,  suppose  Londo7t  having  116  thousand  Families, 
should  have  7 Heads  in  each,  the  medium  between  Monsr. 
Auzout  and  Grant' 1|  reckonings,  the  total  of  the  People  44 
would  be  812  thousand,  or  if  we  reckon  that  there  dies  one 
out  of  34  (the  Medium  between  30  and  37  above  mentioned^) 
the  total  of  the  People  would  be  34  times  23212,  viz.  789208, 


1 See  p.  538. 


2 See  pp.  ilh—hlA- 


542 


Five  Essays. 


the  Medium  between  which  number,  and  the  above  812 
thousand  is  800604,  somewhat  exceeding  800  thousand,  the 
supposed  number  of  Holland'^. 

Farthermore,  I say  that  upon  former  searches  into  the 
Peopling  of  the  World,  I never  found  that  in  any  Countrey 
(not  in  China  it  self)  there  was  more  than  one  Man  to  every 
English  Acre  of  Land  (many  Territories  passing  for  well 

45  peopled,  where  there  is  but  one  Man  for  ten  ||  such  acres)  I 
found  by  measuring  Holland  and  West-Frizia,  alias  North- 
Holland,  upon  the  best  Maps,  that  it  contained  but  as  many 
such  Acres  as  London  doth  of  People,  viz.  about  696  thousand 
Acres;  I therefore  venture  to  pronounce  (till  better  informed) 
That  the  People  of  Londo7i  are  as  many  as  those  of  Holland, 
or  at  least  above  | of  the  same ; which  is  enough  to  disable 
the  Objedlion  above  mentioned  ; nor  is  there  any  need  to 
strain  up  London  from  696  thousand  to  800  thousand,  though 
competent  reasons  have  been  given  to  that  purpose,  and 
though  the  Authour  of  the  excellent  Map  of  London,  set 
forth  Aiino  1682,  reckoned  the  People  thereof  (as  by  the  said 

46  Map*'^  appears)  to  be  1200  ||  thousand,  even  when  he  thought 
the  Houses  of  the  same  to  be  but  85  thousand. 

The  worthy  person  who  makes  this  obje6lion  in  the  same 
Letter  also  saith, 


^ The  Aanwysing  der  heilsanie  politike  Gronden  en  Maximen  van  de  Republike 
van  Holland  e)i  West-Vriesland,  Leyden,  1669,  frequently  attributed  to  De  Witt, 
but  written  chiefly  by  Pieter  de  la  Court,  gives  the  return  of  a “ very  strict  and 
severe”  poll  tax  in  1662.  There  were  then  found  but  481,934  persons  in  South 
Holland,  and  supposing  West  Friesland  might  yield  a fourth  part  as  many,  the 
total  population  would  have  been  602,417.  “But  because  possibly  none  but 
intelligent  Readers,  and  such  as  have  travelled,  will  believe,  what  we  see  is 
customary  in  all  Places,  that  the  number  of  people  in  all  Populous  Countries  is 
excessively  magnified,  and  that  the  Common  Readers  will  think,  that  since  many 
would  be  willing  to  evade  the  Poll  Tax,  there  was  an  extraordinary  Fraud  in  the 
Number  given  in:  I shall  therefore  follow  the  common  Opinion,  and  conclude, 
that  the  Number  of  People  was  indeed  much  greater,  and  that  these  Countries  are 
since  that  time  much  improved  in  the  Number  of  Inhabitants  ; and  accordingly  I 
shall  give  a guess  as  by  vulgar  Report,  that  the  whole  Number,  without  excluding 
any  Inhabitants  whatsoever,  may  amount  to  two  Millions  and  four  hundred 
thousand  People.”  . P,  40 — 41  of  the  Engl.  Transh,  The  T-ue  hite^-est  of  Holland, 
1702. 

^ See  p.  533,  note. 


Population  of  Holla^id. 


543 


I.  That  the  Province  of  Holland,  hath  as  many  People 
as  the  other  6 United  Provinces  together,  and  as  the  whole 
Kingdom  of  England,  and  double  to  the  City  of  Paris  and 
its  Suburbs;  that  is  to  say,  2 millions  of  Souls\  2.  He  says 
that  in  Londo7i  and  Amsterdam,  and  other  trading  Cities, 
there  are  lo  Heads  to  every  Family,  and  that  in  A^nsterdam 
there  are  not  22  thousand  Families.  3.  He  excepteth  a- 
gainst  the  Register  alledged  by  Monsr.  Atizont ,v^\{\Qkv  ||  makes  47 
23223  Houses  and  above  80  thousand  Families  to  be  in 
Paris,  as  also  against  the  Register  alledged  by  Petty,  making 
1053 1 5 Houses  to  be  in  London,  with  a tenth  part  of  the 
same  to  be  of  Families  more  than  Houses,  and  probably  will 
except  against  the  Register  of  1163^  Houses  to  be  in  all 
England,  that  number  giving  at  Heads  to  each  Family, 
about  7 millions  of  People,  upon  all  which  we  remark  as 
followeth,  viz. 

1.  That  if  Paris  doth  contain  but  488  thousand  Souls, 
that  then  all  Holland  containeth  but  the  double  of  that 
number,  or  976  thousand,  wherefore  Londo7i  containing  696 
thousand  Souls,  hath  above  | of  all  Holland  by  46  thousand.  || 

2.  If  Paris  containeth  half  as  many  People  as  there  are  48 
in  all  England,  it  must  contain  3 millions  and  a half  of  Souls, 
or  above  7 times  488  thousand,  and  because  there  do  not  die 
20  thousand  per  an.  out  of  Paris,  there  must  die  but  one  out  of 
175,  whereas  Monsr.  Anzont  thinks  that  there  dies  one  out  of 
25,  and  there  must  live  149  Heads  in  every  House  of  Paris 
mentioned  in  the  Register,  but  there  must  be  scarce  2 Heads 
in  every  House  of  England,  all  which  we  think  fit  to  be 
reconsidered. 

I must  as  an  English  Man  take  notice  of  one  point  more, 
which  is,  II  that  these  Assertions  do  refle6l  upon  the  Empire  49 
of  England,  for  that  it  is  said,  that  England  hath  but  2 
millions  of  Inhabitants,  and  it  might  as  well  have  been 
added,  that  Scotland  and  Ireland,  with  the  Islands  of  Man, 

^ Van  Beuningen  (1622 — 1693),  Dutch  ambassador  in  London,  was  in  the 
habit  of  asserting  that  all  England  had  not  more  than  two  million  inhabitants,  and 
that  the  Netherlands  were  equally  populous.  De  Leti,  Del  teatro  britannico,  75. 

2 ‘1,163’  is  a misprint  for  1,163,000;  the  French  version  speaks  of  “le 
registre  de  1163  m.  maisons  en  toute  I’Angleterre.” 


544 


Five  Essays. 


Jearsey  and  Gearnsey  have  but  \ of  the  same  number,  or  800 
thousand  more,  or  that  all  the  King  of  England's,  Subjedls  in 
Enrope  are  but  2 millions  and  800  thousand  Souls,  whereas 
he  saith,  that  the  Subjedls  of  the  7 United  Provinces  are  4 
Millions.  To  which  we  answer,  That  the  Subje6ls  of  the 
said  7 Provinces,  are  by  this  Objedlour’s  own  shewing,  but 
the  Quadruple  of  Paris,  or  1932  thousand^  Souls,  Paris 
containing  but  488000,  as  afore  hath  been  prov’d,  and  we  do 

50  here  affirm  that  England  ||  hath  7 millions  of  People,  and 
that  Scotland,  Ireland,  with  the  Islands  of  Man,  Jearsey  and 
Geatnisey,  hath  | of  the  said  number,  or  2 millions  800 
thousand  more,  in  all  9 millions  800  thousand  ; whereas  by 
the  Obje6lour’s  doctrine,  if  the  7 Provinces  have  1932  thousand 
People,  the  King  of  England's  Territories  should  have  but 
of  the  same  number,  viz.  1351  thousand  whereas  we  say  9800 
thousand,  as  aforesaid,  which  difference  is  so  gross  as  that  it 
deserves  to  be  thus  refledled  upon. 

To  conclude,  we  expe6l  from  the  concerned  Critiques  of 
the  World,  that  they  would  prove,  || 

51  I.  That  Holland  and  West-Frizia,  and  the  28  Towns 
and  Cities  thereof,  hath  more  People  than  London  alone. 

2.  That  any  3 the  best  Cities  of  France,  any  2 of  all 
Christendom,  or  any  one  of  the  World,  hath  the  same,  or 
better  Housing,  and  more  foreign  Trade  than  London,  even 
in  the  year  that  King  Janies  the  Second  came  to  the  Empire 
thereof. 


THE  END. 


Really  1,952,000. 


A TREATISE  OF 
IRELAND.  i68  7. 


THE 

ELEMENTS  OE  IRELAND; 

AND  OF  ITS 

Religion,  Trade  & Policy. 


By  Sir  WILLIAM  PETTY,  Fellow  of  the 
Royal  Society. 


Ut  parere  Greges,  Armenia,  atque  Arva,  Colono  ; 
Ut  variae  Genies  Uniri  foedere  cerlo 
PossinI:  Edoceo,  Ponique  Horrenlia  Marlis 
Arma.  Favele,  precor  dij  qui  posuislis  el  ilia! 
Surgile  jam,  Superi  I Vaslisque  incumbile  Coeplis  ! 
Ut  Populi  coeant;  Quingentos  qui,  suprk  et,  Annos 
Discrepuere?  Unum  et  fiant  tua  Regna,  Jacobe. 


[Now  first  printed  from  Additional  MS.  21,128  in  The  British  Museum.] 


H.  P. 


35 


NOTE  ON  J'HE  “TREATISE  OF  IRELAND. 


The  Treatise  of  Ireland,  the  last  considerable  product  of 
Petty’s  pen,  can  be  understood  only  by  reference  to  his  relations 
with  James  II.  and  to  the  purpose  for  which  the  Treatise  was 
written.  In  Petty’s  experiments  in  ship-building  and  in  his  writings 
upon  naval  matters,  James,  as  Lord  High  Admiral,  had  taken  a 
lively  interest.  After  his  accession  to  the  throne,  he  appears  to 
have  continued  to  repose  confidence  in  Petty,  granting  him  repeated 
interviews*  and  encouraging  his  scheme  for  a royal  statistical  office. 
Petty  thereupon  fancied  that  his  ideas  concerning  the  management 
of  Irish  affairs  would  have  weight  with  the  King.  At  the  same  time 
his  growing  realization  of  the  dangers  involved  in  Tyrconnel’s  violent 
Catholic  policy  supplied  him  with  a further  motive  for  submitting  to 
James  those  “political  pastimes  and  paradoxes  concerning  a per- 
petual peace  and  settlement  of  Ireland  ” which  had  long  occupied 
his  attention.  He  accordingly  embodied  his  ideas  in  A Treatise  of 
Ireland,  designed  both  to  convey  a warning  lest  the  importance  of 
the  Protestant  interest  in  that  island  be  underestimated,  and  also  to 
propose  a plan  for  the  final  solution  of  the  perennial  Irish  Question. 

The  date  of  the  Treatise  can  be  determined  within  a few 
weeks.  It  was  completed  after  Petty  had  received  the  returns  of  the 
Irish  customs  for  the  midsummer  quarter,  1687",  and  it  was  ready  for 
presentation  to  the  King  by  the  first  week  in  September-’’. 

^ Fitzmaurice,  '275-284,  Clarendon  to  Rochester,  17  Nov.,  1686,  CorrespondeJice, 
II.  67. 

2 See  p.  588. 

.2  Sunday  4 [Sept.]  this  Evening. 

S^ 

I am  just  now  sent  to  from  Bath  where  The  King  will  be  on  Tuesday 
for  y®  papers  in  your  hands.  I blush  to  presse  you  for  your  perusal  1 of  them,  & 
to  make  your  Remarques  with  that  frendly  Severity  you  promised.  As  for  y* 
Truth  in  Matter  of  fact  & y®  justnesse  of  my  Inferences  I am  content  to  venture 
them  at  y*  perill  of  my  Veracity  & Reputation.  But  Whether  The  King  will  be 


Note  on  the  Treatise  of  Ireland. 


547 


King  James  promptly  appointed  Petty's  friend  and  admirer  Pepys 
to  examine  the  Treatise \ but  no  steps  were  taken  to  execute  its 
suggestions,  and  it  was  not  even  printed.  The  approach  of  the 
fatal  disease  of  which  Petty  died  three  months  later  may  well  have 
prevented  him  from  publishing  the  book  himself,  and  when,  in  the 
years  closely  following  the  Revolution,  the  Political  Arithmetick, 
the  Political  Anatomy  of  Ireland,  and  the  Treatise  of  Naval 
Philosophy  were  finally  printed,  considerations  of  political  expedi- 
ency may  have  conspired  with  those  based  on  the  comparatively 
unfinished  condition  of  the  Treatise  to  deter  his  friends  from 
giving  it  also  to  the  world. 

The  Treatise  is  here  reprinted  from  the  Southwell  or  Nelligan 
MS.^  whose  history  has  been  already  traced ^ Of  that  MS.  it 
occupies  folios  52 — 129,  neatly  written  in  a hand  similar  to  that  of 
the  Southwell  Political  Arithmetick  and  corrected  at  a few  points 
by  Petty  himself. 

pleasd  to  have  those  Matters  to  be  discussd  & published,  is  beyond  my  Reach, 
Those  onely  can  advise  me  who  converse  much  with  him : I am  sure  I meene 
well,  but  that  may  not  be  enough  for 

Your  affctte  and  humble  serv‘ 

Wm.  Petty. 

Autograph  letter,  endorsed,  “ SepP  4*^,  1687.  S'"  W™  Petty  to  M'  Pepys. 

Upon  his  Political  Papers  & Calculacions  relateing  to  Ireland,  & y®  Improvement 
thereof.”  Rawlinson  MS.  A.  189,  f.  17,  Bodleian  Library. 

Piccadilly  8®  Septemb.  87. 

1 S'- 

In  my  owne  Judgement  & Conscience,  there  is  Nothing  in  our  Treatise, 
Not  true,  not  necessary  to  be  considered,  & not  fitt  fory®  Kings  knowledge,  &c.  I 
therefore  thanke  God,  That  His  Ma^^  appointed  you  to  examine  these  my  Opinions. 
In  which  take  any  Assistance  you  please  whom  The  King  will  agre  to.  2.  The 
Matters  pretend  good  to  all  y®  Kings  Subjects  & y®  Meanes  propounded  are  of  an 
high  Extraordinary  Nature,  & therefore  should  be  exposd  to  public  View;  but  for 
this  I am  not  peremptory  for  y®  whole.  i.  If  you  cannot  understand  them  alone. 
They  are  not  fit  for  y®  public  but  must  be  made  plainer:  Neverthelesse,  I will 
attend  yo*-  Summons  to  facilitate  this  Worke,  by  saving  you  y®  labor,  of  turning 
back  to  things  already  provd.  I can  say  no  more,  but  that  I am 

Yo*-  most  affectionat  humble  Servant 
Wm  Petty. 

I have  not  broke  yo'  seale. 

Autograph  letter,  endorsed,  “SepP  8“'  1687.  S'-  W*"  Petty  to  M''  Pepys. 

Accompanying  a 2^^  time  his  political  Papers  ab*-  Ireland  for  a review.”  Rawlinson 
MS.  A 189,  f.  19,  Bodleian  Library. 

■-  Brit.  Mus.  Addl.  MS.  2r,i28.  3 p_  ^36,  cf.  p.  123. 

35—2 


548 


Note  on  the  Treatise  of  Ireland. 


The  Contents  of  the  Treatise  as  given  by  the  MS.  are  so 
confused  that  a hint  as  to  its  essential  structure  may  be  acceptable. 
It  propounds  “ a perpetual  peace  and  settlement  of  Ireland,  with 
the  natural  union  of  both  kingdoms  and  peoples.”  The  means 
for  effecting  this  end  are  explained  in  nine  chapters,  together  with 
an  appendix  containing  eight  objections,  which  the  author  answers 
seriatim.  The  first  chapter  puts  forth  six  propositions,  the  execu- 
tion of  which  would  bring  about  the  settlement  of  Ireland.  The 
feasibility  of  these  propositions  Petty  undertakes  to  demonstrate. 
The  second  chapter  contains,  in  twenty  postulates,  the  existing 
“state  of  the  case  reduced  to  terms  of  number,  weight  and 
measure.”  In  the  six  following  chapters  the  six  propositions  of 
chapter  one  are  taken  up  in  turn,  and  each  is  established — to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  author  at  least — by  reference  to  one  or  more  of 
the  twenty  postulates  of  chapter  two.  The  ninth  chapter  recapitu- 
lates the  whole  argument.  In  the  MS.  this  chapter  is  followed  by 
Another  View  of  the  same  Matters  by  the  Way  of  a Dialogue 
between  A and  B.  In  fact,  however,  the  discussion  in  this  Dialogue 
refers  to  other  matters  than  those  discussed  in  the  Treatise,  while  the 
following  Objections  refer  to  the  Treatise  exclusively.  The  insertion 
of  the  Dialogue  between  the  Treatise  and  the  Objections  thus  breaks 
the  formal  continuity  of  Petty’s  argument.  I have  accordingly 
treated  the  Dialogue  as  a separate  essay,  printing  it,  as  Petty’s 
Contents  directs,  after  the  Objections  instead  of  before  them. 

^ In  May,  1865,  Mr  W.  H.  Hardinge  submitted  to  the  Royal  Irish 
Academy  an  account  of  An  unpublished  Essay  on  Ireland  by  Sir 
William  Petty h then  in  the  collection  of  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne. 
It  is  evident  from  Mr  Hardinge’s  quotations  that  the  unpublished  essay 
was,  in  part  at  least,  identical  with  the  present  Treatise.  Inas- 
much, however,  as  the  Lansdowne  MS.  had  but  twenty-nine  “ pages” 
(size  not  specified),  while  the  Southwell  copy  of  the  Treatise, 
including  the  Dialogue,  extends  to  seventy-seven  folio  leaves 
rather  closely  written  upon  both  sides,  it  is  improbable  that  the 
Lansdowne  MS.  contained  all  that  is  here  printed.  It  is  impossible, 
however,  to  be  certain  in  respect  of  this  matter,  as  Lord  Edmond 
Fitzmaurice,  Petty’s  descendant  and  biographer,  kindly  informs  me 
that  the  MS.  which  Mr  Hardinge  saw  cannot  now  be  found. 


Trans.  T'./.A.,  vol.  xxiv.  Antiquities,  p.  37T— 377. 


An  Essay  in  Political  Arithmetick 
concerning  Ireland*. 


Tending  to  shew 

1.  The  Political  Anatomy  of  that  Kingdom. 

2.  The  Commotions  and  Bruileries,  that  Happen’d  there 
from  Anno  1641,  to  Anno  1666. 

3.  The  Foreign  Trade  of  that  Nation  Anno  1685. 

4.  The  Proportion  between  the  English  and  Irish  both 
in  Number  and  Weight. 

5. -.  Several  Decays  in  Ireland  between  the  year  83  & 87, 

6.  The  Waxing  and  Waning  of  the  King’s  Revenue 
there,  in  the  said  Five  Years,  with  the  Causes  thereof 

7.  That  Estates  in  Ireland  may  be  Improv’d  from  Two 
to  Three,  with  a Perpetual  Settlement  of  the  same,  and 
Rooting  up  all  the  Causes  of  Discords,  which  have  infested 
that  Countrey  for  above  500  Years. 

8.  That  therewith  the  Revenue  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, & of  particular  Landlords,  there  may  be  increased  from 
3 to  4. 

9.  And  the  King’s  Revenue  from  4 to  5 without  being  a 
sensible  Burden  to  the  People  ; so  as  the  King  may  have  Six 
millions  for  every  4th.  Year,  supposed  to  be  Warn 

1 This  syllabus  shews  rather  what  Petty  intended  than  what  he  accomplished. 
The  Treatise  attempts  to  establish  but  eleven  of  the  thirteen  points.  To  the 
thirteenth  it  pays  slight  attention  incidentally,  of  the  twelfth  it  barely  makes 
mention. 


550 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


10.  How  Fears  and  Jealousies  concerning  Religion, 
even  the  Test,  may  vanish  of  themselves. 

11.  How  the  King’s  Subjedls  may  be  doubled  in  20 
Years,  & also  United. 

12.  That  the  King  of  England’s  Territories  and  People 
may  in  Weight  and  Substance  be  little  inferior  to  those  of 
France,  by  a safe  and  sufficient  Liberty  of  Conscience  per- 
petuated. 

13.  That  there  may  be  a real  Mare  Clausum  begun  in 
Ireland  ; and  that  the  King  has  a more  Natural  Right  to 
Sovereignty  within  the  same,  than  any  of  his  circumjacent 
Neighbors. 


1 inserted  by  Petty. 


The  Contents  of  a Treatise,  concerning 
Ireland. 


I.  It  propounds  a perpetual  Settlement  of  Irelatid,  with  a Natural 
Improvement  and  Union  of  Englajid  a7id  Ireland^  by  Transpla7iti7ig 
a Millio7i  of  People  {without  Disti7iIlio7i  of  Parties)  out  of  I r el a7id 
into  Engla7id : Leavmg  in  I7'ela7id  07iely  e7iough  Ha7ids  to  77ia7iage 
as  77ia7iy  Cattle  as  that  Cou7it7'ey  will  feed.  [Preface,  p.  555.] 

3.  Agamst  which  it  is  Objelled,  That  the  Costs  a7id  Losses  of  the  said 
Tra7ispla7itatio7i^  a7id  Cattle  Trade.,  will  be  4 Millio7is  of  Mo7iey.  Pi 
A7iswer  to  which  [Preface,  p.  555-] 

3.  The  said  Gra7id  Pf'oposal  is  divided  into  Six  Points  j a7id  each  of 

the77i  Explai7i\i.  [Chapter  I.,  p.  557.] 

4.  There  are  Twe7ity  Asse}-tio7is  a7id  Suppositio/is.,  express'' d m Ter77is  of 

Nu77iber,  Weight  aiid  Measu7‘e ; by  which  the  said  Six  Pomts  are 
Discussed.  Vizt.  [Chapter  ii.,  p.  558.] 

1.  How  the  People  of  E7igla7id  a7id  Irelaiid  do  now  staiid  mix'd^  as  to 
their  Proportioiis  betwee7i  Catholiks  and  others j and  how  the  sanie 
will  be.,  after  the  above  T7'ansplantatio7is : With  Motives  to  all 
Perso7is  a7id  Parties  to  co77iply  therewith.  [Chapter  ill.,  p.  560.] 

2.  That  the  La7ids  of  E7igla7id  will  be  better'’d  by  70  Millio7is  Sterliiig, 

or  a ThPd  Part.  [Chapter  iv.,  p.  563.] 

3.  That  E7igla7id  will  gaiii  by  Irehmd  1500  M L per  A7171.  aiid  as  7nuch 

as  it  gameth  by  all  the  World  besides.  [Chapter  v.,  p.  566.] 

4.  That  the  real  a7id perso7ial  Estate  of  Irehmd  will  rise  f7-077i  2 to  3. 

[Chapter  vi.,  p.  567.] 

5.  That  the  Reve7iues  of  the  Church  of  Eiiglaiid  will  rise  from  3 to  4 ; 

and  the  Kmg's  fro7}i  4 5 : Besides  an  Additio7i  of  \oo  771  pou7id per 

A7m.  for  ext7'aordinary  Chu7'ch  Uses.  [Chapter  vii.,  p.  568.] 

6.  That  the  Causes  of  Discord.,  which  have  C07iti7iued  m Irela7id  above 
500  Years.,  arismg  fro77i  the  Differe7ice  of  Na77tes,  Births.,  ExtraIlio7is, 
Laitguage.,  Custo77ies.,  Habits.,  a7id  Religion.,  will  all  cease  aiid  va7iish. 


552 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


A n Estate  shall  be  so  settled.,  as  to  be  coined  into  better  Money,  than 
that  of  Gold  and  Silver.  [Chapter  vili.,  p.  570.] 

7.  A Repetition  and  Enlargejnent  of  the  Pre7nisses. 

[Chapter  IX.,  p.  571.] 


Objections. 

1.  That  the  said  Transplantation  is  unpraflicable  and  Utopian. 

lP-  574-] 

2.  The  said  Cattle-Trade  is  so  likewise.  [p.  575.] 

3.  That  Men  will  comply  with  neither,  althd  prallicable  a7id  profitable, 

ont  of  mere  Caprice  and  Perverseness.  [p.  576.] 

4.  That  the  Irish  will  Hate  and  Scor?i  the  said  Transplantation,  as  the 

Abolislmient  of  their  Nation  ; which  they  will  7iot  thmk  cofnpensable 
by  all  the  Adva7itages  above77ie7itioned.  [p.  577.] 

5.  The  Protesta7its  of  Engla7id  will  be  frighted  to  see  the  Proportio7t 

betwee7i  Catholicks  and  the77tselves,  which  is  7iow,  as  280  to  one, 
shrmk  to  9 for  one.  [p.  578.] 

6.  There  wants  an  i7idifi'ere7it  Judicature,  or  7iatural  Justice,  to  7nake  the 

Estates  of  I 7'ela7id,  as  fir77t  as  is  propounded.  [p.  580.] 

7.  That  these  extraordmary  Proposals  of  Tra7ispla7itatio7i,  Cattle,  Trade, 

a7id  Judicat7ire,  are  U7t7iecessary : For  that  77iatters  are  already  so 
well  hi  Irela7id  without  the77i.  [p.  582.] 

Upo7i  which  Account  the  followhig  Particulars  are  sett  dow7i.  Vizt. 

1.  The  Differe7ice  of  the  Price  of  Lands  1687,  fro77i  what  they 

were,  1683.  [p.  582.] 

2.  The  like  Differe7ice  hi  Value  of  Houses,  in  Cities,  Ports  aiid 

Market-  Towiis.  [p-  583-] 

3.  The  like  in  Cattle  of  all  Sorts.  [p.  583.] 

4.  How  much  the  People  of  Irelaiid  have  speiit  hi  the  Years  1684, 

1685,  a7id  1686,  in  Drhiks,  and  other  Superfluities,  above  the 

Level  of  the  precedeiit  Years.  [p.  583.] 

5.  The  Value  of  Me7xhandise  exported  hi  the  Yeai's  1685,  and 

1686,  without  Retu7'n.  [P'  583-] 

6.  A n Estimate  of  the  Moneys,  Plate  aiid  other  fiiie  Goods  and 

Furiiiture ; which  were,  in  the  said  2 Years,  co7iveyed 
out  of  Irelaiid,  or  other  ways  withdrawii  from  Curraiit 
Uses.  [p.  583.] 

7.  How  77iuch  the  Catholicks  of  Irelaiid  have  Gained  and  how 

77iuch  they  have  Lost,  by  the  Transaflioiis  of  the  said  Two 

Years.  [p.  590.] 

8.  What  Efifect  the  said  Dijfereiices  inust  have  upon  the  Expense 

of  the  People,  and  upon  such  Braiiches  of  the  King's  Revenue, 
as  depend  thereon.  [p.  589.] 


The  Contents. 


553 


9.  That  tJu  Fall  of  Excise  m the  Year  1687,  is  not  caused  by  the 

present  Armfs  being  Irish.  [p.  589.] 

10.  A Co7npiitatio7i  of  the  differ e7it  Values  of  the  E7tglish  a7id 
Irish^  as  to  their  Persons^  and  Personal  Estates. 

[p.  592.] 

11.  The  Causes  of  so77ie  Decays  hi  Irela7id.,  disthiHly  a7td 
respeHively  charged  both  ufon  the  E7iglish  and  Irish. 

[p-  593-] 

12.  The  State  of  Foreign  Trade  A71710  1685,  with  what  Share 

each  of  both  Parties  had  therehi.  [p.  594.] 

13.  The  Causes  of  several  Fears  a7id  Jealousies  hi  Ireland. 

[p.  596.] 

14.  The  Fear  of  Unsettle7ne7it  of  La7id- Estates  hi  Ireland  may  be^ 

that  the  Alls  of  Setileineiit  and  Exflanatioii  were  not  grounded 
upon  the  several  Accounts  hei'e  enumerated.  [p.  597.] 

15.  Several  Coiiclusions  drawn  f7’077i  the  said  Accounts. 

[p.  598.] 

16.  That  Partiality  hi  fustice  is  another  Cause  of  Fears,  with  an 
exall  Account  of  the  Lord  Dunsany's  Wroiigs  and  Relief. 

[p.  602.] 

The  Zth  Objection. 

[8].  That  all  the  abovesaid  Proposals  are  uncouth,  wild,  Monstrous,  and 
Chymerical.  [p.  603.] 

To  which  is  aiiswePd,  that  if  the  said  Proposals  do  not  please, 
because  they  seem  to  wast  and  dispeople  Ireland:  Another  is 
put,  of  a quite  contrary  Nature,  hi  the  Room  of  it;  Tending 
to  people  not  onely  Ireland,  but  all  his  Majesty s Khigdoms 
fully,  a7id  to  double  their  present  Number,  within  25  years. 

[p.  603.] 


Memormidimt. 

That  the  Grand  fudicatiu'e  and  Council  above-meiitioned,  will  be 
of  Use  not  onely  to  adjudge  Controversies  as  aforesaid,  and 
77ia7iage  the  Ti'aiisplaiitation  or  Increase  of  People  here 
propounded ; but  also  to  peipetuate  and  improve  the  Liberty 
of  Co7iscience  lately  gi'aiited  by  his  Majestie. 

Mentio7i  of  aiiother  Essay,  to  shew  that  the  King  of  England's 
Subjells  and  Territories  ai'e  little  hiferior  to  those  of  France. 

A Series  of  Matters  relating  to  the  Forfeitures  of  Irelaiidj  with  a 
Dialogue  concernhig  the  same.  [p.  606.] 


'r  O T H E 


KINGS 


Most  Excellent  MAJESTIE. 


Hen  I find  out  puzling  and  preplext  Matters,  that  may 


^ ^ be  brought  to  Terms  of  Number,  Weight  and  Measure, 
and  consequently  be  made  demonstrable;  And  when  I find 
Things  of  vast  and  general  Concernment,  which  may  be  dis- 
cuss’d in  a few  Words:  I willingly  ingage  upon  such  Under- 
takings, especially  when  they  tend  to  your  Majesty’s  Glory 
and  Greatness,  and  the  Happiness  of  your  People,  being  one 
of  them  myself,  and 


Your  Majesty’s  most  Faithful 

and  Obedient  Subje6l 

Wm.  Petty. 


PREFACE. 


SOME  have  Imagined,  there  being  about  1300  Thousand 
People^  in  Ireland,  that  to  bring  a Million  of  them  into 
England,  and  to  leave  the  other  300  Thousand  for  Herdsmen 
and  Dairy-Women  behind,  and  to  quit  all  other  Trades  in 
Ireland,  but  that  of  Cattle  onely,  would  efife6l  the  Settlement, 
Improvement-,  and  Union,  above  propounded. 

But  against  this  Method  there  lyes  this  gross  and  obvious 
Obje6lion,  vizt.  That  the  Transporting  of  a Million  of  People, 
will  cost  a Million  of  Pounds  ; That  the  Housing,  and  other 
Goods  in  Ireland,  which  will  be  lost  hereby,  are  worth  Two 
Millions  more:  Nor  is  it  safe  to  Estimate  other  Damages  and 
Expenses,  consequent  to  this  Undertaking,  at  less  than  one 
Million  more;  in  all  at  4 Millions  of  Expence  and  Damage. 
To  which  Objedlion  there  is  a Gross  Answer  : which  is.  That 
by  Bringing  a Million  of  People  into  England,  where  are  7 
already,  the  King’s  Revenue  of  Customs,  Excise,  and  Hearths, 
will  rise  from  7 to  8,  that  is,  to  200  Thousand  Pounds  per 
Ann.  more  then  at  presents — which  Increase,  at  20  Years 
Purchase,  is  above  4 Millions,  and  more  than  the  Loss  above- 
mentioned.  Now  where  the  King’s  Revenue,  shall  Naturally 
and  Spontaneously  increase,  it  is  rationally  to  be  suppos’d. 


^ Petty  had  calculated  the  population  of  Ireland  at  1,100,000  in  1672  and  at 
“about  1200  Thousand”  in  1676.  Polit.  Anat.,  p.  141,  and  note  on  p.  142,  Polit. 
Arit/i.,  p.  272.. 

^ ‘ then  at  present  ’ inserted  by  Petty. 


55^ 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


That  the  People’s  Wealth  may  increase  20  Times  as  much, 
7Te  Public  Revenue  being,  almost  by  a Law  of  Nature,  the 
Part  of  the  People’s  Expence. 

Wherefore  suspending  any  further  Answer  to  the  said 
gross  Objedlion,  we  proceed  to  say.  That  the  Transplantation 
and  new  Cattle-Trade  above-propounded,  will  produce  the 
Effedls  hereafter  mentioned,  (vizt.) 


Political  Pastimes  and  Paradoxes:  In  an  Essay 
concerning  a Perpetual  Peace  and  Settle- 
ment of  Ireland.  With  the  Natural  Union 
of  both  Kingdoms  and  Peoples. 

CHAP.  I. 

^ By  this  Title  ive  mean  the  several  Points  folloiving.  {inzf) 

I.  ' I 'Hat  whereas  there  are  in  Ireland  about  8 Roman 
-i-  Catholicks  for  one  of  all  other  Perswasions\  So  to 
order  the  People  of  both  Nations  and  Religions,  that  there 
may  be  in  England  about  8 Non-Catholicks  to  one  Roman 
Catholick,  and  36  Times  more  Catholicks  than  at  present : 
Whereas  there  are  now  about  280  others  for  one  of  theml 

2.  To  enable  the  People  of  England  and  Ireland,  to 
spend,  in  the  several  Comforts  and  Conveniencies  of  Life, 
5 Millions-worth  of  Commodities  per  Ann.  more  than  at 
present:  The  Value  whereof  is,  at  20  Year’s  Purchase,  One 
Hundred  Millions,  As  also  to  raise  the  present  Value  of 
Ireland  from  2 to  3. 

3.  To  increase  the  King’s  present  Revenue  of  both  those 
Kingdoms,  to  about  ^ more  than  at  present,  without  Increas- 
ing any  Burthen  upon  the  Subje6ls  : So  as  the  said  Revenue 
may  be  sufficient  for  all  Ordinary  and  Extraordinary 
Occasions,  both  in  Peace  and  Warr. 

' See  note  on  p.  142. 

- Cf.  note  on  p.  461,  where  Petty  calculated  but  i86§  non-Catholics  to  one 
Catholic  in  England. 


558 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


4.  To  increase  the  Church-Revenues  and  Emoluments 
about  I more  than  at  present : and  so  as,  besides  the  present 
Maintenance  of  the  Legal  Clergy,  to  afford  competent 
Gratifications  (if  the  King  please)  for  such  Churchmen  and 
Divines  of  other  Perswasions,  as  do  promote  the  Peace  and 
Piety  of  the  People. 

5.  To  cut  up  the  Roots  of  those  Evils  in  Ireland,  which 
by  Differences  of  Births,  Extra6lions,  Manners,  Languages, 
Customs,  and  Religions,  have  continually  wasted  the  Blood 
and  Treasure  of  both  Nations  for  above  500  Years;  and  have 
made  Ireland,  for  the  most  Part,  a Diminution  and  a Burthen, 
not  an  Advantage,  to  England. 

6.  To  settle  the  Names,  Bounds,  Titles,  and  Value,  of 
the  Lands  in  Ireland  ; so  as  to  coin  the  same  into  a currant 
Coin,  better  than  that  of  Gold  and  Silver,  for  any  Trade 
Domestic  or  Foreign. 


C H A P.  II. 

The  State  of  the  Case  represented  in  Terms  of  Number, 
Weight,  and  Measure ; and  thereby  made  capable  of 
De^nonstrations.  {vizt) 

I.  suppose  England  and  Wales  to  consist  of  about 

VV  36  Millions  of  Statute  Acres  and  Ireland  of 
about  half  the  same  Number. 

2.  That  in  England,  Wales,  Jersey,  Guernsey,  and  the 
Isle  of  Man,  are  25  Thousand  Roman  Catholicks,  Men, 
Women,  and  Children:  and  7 Millions  and  75  Thousand  of 
all  other  Perswasions. 

3.  That  in  Ireland  are  1300  Thousand  People;  whereof 
8 of  9 are  Roman  Catholicks.  (vizt)  145  Thousand  Non- 
Catholicks  of  all  Sorts,  and  1155  Thousand  Catholicksk 

4.  That  the  Rents  of  the  Lands  of  Ireland,  are  about 
1200  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  and  those  of  England  about 
1 1 Millions. 


A variation  from  the  estimate  of  1672,  Polit.  Anat.,  p.  142,  note. 


The  State  of  the  Case.  559 

5.  The  Rents  in  England  are  worth  20  Year’s  Purchase, 
and  those  of  Ireland  (Ano.  1687)  about  10  Years. 

6.  That  the  Territory  of  Ireland  will  Breed  and  Feed 
6 Millions  of  Beeves  of  3-years-old  apiece  ; or  the  Equivalent 
in  other  Species  of  Cattle. 

7.  That  300  Thousand  Herdsmen  and  Dairy-Women 
are  sufficient  to  manage  the  Trade  of  the  said  Cattle. 

8.  That  amongst  Beeves,  or  great  Cattle,  1 Part  are,  or 
may  be,  Milch-Cows ; and  that  ^ part  of  the  whole  may  be 
slaughter’d  every  Year,  without  Prejudice  to  the  main  Stock. 

9.  That  as  many  Cattle  as  Ireland  will  breed,  are  worth 
about  6 Millions  of  Pounds. 

10.  That  4000  Men  at  Sea,  2000  Horse,  and  15000  Foot 
at  Land,  being  the  of  the  150  Thousand  Heardsmen, 
supposed  to  be  left  in  Ireland,  is  a sufficient  Guard  for  that 
Kingdom,  and  more  proper  than  what  has  ever  yet  bin 
instituted,  and  a good  Beginning  of  a real  Mare  Claimmi. 

11.  That  the  Expence  of  the  People  in  Ireland,  at  a 
Medium,  is  5/.  per  Head,  and  in  England  6/.  13^.  \d, 
per  Ann. 

12.  That  the  Value  of  all  Houses  in  Ireland,  and  Goods 
not  fit  to  be  brought  into  England,  or  to  be  used  in  the 
Cattle-Trade,  is  about  2 Millions. 

13.  That  the  Maintenance  of  as  many  Divines,  as  are  fit 
for  300  Thousand  Heardsmen  &c.  above  mention’d,  need  not  be 
above  20  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  So  as  a 100  Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  of  the  Church  Revenues  in  Ireland,  may  be 
brought  into  England,  for  Church-Uses. 

14.  That  England  never  got  out  of  Ireland  200  Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  nor  (till  of  late)  any  Revenue  at  all  to  the 
King. 

15.  That  now  Ireland  will  send  into  England  directly, 
or  into  Foreign  Parts  (which  at  last  will  terminate  in  England) 
at  least  1500  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann. 

16.  That  20  Shillings  may  serve,  with  good  Method 
and  Order,  to  bear  Travelling  Charges  of  Men,  Women  and 
Children,  one  with  another,  from  the  Middle  of  Ireland  to  the 
Middle  of  England  ; being  about  120  Miles  by  Land. 


56o 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


17.  That  when  the  Trade  of  6 Millions-worth  of  Cattle 
is  made  so  Simple,  Easy,  and  Constant,  in  the  Breeding, 
Feeding,  and  Vending  the  same;  the  Value  of  the  said  Stock 
of  Cattle  must  needs  be  rais’d  thereby  to  at  least  ^ Part  more, 
and  become  worth  7 Millions  ; especially  if  the  Interest  of 
Money  shall  fall  from  3 to  2,  or  from  10  per  Cent,  to 
6/.  13^-.  A^d. 

18.  When  there  shall  be  but  300  Thousand  Souls  in 
Ireland,  and  those  all  Herdsmen  and  Dairy- Women  (whereas 
there  are  now  1300  Thousand  of  higher  Quality)  the  Charge 
of  the  Clergy  there  will  not  be  so  great  by  lOO  Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  as  now:  It  being  now  about  120  Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  in  Church-Lands,  and  appropriate  Tyths. 

19.  The  Charge  of  the  Civil  Government  in  Ireland, 
under  the  Paucity  and  Simplicity  of  the  People  above- 
mentioned,  being  but^  a Kind  of  Factory,  needs  be  but  1 of 
what  it  is  at  present,  or  about  5000  Thousand  £ per  Ann. 
P'or  then  the  horrible  Expence  of  Law-Suits  will  be  almost 
abolish’d. 

20.  The  King’s  Revenue  of  England  is  suppos’d  to  be 
1800  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  That  of  Ireland  270 
Thousand  neat : And  that  of  Scotland  130  Thousand  ; In  all 
2 Millions  2 hundred  Thousand  Pounds. 


CHAP.  III. 


The  6 first  7nentio7t  d Points  are  proved  out  of  the  20 
S7ippositio7is  or  Assertions  7iext  befo7^e-goi7ig.  {vizt) 

S to  the  first  Point  or  Advantage : Which  is  that,  granting 


JT\-  the  Catholicks  in  Ireland  are  to  all  others  as  8 to 
one,  or  rather  as  1157  Thousand  to  143  Thousand,  the  whole 
People  being  1300  Thousand  Souls:  We  say  that  when  a 
Million  are  Transported  out  of  Ireland  into  England,  the 
Proportions  now  and  then  are,  and  will  be,  as  in  the  Table 
following,  vizt 


^ ‘but’  inserted  by  Petty. 


TJie  Number  of  Catholics. 


561 


In  England,  Jersey  ] 
Guernsey  & Isle  of  Man| 
In  Ireland  are  now 


People  Protestants 

7100  Thousand  whereof  7075  Thousand 

1300  Thousand  143  Thousand 

8400  Thousand  7218  Thousand 


Papists 
25  Thousand 

1157  Thousand 
1182  Thousand 


Now  adding  one  ] 
Million  to  the  above 
7100  Thousand  ] 
In  Ireland 


the  whole  1 
in  England) 


People 
8100  Thous. 
300  Thous, 


Total  8400  Thous. 


Protestants 

7185  Thous. 

33  Thous. 
7218  Thous. 


Papists 

0915  Thous. 

267  Thous. 
1182  Thous. 


So  as  the  Non-Catholicks  left  in  Ireland  will  be  as  now 
about  of  the  whole,  or  i of  the  Catholicks;  And  in  England, 
after  the  Transportations  of  a Million,  the  Catholicks  will  be 
915  Thousand,  and  the  others  7185  Thousand  ; which  differs 
little  from  the  above-mention’d  Proportions  in  Ireland.  And 
having  thus  made  this  great  Transplantation  in  Paper  and 
Conceit,  it  remains  to  shew  by  what  Means  or  Methods  the 
same  may  be  really  executed. 

I forbear  to  say  that  the  Conquerors  of  ancient  Times  and 
even  now  in  the  Oriental  Countreys,  do  execute  their  Con- 
quest, by  Carrying  away  Captives  into  their  own  Countreys, 
and  not  by  Maintaining  great  Armies,  in  the  Conquer’d 
Countreys,  to  keep  the  Conquer’d  Party  in  Subje6lion,  which 
Overplus  of  Number  and  Reputation  will  doe  at  home,  es- 
pecially, when  the  Conquerors  have  Land  enough,  to  employ 
all  the  Hands  both  of  their  Conquering  and  Captive  Subjects. 
Nor  do  we  insist  upon  an  Act  of  Parliament  in  Ireland,  to 
force  a Million  of  People  to  Remove  out  of  their  Native 
Countrey ; or  an  Act  of  Parliament  in  England  to  force 
them  hither;  Which  may  be  interpreted,  in  a Case  between 
Catholicks  and  others,  to  be  a Breach  of  the  Liberty  of 
Conscience  lately  granted  by  his  Majesties  Wherefore,  we 
shall  rather  shew,  That  it  will  be  the  Profit,  Pleasure,  and 
Security  of  both  Nations  and  Religions  to  Agree  herein.  In 
Order  whereunto  we  shall  consider  the  Present  Inhabitants  of 


James  II. ’s  Declaration  of  Indulgence  had  been  issued  4 April,  1687. 
H.  P.  36 


562 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


Ireland,  not  as  old  Irish,  or  such  as  lived  there  about  516 
Years  ago,  when  the  English  first  medled  in  that  Matter ; 
Nor  as  those  that  have  been  added  since,  and  who  went  into 
Ireland  between  the  first  Invasion  and  the  Change  of  Religion; 
Nor  as  the  English  who  went  thither  between  the  said  Change, 
and  the  Year  1641,  or  between  1641  and  1660;  Much  less, 
into  Protestants  and  Papists,  and  such  who  speak  English, 
and  such  who  despise  it. 

But  rather  consider  them 

1°  As  such  as  live  upon  the  King’s  Pay. 

2°  As  owners  of  Lands  and  Freeholds. 

3®  As  Tenants  and  Lessees  to  the  Lands  of  others. 
4°  As  Workmen  and  Labourers. 

As  to  the  first,  the  King  may  command  them  to  Dwell 
and  Reside  where  he  pleases. 

As  for  Land-Owners,  the  King  is  able,  and  it  would  be 
his  Profit,  to  buy  a great  Part  of  them  out,  at  the  present- 
full-Market-Rate.  But  without  Compulsion.  If  the  pro- 
pounded Transplantation  will  raise  the  Prices  from  the 
present  10  Years  Purchase  or  less,  to  about  20  as  in 
England  ; And  if  the  possess’d  Landlords,  not  selling  their 
Lands  in  Ireland,  should  make  more  Benefit  of  the  said 
Lands  and  Stocks,  by  putting  them  under  the  new  Method 
of  Plantation,  whilst  themselves  do  withal  become  Farmers  in 
England,  for  the  Equivalent  to  their  own  Estates  in  Ireland. 

As  for  the  Tenants,  Farmers,  and  Lessees  now  in  Ireland, 
they  may  well  remove  into  England  to  be  Farmers  there,  to^ 
live  in  a more  cultivated  Countrey,  and  in  more  Elegant 
Company,  and  Variety  of  Entertainments;  and  where  the 
Landlords  of  England  shall  see  Cause  to  Lett  them  good 
Bargains  and  bid  them  Welcom. 

And  as  for  Labourers,  it  is  manifest  they  live  in  Ireland 
cheaper  than  in  England  but  by  ^ Part ; whereas  their 
ordinary  Wages  is  near  double  in  England.  But  how  these 
Tempting  Profits  shall  arise,  is  the  next  Point  of  this  Dis- 


'  ‘to’  in.serted  ])y  Petty. 


course. 


A Transplantatio7i  out  of  Ireland, 


563 


CHAP.  IV. 

How  to  enable  the  People  of  England  and  Ireland  to 
spend  5 Millions  ivorth  of  Commodities  more  than  7iow : 
And  how  to  raise  the  prese^it  Value  of  the  Lands  and 
Goods  of  Ireland  from  2 to 

THis  is  to  be  done.  i.  By  bringing  one  Million  of  the 
present  1300  Thousand  of  the  People  out  of  Ireland  into 
England,  tho’  at  the  Expence  of  a Million  of  Money. 
2.  That  the  remaining  300  Thousand  left  behind  be  all 
Herdsmen  and  Dairy-Women,  Servants  to  the  Owners  of  the 
Lands  and  Stock  Transplanted  into  England  ; all  aged 
between  16  and  60  Years,  and  to  quit  all  other  Trades,  but 
that  of  Cattle,  and  to  import  nothing  but  Salt  and  Tobacco. 
Negle6ling  all  Housing,  but  what  is  fittest  for  these  300 
Thousand  People,  and  this  Trade,  tho’  to  the  Loss  of  2 
Millions-worth  of  Houses.  Now  if  a Million  of  People  be 
worth  70/.  per  Head  one  with  another,  the  whole  are  worth 
70  Millions  ; then  the  People,  reckon’d  as  Money  at  5 per 
Cent.  Interest,  will  yield  3 Millions  and  a half  per  Ann. 
(3.)  And^  if  Ireland  send  into  England  i Million  and  a half 
worth  of  Effe6ls  (receiving  nothing  back)  Then  England  will 
be  enriched  from  Ireland,  and  otherwise,  5 Millions  per  Ann. 
more  than  now:  Which,  at  20  Year’s  Purchase,  is  worth  one 
Hundred  Millions  of  Pounds  Sterling,  as  was  propounded. 
Now  to  prove  the  People  thus  Transplanted  worth  70/.  per 
Head  : I say  first.  That  the  present  Rents  of  all  the  Lands  of 
Ireland  doth  not  exceed  1200  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann. 
Nor  does  it  appear,  by  the  Civil  Survey  of  Ireland,  to  have 
been  even^  so  much  before  the  Commotions  Anno  1641. 
Moreover  the  Value  of  all  the  Stock  of  Ireland  exceeds  not 
6 Millions ; the  Interest  whereof,  at  10  per  Cent,  is  600 

1 ‘And’  inserted  by  Petty. 

2 ‘even’  inserted  by  Petty.  In  the  Polit.  Anat.,  p.  152  he  estimates  the  fee 
simple  of  Irish  lands  in  1641  at  “above  8 millions.” 


36—2 


5^H 


Ti'eatisc  of  Ireland. 


Thousand  Pounds,  and  the  Rent  of  the  Housing  to  be 
negle6led,  not  above  200  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  in  all 
2 Millions.  The  Ivxpence  of  1300  Thousand  People  (at  5/. 
per  Head  per  Ann.  one  with  another)  is  Millions  : Out 
of  which  deducting  the  said  2 Millions  for  the  Lands,  Hous- 
ing and  Stock,  the  Remainder  is  4^  Millions:  Which,  at  20 
Year’s  Purchase  is  worth  90  Millions  : And  if  1300  Thousand 
People  be  worth  90  Millions,  each  Head  must  be  worth  very 
near  70  Poundsk 

An  ordinary  Artisan  earns  2od.  per  Diem,  or  26/.  per  Ann. 
and  may  live  very  well  upon  12/.  and  save  14/.  per  Ann. 
Which,  at  10  Year’s  Purchase  for  a Life,  makes  140/.  the 
Double  of  70/.,  the  Medium  between  ^ & 140. 

If  the  Rents  of  the  Lands  of  England  and  Wales  be 
II  Millions,  when  the  People  are  but  7 Millions,  then  the 
Addition  of  another  Million  will  make  the  Rents  } Part  more 
than  now,  and  the  Number  of  Year’s  Purchase  will  be  \ more 
also : So  as  the  Land  will  rise  from  7 Times  7 (which  is  49)  to 
8 Times  8 (which  is  64)  or  from  about  3 to  4,  by  Adding  a 
Million  of  Hands  : And  consequently  if  the  Lands  of  England 
be  worth  1 1 Millions  per  Ann.  they  are,  at  20  Year’s  Purchase, 
worth  220  Millions  now  : And  being  improved  in  the  Propor- 
tion of  49  to  64,  or  from  3 to  4,  they  will  be  worth  73  Millions 
more  than  now,  answerable  to  the  value  of  Additional  Hands 
afore-mentioned. 

4.  Nor  is  it  difficult  to  believe,  That  People,  who  may 
live  in  England  upon  6/.  i^s.  4d.  per  Ann.  may  earn  so  much, 
and  3/.  loj’.  od.  more  per  Ann.  At  which  Rate  a Million  of 
People  make  3^  Millions  of  Superlucration  per  Ann. 

As  to  the  next  Point,  that  Ireland  may  send  into  England 

Millions  worth  of  Commodities,  receiving  nothing  back:  I 
say  that  if  Ireland  be  Stock’d  with  6 Millions  of  Great  Cattle 
or  Beeves,  That  ^ of  them  or  1 500  Thousand,  being  Milch-Cows, 
will  yield  Butter  and  Cheese  worth  24  shill,  per  Ann.  apiece 
In  all  1800  Thousand  Pounds.  And  that  ^ of  them  be  Yearly 


^ Cf.  note  2,  p.  454. 

- A blank  in  the  MS.,  opposite  which  the  copyist  set  a ‘f|’  in  the  margin. 
Zero  miglit  liave  l)een  inserted. 


Value  of  Ireland  in  1687. 


565 


Slaughter’d  at  30J,  per  Head  will  make  1800  Thousand 
Pounds  more.  In  all  3600  Thousand  Pounds:  Of  which 
Summ  2000  Thousand  Pounds  must  be  spent  in  Ireland,  to 
maintain  300  Thousand  Heardsmen  and  Dairy-Women^  and 
100  Thousand  Pounds  to  maintain  the  P'orces,  Clergy  and 
Civil  Government.  The  rest  (being  1500  Thousand  Pounds) 
may  be  sent  either  directly  into  England;  or  into  Foreign 
Parts,  at  length  to  be  also  return’d  thither. 

The  last  Point  of  this  Chapter  is  to  shew,  how  the  present 
Value  of  Ireland  shall,  by  this  new  Oeconomy,  rise  in  Value 
from  2 to  3.  To  which  I say.  That  if  the  Rents  be  under 
1200  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  and  Lands,  in  the  Year  1687, 
not  worth  10  Year’s  Purchase, 


then  the  Value  of  Lands  is  scarce 

The  Value  of  Stock  as  aforesaid 

And  of  the  Housing,  which  have  two  or  more' 

Chimneys ; the  rest  being  reckon’d  for  nothing 

In  all 


12  Millions. 
6 Millions. 

2 Millions. 


20  Millions. 


And  we  say  that  upon  that  Settlement  and  Union  of  People 
by  this  new-inexpensive  Government  and  Simplicity  of  Trade, 
the  Lands  of  Ireland  will  be  worth  20  Year’s  purchase,  as 
well  as  in  England  and  Scotland : And  consequently  24 
Millions,  and  the  Stock  liable  before  to  Distress  and  other 
Disturbances,  Law-Suits,  and  Thefts,  will  rise  at  least  from 
6 to  7 7 

24 

In  all  to  31  Millions. 

And  out  of  31  Millions  dedu6ling  one  Million  for  the  Charge 
of  Transplanting  a Million  of  Heads;  the  Remainder  will  be 
30  Millions,  which  now  is  but  20. 

^ Petty  thus  allows  the  herdspeople  13^.  \d.  expence,  the  English  rate,  cf. 
P-  559- 


566 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


CHAP.  V. 


That  the  King's  Revenue  in  England  and  m Ireland., 
supposed  to  be  2070  Thonsand  Pounds,  ivill  be  increased  to 
above  Part  more  {yizt)  to^  above  414  Thonsand  Pounds ; 
and  even  to  450  Thousa^id  Potinds : So  as  to  be  in  all  2520 
Thousand  Potmds. 

Or  if  in  England  the  Duties  of  Excise,  Customs,  and 


JL  Hearths  be  above  1400  Pounds  ; then  by  the  Addition 
of  one  Million  of  People  to  the  7 which  are  already,  the 
said  1400  Thousand  Pounds,  must  be  above  1600  Thousand 
Pounds,  or  200  Thousand  Pounds  more  than  at  present. 

Moreover  if  the  Produce  of  1500  Thousand  Milch-Cows, 
at  24  Shillings  each,  be  1800  Thousand  Pounds,  and  of 
the  1200  Thousand  Slaughter’d  Beeves,  be  1800  Thousand 
Pounds  more,  in  all  3600  Thousand  Pounds,  Out  of  which 
2 Millions  of  Pounds  are  to  be  pay’d  as  Wages  to  the  300 
Thousand  Servants,  and  80  Thousand  Pounds  to  the  Land- 
Forces  and  Civil  Government  of  Ireland,  and  20  Thousand 
Pounds  to  the  Clergy;  in  all  2100  Thousand  Pounds,  then 
the  Remainder  sent  into  England  will  be  1 500  Thousand 
Pounds:  Which  added  to  the  3|  Millions  arising  from  the 
Improvement  of  the  Land  in  England  (as  aforesaid)  will 
make  the  whole  to  be  5 Millions;  the  2V  thereof  is  250 
Thousand  Pounds : Which,  with  the  200  Thousand  Pounds 
Increase  from  the  Customs,  Excise,  and  Hearths,  makes  up 
the  450  Thousand  Pounds  above-mentioned.  I here  add 
that  if,  by  the  like  Transplantation  out  of  the  High-Lands  in 
Scotland,  into  the  Low-Lands  of  the  same,  or  into  England, 
the  130  Thousand  present  Revenue  of  Scotland  should  in- 
crease i Part,  and  become  156  Thousand  PoundsL  So  the 
Revenue  of  the  3 Kingdoms  would  be  2676  Thousand 
Pounds. 


^ ?a  slip  for  ‘by.’ 

^ On  p.  579  Petty  revises  this  caleulation. 


The  Charge  of  Clergy > 


567 


Now  if  the  Charge  of  England  could  be  defray’d  for  1300 
Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  in  Times  of  Peace,  and  that  of 
Ireland  with  200  Thousand  Pounds,  and  that  of  Scotland 
with  68  Thousand  Pounds  (the  J of  Ireland)  in  all  with 
1568  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  the  Overplus  would  be 
1108  Thousand  Pounds.  Now  for  as  much  as  in  England 
there  has  not  been  found,  for  these  many  years,  more  than 
one  Year  of  Warr  to  3 of  Peace,  the  said  Overplus  of  1108 
Thousand  Pounds  for  three  Y ears  of  Peace  would  be  3324 
Thousand  Pounds : Which  added  to  the  Yearly  Revenue 
of  2676  Thousand  Pounds  will  make  a Stock  of  6 Millions 
for  the  Year  of  Warr:  Which  is  thrice  as  much  as  has  been 
spent  in  any  late  Year  of  Warr,  and  consequently  sufficient 
for  all  Uses  in  View.  We  further  say  that  because  the  King’s 
Revenue  in  Ireland  is  at  present  270  Thousand  Pounds  neat ; 
and  because  but  80  Thousand  Pounds  thereof  is  by  this  New 
Model  to  be  spent  in  Ireland  ; It  follows  that  190  Thousand 
Pounds  more  must  be  paid  him  in  England  out  of  the  1500 
Thousand  Pounds  above-mentioned  to  be  sent  thither. 

And  moreover  because  the  Church-Benefices  of  Ireland 
are  120  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  whereof  onely  20  Thou- 
sand Pounds,  by  this  new  Model,  is  to  be  spent  by  the  Clergy 
in  Ireland ; It  follows  that  the  remaining  100  Thousand 
Pounds  be  transferred  to  Church  Uses  in  England : And 
consequently  when  290  Thousand  Pounds  of  1500  Thousand 
Pounds  shall  be  paid  to  the  King  and  Church,  there  will 
remain  1210  Thousand  Pounds  payable  to  the  Owners  of 
Irish  Lands  and  Stock,  who  live  in  England. 


CHAP.  VI. 

IF  the  Charge  of  the  Clergy  in  Ireland  be  now  120  Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  and  after  the  Transplantation  no  more 
• than  20  Thousand  Pounds,  then  there  will  be  100  Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  overplus;  which  will  afford  100/.  per  Ann. 
to  1000  Divines  dissenting  from  the  Authoriz’d  Religion, 


568 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


whose  Business  may  be,  to  keep  Peace  among  their  Flocks, 
and  dispose  them  to  Obedience  towards  their  Sovereign. 

Lastly,  if  the  Lands  of  all  England  increase  from  49  to 
64,  or  from  3 to  4,  those  of  the  Church  will  do  the  same  also. 


CHAP.  VII. 

How  to  take  away  all  the  Evils  arising  from  Diffe- 
rences of  Births,  ExtraTlions,  Languages,  Matiners,  Cus- 
toms,  Religion,  and  Laws,  and  Pretence  whatsoever. 

1.  ^ I ■'Here  is  no  Person  or  Party  in  Ireland,  of  what 

Jl  religion  soever,  who  denies  the  King  of  England 
to  be  King  of  Ireland  also. 

2.  Whereas  there  are  Disputes  concerning  the  Superior- 
ity of  Parliament ; now  there  will  need  no  Parliament  in 
Ireland  to  make  Laws  among  the  Cow-Herds  and  Dairy- 
Women:  Nor  indeed  will  there  be  any  Peers,  or  Free-holders, 
at  all  in  Ireland,  whereof  to  make  a Parliament. 

3.  There  will  be  little  Pomp  or  Expence  in  the  Chief 
Governor  &c.  the  onely  Business  being  to  regulate  the  simple 
Cattle  Trade  to  the  best  common  Advantage. 

4.  The  Courts  of  Judicature  may  be  much  abated,  for 
that  there  will  be  little  or  no  Variety  of  Cases  or  Actions. 

5.  The  Officers  of  Ports  will  need  onely  to  keep  an 
Account  of  Exportation,  where  there  are  no  Importations, 
or  very  little  or  simple. 

6.  The  Work  of  the  Clergy  will  require  little  intricate 
Learning  or  School-Divinity. 

7.  The  267  Thousand  Catholicks  may  be  such  as  can  all 
speak  English,  and  who  will  take  English  Names. 

8.  The  Lands  upon  the  down-Survey,  may  also  have 
English  Names  put  upon  them. 

9.  The  Transplanters  into  England  may  do  the  same. 

10.  The  300  Thousand  left  in  Ireland  are  all  Servants  to  • 
those  who  live  in  England,  having  no  Property  of  their 
own,  in  Land  or  Stock. 


569 


Ireland  after  Petty  s Transplantation. 


0-  Money  need  be  but  little  and  that  Local. 

12.  Cloths  may  be  uniform,  and  withal  equal,  and  also 
most  commodious  for  the  People’s  Employments. 

13.  The  Catholic  Priests  may  be  English-men. 

14.  The  15000  militia^  Men  being  of  the  whole 
Number  of  Men,  may  serve  by  Turns  as  Soldiers  every 
tenth  Year. 

15.  The  4000  Men  at  Sea  in  40  small  Ships  are  enough 
to  begirt  Ireland,  or  to  keep  a Guard  between  the  North  of 
Ireland  and  Scotland : as  also  between  Scilly  and  Kingsale, 
as  the  beginning  of  a real  Mare  Clausum^. 

16.  The  Lands  may  be  valu’d  according  to  the  annual 
Increase  of  Flesh  produceable  from  the  same,  restraining  and 
reducing  all  other  Respedls  to  that  one. 

17.  Controversies  concerning  Estates  in  Ireland,  may  be 
determined  in  England,  where  the  Pretenders  are  now  to  Live. 

18.  Whereas  it  may  be  offensive  to  make  Estimates  of 
the  Number  of  Men  slain  in  Ireland^  for  the  last  516  Years ; 
and  of  the  Value  of  the  Money  and  Provisions,  sent  out  of 
England  thither ; Of  the  Charge  of  the  last  Warr  begun 
Anno  1641  ; The  Value  of  the  Wasting  and  Dispeopling 
the  Countrey,  Charges  at  Law  for  the  last  30  Years  &c. 
We  say  that  the  same  may  be  all  spared.  Since  all  may  be 
probably  remedied  and  forgotten  by  the  Means  and  Methods 
above-mentioned. 


1 ‘militia’  inserted  by  Petty. 

2 See  note  on  p.  573. 

^ The  Polit.  Anat.,  which  contains  such  estimates,  (pp.  150,  151)  was  not 
published  when  Petty  wrote.  On  p.  608  he  handles  the  subject  somewhat 
gingerly. 


570 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


CHAP.  VIII. 

Hoiv  the  Names,  Boiuids,  Titles,  and  V allies,  of  Lands 

may  be  settled  and  ascertained ; with  Remedy  of  the 

Miscarriages,  ivhich  have  happened  in  the  35  Years  last 

past  in  the  Disposnres  of  them. 

1.  T Et  the  down-Survey  be  finished  according  to  the 
J — ^ Clause  in  the  73d.  Page  of  the  Explanatory  Act, 

and  a certain  Number  of  Denominations  be  pitched  upon  to 
be  onely  used  in  Public  Instruments  and  Conveyances  ; and 
let  the  Spellings  of  each  be  also  ascertained  and  published, 
and  withal  to  every  Surround  upon  the  Plotts  and  down- 
Survey  be  added  an  English  Name. 

2.  Let  all  controverted  Bounds,  be  perambulated  by  the 
Persons  concern’d,  and  the  Determination  of  them  be 
described  by  the  Chain  and  Needle. 

3.  Let  all  remaining  Wrangles  about  the  title  be  deter- 
mined in  England  by  indifferent  Persons,  without  respedl  to 
Nation  and  Religion,  and  then  well  and  clearly  registred. 

4.  Let  the  Value  of  each  Denomination  be  expressed 
by  the  Increase  of  Flesh  producible  from  the  same  at  a 
Medium  of  7 Years,  reducing  all  other  Qualities  into  that 
onely. 

5.  Let  the  Number  of  Years  Purchase  be  determined  by 
the  common  Voice  of  both  Nations,  to  be  renewed  every 
7 Years. 

6.  And  let  there  be  a Registry  of  all  these  Matters  and 
of  all  Alienations  from  Hand  to  Hand. 

Memorandum.  That  it  may,  as  an  Objedlion,  be  asked, 
Why  a Million  of  People  might  not  rather  be  sent  out  of 
England  into  Ireland,  to  raise  the  Number  in  Ireland  from 
4 to  7,  and  reduce-that  of  England  from  7 to  6.  I answer.  No. 

For  the  Value  of  Lands  in  England  being  220  Millions, 
the  Taking  away  one  Million  of  it’s  7 Millions  of  Inhabitants 
would  lessen  it’s  Value  from  49  to  36,  or  from  4 to  3 to  the 
Loss  of  55  Millions.  And  the  Value  of  the  Lands  of  Ireland 


Stimmary. 


571 


being  but  12  Millions,  the  Increase  of  its  Inhabitants  would 
but  raise  it’s  Value  from  16  to  49  or  from  i to  3,  and  make  it 
rise  from  12  to  36  Millions,  to  the  Gain  of  24  Millions  for 
Ireland,  & y®  Loss  of  55  from  England. 

Whereas  the  Transplantation  of  a Million  into  England 
gains  100  Millions  in  Common  to  England  and  Ireland,  and 
10  Millions  in  special  to  Ireland,  besides  many  other  Benefits 
to  both  Nations,  which  do  not  fall  under  the  Computation  of 
Numbers.  From  hence  may  be  drawn  a General  Rule  to 
compute  the  Profits  or  Loss  of  Sending  People,  out  of 
England  or  Ireland,  to  the  American  Colonies,  and  indeed 
from  any  City  or  Countrey  to  another,  whose  Value  and 
People  are  known. 


CHAP.  IX. 

A Repetition  and  Enlargement  of  zvJiat  has  been  here 

said. 

1.  ' I ''Hat  the  Present  Number  of  Roman  Catholicks  in 

-L  England  may  be  increased  from  25  Thousand  to 
915  Thousand,  or  from  one  to  above  36,  without  forcing  any 
Man’s  Conscience. 

2.  That  the  People  of  England  and  Ireland  may  gain 
3^  Millions  per  Ann.  out  of  the  Earth  and  Sea,  and  from 
Foreign  Nations ; and  that  England  may  get  from  Ireland 

Million  more : In  all  5 Millions  per  Ann.  by  this  Atchiev- 
ment. 

3.  That  the  King’s  Revenue  in  England  and  Ireland 
may  be  advanced  from  2070  Thousand  Pounds  to  2520 
Thousand  Pounds:  And  by  Addition  of  156  Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  from  Scotland  to  2676  Thousand  Pounds 
in  all. 

4.  That  the  Charge  of  the  Whole  Government  in  Time 
of  Peace  may  be  possibly  defrayed  for  1568  Thousand  Pounds, 
Leaving  an  Overplus  of  1108  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann. 

5.  That  there  being  3 Years  of  Peace  in  these  Nations 


572 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


for  one  of  Warr,  the  said  3 Years  Overplus  will  be  3324 
Thousand  Pounds  ; which,  added  to  2676  Thousand  Pounds, 
will  make  a Bank  of  6 Millions  Pounds  for  the  one  Year  of 
War. 

6.  That  the  said  2676  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  will 
not  be  the  2V  of  the  Expence  of  the  Nation  ; and  there- 
fore so  far  from  being  intolerable,  that  it  will  scarce  be  a 
sensible  Burthen. 

7.  That  what  was  said  of  Bringing  a Million  of  People 
into  England  out  of  Ireland,  and  Leaving  300  Thousand 
Heardsmen  &c.  behind ; may  be  apply’d  to  Scotland,  by 
bringing  300  Thousand  People  out  of  the  High-Lands  into 
the  Low-Lands  or  England,  and  leaving  100  Thousand 
Herdsmen  behind  in  the  High-Lands,  or  Northermost  Third 
Part  of  that  Countrey. 

8.  Upon  this  Transplantation,  join’d  with  the  former,  the 
People  inhabiting  in  England  and  Wales,  and  the  Low-Lands 
of  Scotland,  will  be  9300  Thousand  ; And  their  Expence,  at 
61.  13^-.  4<^.  per  Head  will  be  62  Millions  per  Ann.  the  Part 
whereof  is  above  3 Millions  per  Ann.  and  much  above  the 
2676  Thousand  Pounds  above-mentioned  for  the  Public 
Revenue. 

9.  When  the  whole  People  shall  be  9300  Thousand,  as 
above-said,  the  English,  Scotch,  and  Irish,  Catholicks,  living 
among  them,  will  be  near  920  Thousand,  or  near  of  the 
whole,  whilst  in  the  High-Lands  of  Scotland  there  may  be 
no  Catholicks  at  all,  keeping  267  Thousand  in  Ireland. 

10.  The  above-mentioned  Provision  of  6 Millions  for 
a Year  of  Warr  will  maintain  triple  the  greatest  Land-Army 
and  Sea-P'leet,  that  have  (at  any  Time)  been  seen  in  or  about 
England,  with  all  the  Civil  Charges  beside. 

1 1.  There  will  be,  in  this  new  Kingdom  of  9300  Thousand 
Inhabitants  about  2300  Thousand  Males  naturally  able  to 
bear  Arms,  of  which  the  Part,  or  230  Thousand  may  be 
spared  and  supported  for  the  Purpose,  being  enough  for  the 
greatest  Extremity  in  view. 

12.  The  Church-Lands  and  Tyths  in  England  will  by 
this  Transplantation  improve,  as  all  other  Lands,  from  49  to 


Summary. 


573 


64,  or  from  3 to  4:  Besides  the  Addition  of  100  Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  to  be  transferred  from  the  Church  of  Ireland 
to  that  of  England  for  extraordinary  Uses. 

13.  Of  the  200  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  allotted  for 
the  Guard  of  Ireland  120  Thousand  Pounds  is  intended  for 
4000  Seamen  in  40  small  Ships  sufficient  to  begirt  Ireland  ; 
and  to  guard  2 Lines : The  one  between  the  North  of  Ireland 
and  Scotland,  the  other  between  Kingsale  and  Silly,  Which, 
with  two  Lines  more,  the  one  from  Ushent  in  France  to  Silly, 
and  the  other  from  the  North  of  Scotland  to  Norway,  will 
make  a real  Mare  Clausum  never  yet  described. 

14.  It  follows  from  the  Premisses,  That  it  is  not  the 
Interest  of  England  to  seek  more  Territory,  nor  to  send 
Auxiliary  Men  to  their  Allies,  worth  (being  all  able  bodied 
Men)  about  100/.  per  Head  : Few  such  having  been  observ’d 
to  come  back  when  once  sent  out. 

1 5.  Consequently  England  may  still  think  of  being 
Sovereign  within  a Mare  Clausum^  the  Profit  and  Loss 
whereof  is  handled  elsewhere^ 

16.  The  Lands  of  Ireland,  by  ascertaining  their  Names, 
Bounds,  Titles,  and  Values,  and  by  the  Simplicity  of  Trade 
here  propounded,  will  be  made  a better  Material  for  Money 
than  Gold  and  Silver,  as  far  less  subject  to  Abuses;  as  also 
Usury  will  be  thereby  lessened. 

17.  The  Manners,  Habits,  Language,  and  Customs  of 
the  Irish  (without  Prejudice  to  Religion)  will  be  transmuted 
into  English,  within  less  than  an  Age,  and  all  Old  Ani- 
mosities forgotten. 

18.  The  insnaring  Questions,  between  England  and 
Ireland,  about  the  Supremacy  of  Parliament ; the  Multitude 
of  Law-Suits  ; the  Vexations  about  Levying  the  King’s  Reve- 
nue ; the  Irregularities  of  Coins,  and  the  Want  of  the  same 
for  Trade,  will  all,  or  the  most  part,  cease  and  be  abolished. 

19.  Where  5 Millions  of  Profit  rises  (as  is  here 
propounded)  from  the  Earth  and  Sea,  the  consequent  or 
concomitant  Profit  arising  from  the  Labors  of  the  People 


^ Petty’s  discussion  of  this  subject  appears  to  be  lost. 


574 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


is  (Generally  speaking)  Triple  to  the  same,  and  should  in 
this  case  be  1 5 Millions  more. 

But  where  Land  is  cheap,  the  Rent  is  scarce  ^ and  the 
Labor  is  above  Wherefore  we  say  in  Ireland  the  Expence 
of  the  People  is  6500  Thousand  Pounds,  the  Rent  of  Land 
almost  ^ of  the  same,  or  1200  Thousand  Pounds  : The  Labor 
of  the  People  to  the  said  Rent  as  7 to  2,  or  4200  Thousand 
Pounds.  And  the  rest,  being  1100  Thousand  Pounds,  for  the 
Interest  of  the  Stock  of  all  sorts. 

And  in  England  the  Expence  of  the  People  is  47  Millions, 
the  Rent  of  the  Land  ii  Millions;  the  Labor  of  the  People 
to  the  said  Lands  as  5 to  2,  or  27^  Millions  of  the  whole : 
And  the  remaining  Millions,  is  for  the  Interest  of  the 
Stock  or  Personal  Estates.  So  as  when  England  shall  gain 
I Part  of  1 1 Millions  by  the  Rent  of  Land,  it  shall  gain  of 
the  same  Summ  by  the  Labor  of  the  People,  vizt.  about  3 
Millions  and  920  Thousand  Pounds  per  Annum.^ 


An  Appendix  of  Objections  to  this  Essay, 

WITH  Answers  to  the  same. 

First  that  the  Transplantation  of  a Million  of  People 
is  Impracticable  and  Utopian. 

Answer. 

1st.  It  has  been  already  said  that  the  Charges  thereof 
needs  not  to  exceed  20  Shillings  per  head  at  a Medium 
between  Poor  and  Rich,  Great  and  Small  ; and  from  the 
Middle  of  Ireland  to  the  Middle  of  England  supposed  to  be 
120  Miles  of  Land  in^  Distance. 

2.  Forty  small  Vessels  of  about  Sixty  Tuns  each  (which 
are  easily  had)  will  perform  this  whole  Work  in  Five  Years 
Time. 

^ Plere  follows.  In  Adcll.  MS.  21 128,  Another  Vietu  of  the  same  Matters.,  which 
is  printed  after  “the  eighth  objection,”  p.  606.  Cf.  p.  54^- 
“ MS.  ‘ and,’  altered  by  Petty. 


The  Cattle  Trade. 


575 


3.  The  Freight  per  head  need  not  exceed  Two  Shillings, 
and  the  Travelling  Charges  by  Land  at  one  Penny  per  Mile 
needs  not  be  above  Ten  Shillings,  Leaving  Eight  Shillings 
for  Extraordinaries. 

4.  There  will  be  found  Undertakers  enough,  to  regulate 
this  Matter,  and  bring  the  Charges  thereof  to  a Certainty, 
which  may  amount  to  200  Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  to  be 
advanced  for  Five  Years  out  of  the  Public  Revenue,  and 
reimbursed,  as  shall  elsewhere  be  shewn. 

The  second  Obje6lion,  That  the  Cattle-Trade  above- 
propounded  is  also  impra6licable. 

Answer. 

1.  The  Lands  and  Cattle  are  the  same  as  now,  wanting 
onely  a new  Application  to  each  other. 

2.  A Council  of  Fitting  Persons  must  make  this  Applica- 
tion, by  Pitching  the  Number  of  each  Species  of  Cattle,  for 
every  Sort  of  Land  within  the  whole^  Territory  of  Ireland. 

3.  The  same  may  pitch  the  Number  of  Cow-Herds, 
Shepherds,  Dairy-Women,  Slaughter  Men  and  others,  which 
are  fit  and  sufficient  to  manage  the  Trade  of  exported  Cattle 
dead  or  alive,  of  Hydes,  Tallow,  Butter  and  Cheese,  Wool 
and  Sea- Fish  &c. 

4.  To  appoint  the  Foreign  Markets  and  Ports  where 
each  Commodity  is  to  be  shipped  and  sold,  to  provide 
Shipping  and  to  keep  Account  of  the  Exportation  above- 
mentioned,  and  of  the  imported  Salt,  Tobacco,  with  a few 
other  Necessarys. 

5.  When  the  whole  Number,  to  be  left  in  Ireland,  is 
adjusted,  then  to  pitch  how  many  of  them  shall  be  English, 
or  such  as  can  speak  English,  and  how  many  Irish,  how  many 
Catholiques^  and  how  many  others,  without  any  other  respe6l, 
than  the  Management  of  this  Trade,  for  the  common  Good  of 
all  the  Owners  of  these  Lands,  and  it’s  Stock  indifferently. 

6.  Forasmuch  as  it  is  intended  to  allow  each  Servant  to 
this  Trade  20  Nobles  per  Ann.  out  of  the  Grand  Commodities 

^ ‘ whole  ’ inserted  by  Petty. 

2 ‘how  many  Catholiques’  inserted  by  Petty. 


576 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


aforenamed,  It  is  also  intended  to  allow  them  Land  for  Corn 
and  Gardenagc  with  River-Fishing,  Wild-Fowl  and  Hunting. 

7.  To  keep  up  Part  of  the  negle6led  Houses,  till  Eng- 
land be  fully  Peopled  with  12  Millions  (vizt)  at  3 Acres  per 
head. 

8.  To  appoint  the  Foot-Militia  and  Horse-Guards. 

9.  To  carry  away  the  Young  Children  and  superannuated 
Persons. 


The  3d  Obje6lion,  That  Men  will  not  conform  to 
this  Change,  tho’  tending  to  the  General,  and  their  own 
Particular,  Good,  out  of  a mere  Caprice  and  Perverseness. 

Answer. 

[i.]  If  the  Owners  of  Ireland  may  hereby  raise  their  Con- 
cernments from  2 to  3 in  Value,  If  the  Landlords  of  England 
may  hereby  increase  the  Worth  of  their  Lands  from  3 to  4,  And 
if  the  King  may  advance  his  Revenue  from  4 to  5 ; and  that 
the  Church  may  receive  a Supplyment  out  of  Ireland  of  100 
Thousand  Pounds  per  Ann.  I suppose  that  particular  Men 
will  not  long  persist  in  their  Perverseness  and  Humor;  Or  (if 
they  do)  that  a Parliament  of  England,  may  cure  this  Evil, 
in  both  Kingdoms,  as  kind  Parents  may  correct  the  Children 
whom  they  Love. 

2.  And  when  such  a Law  is  made,  it  is  possible  within 
Six  Months  to  give  a List  of  all  the  Terr-Tenants  in  Ireland, 
who  are  to  be  removed,  and  of  the  lands  they  hold  ; with  the 
Yearly  Value  thereof.  And  within  Six  Months  more,  to  make 
a Particular  of  the  Lands  in  England,  by  the  Names,  Quantity, 
Situations,  and  Values,  correspondent  to  the  said  Tenures  and 
Occupancies  in  Ireland,  if  men  shall  humorously  refuse  to  agree 
otherwise. 

3.  It  hath  been  already  said,  that  besides  the  Advantages 
abovementioned,  the  Inhabitants  of  England  shall  receive 
one  Million  and  a half  per  Ann.  out  of  Ireland,  above  what 
hitherto  they  have  done  ; Which  is  more  than  England  gains 
by  Foreign  Trade  from  all  the  rest  of  the  World. 

4.  I further  add  that  the  Million  of  Transplantees  out  of 
Ireland,  will  after  their  having  been  Seven  Years  in  England, 


Union  of  Ireland  ivitJi  England. 


577 


become  worth  above  30/.  per  head  more  than  at  present,  in 
all  30  Millions. 

Memorandum,  That  this  Proposal  inferrs  no  Forcing 
any  Irish ^ Proprietors  to  sell  their  Estate  in  Ireland,  but 
encourages  the  King  to  buy  of  them,  who  are  voluntarily 
pleased  to  sell  at  the  present  Market-Rate. 

It  is  also  to  be  noted,  That  as  the  Method  here  propounded 
shall  make  the  Value  of  Ireland  to  rise  from  2 to  3 above 
what  the  same  was  worth  Anno  1684.  So  the  late  Changes, 
which  we  hope  are  repairable^  have  made  the  same  fall  from 
3 to  2,  and  consequently  the  Difference  between  the  present 
Proposal  and  the  present  Pra6lice,  will  be  as  9 to  4. 

The  fourth  Obje6lion,  that  this  Transplantation  and 
Change  of  Trade  amounts  to  an  Abolishment  of  the 
Irish  Nation:  Which  will  be  Odious  to  them,  and  not 
compensable  by  all  the  Benefits  abovementioned. 

Answer 

I.  That  this  Proposal  was  intended  for  an  Union  of  the 
two  Nations,  which  is  a real  Blessing  to  both,  according  to 
that  of  Faciam  eos  hi  Genteni  Unam^\  Whereas  the  Curse  of 
a Civil  Warr  is,  to  divide  one  intire  Nation  into  two  Nations  : 
As  the  Irish  Commotions  Anno  1641  adlually  did.  Now  if 
the  two  Nations  be  brought  into  one,  the  Name  of  the  lesser 
Nation  must  needs  be  abolished,  whilst  the  Thing  and  Sub- 
stance is  exalted.  P'or 

1.  In  this  Case  the  Irish  Names  of  Lands  and  Men 
are  lay’d  down,  and  English  taken  up  in  their  Rooms. 

2.  The  Cabineers  of  Ireland,  which  are  Ten  to  One 
of  all  the  others,  will  be  removed  out  of  their  wretched 
Beastlike  habitations ; unfit  for  making  Merchantable 

^ ‘ Irish  ’ inserted  by  Petty. 

2 Clarendon  had  been  appointed  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  in  September, 
1685.  Tyrconnel  became  Commander-in-Chief  and  virtual  viceroy  in  June  1686, 
and  returned  to  the  Island  as  Lord  Deputy  to  succeed  Clarendon  in  February 
1687.  His  extreme  catholic  policy  in  both  positions  alarmed  the  Protestants  in 
Ireland  and  large  numbers  of  them  returned  to  England  with  Clarendon.  Claren- 
don, Correspondence,  ii.  138,  et passim,  Fitzmaurice,  271 — 273. 

^ Ezekiel,  xxxvii.  22. 


H.  P. 


37 


57« 


Treatise  of  Irelaiid. 


Ikitter  and  Cheese,  and  the  Manufa6liire  of  Wool  and 
Linnen  out  of  the  best  Materials. 

3.  They  will  be  set  upon  more  pleasant  and 

profitable  Imployments  in  England. 

4.  They  will  be  entertained  there  with  greater 

Variety  of  agreeable  Obje6ls  and  Exercises. 

5.  They  will  be  nearer  the  King,  who  hath  a 

Kindness  for  them,  with  full  Liberty  of  Conscience. 

6.  They  will  be  safe  from  any  Re-Conquest,  which 
may  be  fatal  to  them. 

7.  They  will  be  ingrafted  and  incorporated  into  a 
Nation  more  Rich,  Populous,  Splendid,  and  Renowned 
than  themselves,  for  Letters,  Arms,  and  other  Atchieve- 
ments. 

8.  This  Transplantation  will  make  the  People  of 
Ireland  to  be  a real  Addition  (whereas  they  had  been 
hitherto  a Diminution  and  Counterpoize)  to  the  Power 
of  England,  and  for  above  500  Y ears  a vast  Expence  of 
it’s  Blood  and  Treasure. 

The  Obje6I;ion,  That  Changing  the  present  Pro- 
portions between  Catholicks  and  others  in  England  (now 
280  for  one)  to  that  of  Nine  for  One,  will  be  very 
formidable  to  the  Protestants  of  England,  and  apt  to 
create  dangerous  P'ears  and  Jealousies  in  them. 

Answer 

I.  Altho’  I never  intended  to  complicate  Religion  with 
the  Matters  of  this  Essay,  yet  I may  intimate  that,  by  the 
late  Changes  in  Ireland,  of  the  Government,  Army,  Judicatures, 
Sherriffs,  Jurys,  and  by  bringing  together  and  concentrating 
all  the  Catholick  Powers  ; and  by  Publishing  a Design  of 
making  the  Catholicks  there  as  considerable  in  their  Wealths, 
as  in  their  Numbers  \ which  has  caused  the  Price  of  Lands 
and  houses  and  Cattle  so  to  fall,  and  the  English  Artizans 
and  Money  so  to  diminish.  As  that  the  whole  of  Ireland,  in 

^ Confirms  Bonrepaiis’s  letter  of  4 Sept.,  1687,  to  Seignelay,  concerning  the 
trustworthiness  of  wliich  Lingarcl  professed  some  doubt.  Hist,  of  England,  s,tli 
ed.,  X.  143,  414;  cf.  Mnzure,  Hist,  de  la  Rh'ohition  de  1688,  II.  '287. 


Transplantation  ont  of  Scotland. 


579 


this  Year  1687,  is  fallen  from  3 to  2 of  what  the  same 
was  worth  Anno  1683,  and  will  probably  cause  a Fall  in  his 
Majesty’s  Revenue  from  about  7 to  6.  I say,  I might  inti- 
mate from  the  Premisses  that  some  Remedy  is  necessary. 

2.  Moreover  the  imagined  Benefit  of  making  Ireland  an 
Asylum \ by  the  present  Method,  for  all  the  King’s  Catholic 
Subjedls,  in  case  of  an  angry-Heterodox  Successor  to  the 
Crown,  is  not  comparable  to  the  Danger  of  Ireland’s  Revolt 
and  Reconquest. 

Lastly,  Whether  the  present  united  State  of  Catholicks  in 
Ireland  will  make  more  Catholicks  in  his  Majesty’s  whole 
Dominions,  than  the  Transplantation  here  propounded,  I 
know  not,  seeing  no  manifest  cogent  Reasons  for  either 
Opinion.  Onely  it  is  certain  it  will  make  Six  and  Thirty 
Times  more  Catholicks  in  England,  than  now  there  are,  but 
not  one  more  in  the  whole. 

Wherefore  if  what  concerns  Religion  be  doubtful,  let  the 
same  be  left  to  God,  whose  peculiar  Work  it  is ; and  let 
what  is  Obvious  and  Certain  concerning  the  Wealth,  Strength, 
Splendor,  and  Honor,  of  both  Nations  be  consider’d  according 
to  Sense  and  Reason,  to  which  God  has  left  these  Matters. 

Memorandum,  That  what  was  said  in  the  above-Essay 
concerning  Transplantation  in  Scotland^,  ought  to  have  been 
thus  (vizt.). 

Suppose  Scotland  to  contain  as  many  Acres  and  People 
as  Ireland  ; we  may  suppose  that  in  the  Northermost  Third 
Part  or  Six  Millions  of  Scotland  there  dwells  400  Thousand 
of  the  whole  1300  Thousand  People.  Of  which  400  Thousand 
we  suppose  300  Thousand  to  be  transplanted  into  the 
Low-Lands,  or  rather  into  England  ; leaving  100  Thousand 
behind  for  the  Cattle-Trade.  So  as  there  will  be  7 Thousand 
100  Thousands,  and  a Thousand  Thousand,  and  300  Thousand 
in  England  and  Wales,  and  900  Thousand  in  the  Low-Lands 
of  Scotland;  Making  in  all  9 Millions  and  300  Thousand  heads 
to  Live  upon  the  whole  48  Millions  of  Acres,  which  may  be 
called  Great  England  ; Leaving  100  Thousand,  as  aforesaid, 
upon  the  Northermost  Third,  which  may  be  called  Little 

^ Cf.  note  on  p.  57<S.  2 ggg  p_  ,.  ^5^ 


37—2 


580 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


Scotland  besides  300000  upon  the  18  Millions  of  Ireland,  as 
aforesaid.  The  Consideration  of  all  which  may  be  placed  to 
the  Accounts  of  Political  Pastimes  and  Recreations,  according 
to  the  first  Title  of  this  Essay. 

The  Sixth  Obje6lion.  In  the  Title  of  this  Essay, 
Mention  was  made  of  Settlement  in  Ireland,  I suppose 
that  Settlement  of  Estates  and  Title  of  Land  was 
thereby  intended,  which  (I  am  affraid)  is  not  yet  perfe6l. 
Forasmuch  as  there  is  great  Complaint  made  against  the 
gross  Partialities  in  the  A61:  of  17°  Car.  I™^  In  the  A6ls 
of  Settlement  A°  1652.  In  the  ACts  of  Satisfa6lion  made 
A”  1653.  In  two  other  A6ls  made  A°  1656.  In  the 
Proceedings  in  the  Court  of  Athlone  and  Loghreaghh 
In  several  Courts  for  Protestant’s  Claims  before  the 
King’s  Restauration.  In  the  A6ls  of  Settlement  made 
since  Anno  1662,  and  executed  Anno  1663.  In  the 
Courts  of  Innocence.  In  the  A6ls  of  Explanation  made 
A®  1665,  and  executed  in  the  Years  1666,  1667,  and  1668. 
In  the  Proceedings  upon  the  Commission  for  Moderating 
of  Quit-Rents  A°  1676.  In  Settling  the  Transplantees 
of  Connaught  and  Clare  A°  1677.  In  the  Court  of  Grace 
A®  1684.  And  most  of  all,  in  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Judges,  Sherifs  and  Juries,  A®  1687.  I say,  no  great 
Matter  has  been  offered  in  this  Essay  for  remedy  of 
the  Evils  contained  in  the  Acts  and  Proceedings  last 
mentioned.  Which  Remedies,  I suppose,  were  mean’t 
by  the  Word  Settlement. 

Answer. 

1.  We  have  supposed.  That  when  the  Catholicks  and 
Proprietors  of  Ireland,  as  also  the  high-Landers  of  Scotland, 
are  Transplanted  into  England,  Wales,  and  the  Low-Lands 

^ The  Court  of  Claims  and  Qualifications  of  the  Irish,  called  from  the  place  of 
its  sessions,  the  Athlone  Commissioners,  was  appointed  28  December,  1654,  to 
determine  the  guilt  of  each  Irish  proprietor  and  to  ascertain  the  extent  and  value 
of  lands  which  he  had  lately  held  on  the  English  side  of  the  Shannon.  The 
Loughrea  Commissioners  thereupon  set  out  lands,  to  such  of  the  Irish  as  were 
transplanted  into  Connaught,  according  to  the  findings  of  the  Athlone  Com- 
missioners. 


A Catholic  Court  proposed. 


581 


of  Scotland  containing  48  Millions  of  Acres,  and  9 Millions 
300  Thousand  People : Among  which  are  all  the  Catholicks 
of  the  Three  Kingdoms. 

2.  We  further  Suppose,  That  whereas  there  are  now 
about  12  Thousand  Parishes  in  the  said  48  Millions  of  Acres, 
That  by  Dividing  as  many  of  the  greater  Parishes  as  are 
necessary,  there  may  be  made  just  15  Thousand  Parishes  or 
Parochial  Divisions;  and  that  the  Males  of  21  Year’s  old 
within  every  such  Division,  do  choose  an  Eledlor  for  the  Great 
Councel  hereafter  mentioned.  And  that  the  said  15  Thousand 
Eledlors,  by  500  Assemblies  of  30  Eledlors  in  each,  do  choose 
500  Members  for  the  General  and  Ultimate  Judicature  con- 
cerning Estates  in  Ireland. 

3.  And  Lastly  We  suppose,  That  out  of  the  said  500 
Members,  Juries  may  be  chosen  by  Lott  for  the  Consum- 
mation of  this  Work  by  Lott ; that  is  to  say,  by  God,  it 
being  hard  to  conceive  any  Authority  more  equal,  impartial, 
and  indifferent,  than  the  said  Juries,  so  chosen  by  God,  by 
the  King,  and  the  whole  People  of  all  the  Three  Nations. 

There  be  several  other  Instruments  and  Expedients 
to  corredl  and  perfedl  the  present  Settlement  in  Ireland; 
whereof  I insert  this  one,  to  be  wholly  administred  by 
the  Catholic  Party,  (vizt) 

There  may  be  a Court  eredled  by  A6l  of  Parliament, 
consisting  of  five  of  the  most  Ancient,  Substantial,  Upright 
and  Experienc’d  Catholic  Gentlemen  of  Ireland,  for  the  Ends 
following,  (vizt.). 

1.  To  find  out  what  Lands  any  Catholic  Restoree  holds 
as  his  own,  and  rightfully  derives  from  his  Ancestors,  as  to 
their  Propriety  the  23d  of  Odlober  1641,  which  in  Truth  was 
not  so } 

2.  What  Lands  any  of  the  Catholic  Restorees  have 
gotten  by  vicious  and  forg’d  Deeds,  altho’  the  Lands  were 
their  own  or  their  Ancestors,  in  the  Year  1641.^ 

3.  What  Persons,  adjudged  Innocent  by  the  Court  of 
Claims  A®  1663,  were  more  nocent,  than  those  which  the 
said  Court  did  judge  to  be  nocent } 


582 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


4.  What  Persons,  adjudged  nocent,  were  more  innocent, 
than  those  whom  the  said  Court  did  judge  to  be  innocent  ? 

5.  What  Persons  restored  by  Proviso  ex  mero  Motu\  or 
as  Nominees  or  Letterees,  did  less  deserve  the  same,  than 
some  of  those  who  were  never  restored  at  all? 

6.  What  Persons  never  restored,  do  deserve  to  have 
some  Parts  of  their  Estates,  under  two  Thirds  ; and  what 
Parts  ? 

7.  What  meritorious  Persons  should  be  restored  to  their 
former  Estates,  in  specie,  or  to  the  Equivalent,  out  of  the 
Stock  according  to  the  Proportions  that  shall  be  respedlively 
allow’d  them  ? 

8.  That  they  consider  what  Catholicks  have  gotten 
Grants  of  other  Catholic  Estates  ? 

9.  That  all  Restorees,  how  innocent  and  worthy  soever, 
may  retrench  Thirds  as  the  Adventurers  did. 

10.  That  out  of  the  Premisses  there  may  be  made  a 
Common  Stock  for  Remedys  and  Gratifications  in  the  several 
Cases  aboyementioned,  and  for  Reprizing  of  such  Protestant 
Patentees  as  have  been,  or  shall  be,  ejedled. 

11.  That  an  accurate  Valuation  be  made  of  all  Lands  in 
order  to  this  Work. 

12.  That  no  Lands  be  disposed  of  out  of  this  Stock, 
till  the  Court  abovenientioned  have  first  stated  what  every 
Restoree  or  Removee  is  to  have. 

The  Seventh  Objedlion.  What  needs  the  Monstrous 
Plantation,  the  Innovation  of  Trade,  and  the  General 
Judicature  abovementioned,  since  Things  are  so  well 
already  in  Ireland.^  And  since  almost  all  the  Offices 
and  Arms  are  already  (and  the  Legislature  itself  may 
shortly  be)  in  those  onely  who  are  of  the  King’s  Religion? 

Answer 

We  have  set  forth  the  Benefits,  which  may  arise  from  the 
Transplantation,  Trade,  and  Judicature  abovementioned  : We 
come  next,  to  set  forth  the  Difference  between  Ireland,  as  it 


’ See  Polii.  p.  1,^1,  note  2. 


Decays  of  Ireland  since  1683. 


5^3 


is  in  this  present  Year  1687,  from  what  the  same  was  in  the 
Year  1683.  In  some  of  the  principal  Points  undermentioned, 
(vizt) 

1.  The  Rents  of  all  the  Lands  in  Ireland  A®  I687^  were 
worth  1200  Thousand  Pounds  per  Annum,  and  12  Year’s 
Purchase,  at  a Medium  between  Lands  near  great  Cities  and 
Places  of  Trade,  and  the  obscure  thin-peopled  Parts  of  the 
Nation  : So  as  the  whole  Land  of  Ireland  was  then  worth 
about  14  Millions  400  Thousand  Pounds.  But  it  is  Generally 
believed  that  the  Lands,  which  then  might  have  been  Lett 
for  3^-.  6d.  per  Acre,  and  sold  for  14  Year’s  Purchase  (vizt 
for  4gs.  the  Acre)  will  scarce  in  this  Year  1687  yield  2s.  6d. 
per  Acre,  nor  sell  for  above  10  Year’s  Purchase,  vizt.  25^'.  the 
Acre  or  little  above  for  half  49^.  From  whence  we  may  think 
that  the  Lands,  which  A®  1683  were  worth  14  Millions  400 
Thousand  Pounds,  are  now  fallen  7 Millions  thereof 

2.  The  Housing  of  Ireland  having  above  one  Chimney 
in  each  (for  the  rest  we  reckon  not)  have  been  estimated  at 
2 Millions;  and  it  is  too  manifest  that  the  Housing  of  Dublin 
are  less  worth  now  by  one  Tenth  Part  (some  will  say  a Fifth) 
than  they  were  A®  1683.  Wherefore  we  estimate  the  whole 
Housing  of  Ireland  to  be  fallen  200  Thousand  Pounds. 

3.  All  the  Cattle  of  Ireland  have  been  estimated  at 
5 Millions  A°  1683,  which  in  this  Year  1687  will  not  yield 
above  3 Millions  in  the  Market. 

4.  The  Money,  Plate,  Jewels,  and  Pine  P^urniture,  which 
has  been  these  last  Two  Years  conveyed  out  of  Ireland,  or 
otherwise  withdrawn  from  currant  Uses,  seems  by  a numerous 
Colleftion  of  Observations  and  Relations  to  be  about  ^ Part 
of  the  Whole,  or  about  160  Thousand  Pounds. 

5.  The  Value  of  Beer,  Ale,  Wine  and  other  Drinks,  which 
have  been  spent  in  the  Years  1684,  1685,  and  1686,  above 
the  Level  of  other  Years,  seems  to  be  about  294  Thousand 
Pounds  ; and  it  is  likely  that  the  superfluous  Expence  in 
the  same  Year-^  of  other  Commodities  may  have  been  100 
Thousand  Pounds  more.  In  all  400  Thousand  Pounds,  Seven 
Eighths  whereof  was  over-spent  by  the  Irish. 

^ Apparently  should  be  ‘ 1683’.  ? years. 


584 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


6.  The  Value  of  the  Goods  and  Merchandize  exported 
above  the  Value  of  the  Goods  imported  in  the  same  Time, 
appears  to  be  167  Thousand  Pounds.  Now  the  last  Two  of 
the  Six  last-mentioned  Articles,  may  be  deduced  from  the 
ensuing  Table. 


The  Table  A. 

1683I 

1684I 

1685 

1686 

^ \ Inwards 

Customes  j outwards 

40870 

43065 

43167 

49467 

32092 

33324 

29453 

40056 

Imported  Excise 

44577 

47606 

47300 

49334 

Prisage 

1452 

1692 

1882 

1762 

Excises  on  Beer  and 

68344 

77583 

79170 

67572 

Ale  Licenses  

8284 

9338 

9994 

9457 

The  Total  of  the  abovemen- 
tioned  and  all  the  other 

300083 

318274 

318073 

334534 

Branches : 

The  Table  B. 


Anno  1685 


Lady  Day  Quarter 
Midsummer  Quarter 
Michmas  Quarter 
Christmas  Quarter 

Anno  1686 
Lady  Day  Quarter 
Midsummer  Quarter 
Michmas  Quarter 
Christmas  Quarter 

Anno  1687 
Lady-Day  Quarter 


Inward 


10263 

07 



11436 

17 

io| 

11591 

06 

48 

1 020 1 

08 

4^ 

10288 

14 

2| 

ot 

12890 

14902 

09 

Oi 

11874 

10 

8| 

11568 

6 

5 

Outward 


7493 

10 

5151 

6 

7829 

I 

5 

8867 

5 

8976 

14 

6690 

1 1 

11^76 

10 

t 

32 

12563 

4 

11824 

5 

6 

^ The  figures  for  1683  and  1684  differ  somewhat  from  those  given  in  Claren- 
don, Correspondence.,  i.  631 — 652. 

“ A blank  space  in  the  MS. 


Tables. 


585 


The  Table  C. 


Lady-Day-Quarter. 


Prisage  of  Wines 
Excise  of  Beer  and  Ale 
Ale-Licenses 
Wine  Licences 

The  whole  Revenue 


Ao.  1686 

1687 

676 
19028 
103 
21 1 

10 

3 

6 

7 

10 

5 

482 

17891 

73 

194 

19 

18 

5 

3 

20019 

10 

18642 

2 

3 

31175 

1 

34180 

Customes 


First  3 Quarters 


Last  3 Quarters 


Inwards 

Outwards 

10263 

7 

; 7493 

10 

o3 

2? 

11436 

17 

10 

5151 

6 

If 

11456 

I 

-i 

7829 

I 

5 

33291 

10 

Ilfi 

20473 

17 

9i 

14902 

9 

1 

8 

1 11762 

10 

3i 

11874 

10 

Si 

12563 

4 

11586 

6 

5 

1 1824 

5 

6 

38363 

6 

9 

36149 

19 

1 1 

33291 

10 

1 1 

20473 

17 

9 

5071 

9 

10 

15676 

2 

2 

4 

12 

20284 

j 31352 

1 15676 

188112 

20284 

167828 

' No  attempt  has  been  made  to  correct  the  inaccurate  footings  of  the  MS. 


586 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


Concerning  Several  Decays  in  Ireland. 

Observations  npon  the  Table  A. 

1.  The  Year  1683  was  not  remarkable  for  any  extra- 
ordinary accident,  and  therefore  we  make  it  a fit  Standard 
for  the  other  Three  Years  ; in  the  last  whereof  were  extra- 
ordinary Changes  upon  King  James  the  Second’s  coming  to 
the  Crown. 

2.  The  gross  Produce  of  the  whole  Revenue  in  the  year 
1683  was  300085/.:  So  as  the  next*  disposable  Revenue 
might  be  about  270000/ 

3.  In  the  Year  1685  (being  the  first  Year  of  James  the 
Second)  the  Prisage  of  Wines,  which  is  the  Measure  of  that 
Commodity,  did  rise  from  1452/.  to  1882/.  (or  from  about  3 
to  4)  the  Excise  of  Beer  and  Ale  from  68344  to  79170  (or 
from  about  6 to  7)  and  the  Ale-Licenses  from  8284  to  9994  : 
All  which  are  Signs  of  extraordinary  Drinking  in  1685. 

4.  The  Difference  between  the  Excise  of  Beer  and  Ale 
in  the  said  years  1683  and  1685  w^as  10826/.,  which  even 
according  to  the  small  Gallon  is  about  | Part  of  the  Value 
of  the  said  Beer  and  Ale,  Sold  by  Retail ^ shews  that  the 
extraordinary  Expence  of  Beer  and  Ale  in  the  said  years 
was  86608/. 

5.  If  we  measure  the  Expence  of  Wine  by  the  Prisage, 
then  the  Expence  thereof  A"  1685  more  than  in  1683  was 
worth  26000/.,  as  the  one  Third  of  80000/.  which  in  round 
Number  is  the  Yearly  Expence  of  Wines  of  all  Sorts  in 
Ireland. 

6.  The  Customs  inwards  A""  1683  were  40870/.  and  A” 
1685  were  43167/.  the  Difference  whereof  is  2297/.:  Which 
being  multiplied  by  4 (imported  Goods  being  about  Quad- 
ruple in  Value  to  their  Duties)  gives  9188/.  as  the  value  of  the 
extraordinary  Quantity  of  foreign  goods  as  they  were  worth 
before  they  were  ship’d.  Unto  which  must  be  added  the 
Customs  of  them  Inwards  being  2297/.  as  aforesaid,  with  as 
much  more  for  imported  Excise,  making  in  all  12782/.  as 

' Apparently  should  be  ‘nett’.  “ ?Sc.  ‘which.’ 


Decays  of  Ireland.  587 

the  Value  of  the  extraordinary  Expence  of  Foreign  Goods  in 
that  Year  1685. 

7.  So  as  the  extraordinary  Expence  of  Beer,  Ale,  Wine, 
and  Foreign  Commodities  was  125,390/.  in  the  Year  1685. 

8.  By  the  same  Method  of  Computation  the  extra- 
ordinary Expence  upon  the  3 last  aforementioned  Heads 
A°  1686  was  of  Beer  and  Ale  (nothing  of  Wine)  about 
2000c/.,  of  Foreign  Commodities  51582/.:  In  all  71582/. 

9.  The  extraordinary  Expence  in  the  Year  1684  were 
also  considerable  (the  Causes  whereof  I do  not  meddle  with) 
vizt  in  Beer  and  Ale  73912/.:  in  Wine  10000/.:  in  Foreign 
Goods  13902/.:  In  all  97814/. 

10.  The  said  extraordinary  Expence  was  in  1684,  97814/.; 
hi  1685,  126390/.  ; and  hi  1686,  71582/.:  And  in  all  the  said 
Three  Years  294786/.  Besides  106000/.  guessed  to  be  for 
Inland  Superfluities. 

Observations  npon  the  Table  B. 

I.  The  said  Table  containeth  9 Quarters  of  a Year, 
whereof  in  the  3 first  Quarters,  or  first  Ternary,  the  Customs 
inwards  were  33291/.,  and  outwards  20473/.  5 in  the  last  3 
of  the  said  9 Quarters  or  3^^^  Ternary,  the  Customes  inwards 
were  38363/.  and  outwards  36149.  The  Difference  in  the 
outward  Ternaries  is  15676/.,  which  multiplied  by  12  (the 
Value  of  Exported  Goods  being  12  Times  as  much  as  their 
Duties)  gives  188,112/.,  as  the  probable  Value  of  the  extra- 
ordinary exported  Goods  in  the  said  3 last  Quarters.  More- 
over the  Difference  between  the  Duties  upon  Imported  Goods 
in  the  said  2 Ternaries  is  5071/.,  which  multiply’d  by  4 gives 
20284/.,  The  probable  Value  of  the  extraordinary  Quantity  of 
imported  Goods.  Now  dedudling  the  said  20284/.  out  of 
188,112/.,  the  Remainder  is  167,828/.:  the  probable  Value  of 
the  Goods  exported  above  what  was  imported. 

Observations  on  the  Table  C. 

That  the  whole  Revenue  is  more  in  the  Lady-Day-Quarter 
1687,  than  in  the  same  Quarter  1686,  by  about  Part.  But 
the  Revenue  upon  the  particular  Branches  of  Prisage,  Excise 


588  Treatise  of  Ireland. 

upon  Beer  and  Ale,  with  that  of  Ale  and  Wine  Licences  is 
sunk  about  Part\ 

So  as  the  Six  Diminutions  (some  whereof  are  more  or  less 
reparable)  do  amount  in  all  to  Ten  Millions  and  927000/. Hhe 
Interest  whereof  at  Ten  per  Cent,  is  a Million  92000/.  Now  as 
the  said  Interest  is  in  Proportion  to  the  whole  Expence  of 
the  Nation  (which  I take  to  be  Six  Millions  and  | for  1300 
Thousand  heads  at  5/.  each)  so  the  said  Expence  must  here- 
after shrink,  vizt  from  7 to  6,  and  so  must  such  Part  of  the 
King’s  Revenue  also  as  dependeth  thereon. 

Since  the  Making  of  these  Tables,  it  has  been  certify’d 
from  Dublin,  That  the  Customs  of  that  Port  were  in  Mid- 
summer Quarter  A^  1686,  13378/.,  and  the  same  Quarter  of 
the  Year  1687  They  fell  to  10259/.,  and  that  the  Excise  upon 
Beer  and  Ale  fell  in  the  same  Quarter  in  that  City  947/.,  or 
one  Sixth  Part  of  the  Whole:  Altho’  the  Prisage  of  Wines 
encreased  from  204  to  278,  in  the  same  Time. 

It  has  been  also  written  that,  in  the  West  of  Ireland,  the 
Yearly  Rent  of  Lands  have  fallen  from  5 to  3,  and  that 
within  the  last  2 Years  the  Excise  of  Beer  and  Ale  in  and 
about  the  same  Lands,  has  fallen  from  29/.  los.  to  7/.  2s.  All 
which  does  too  well  Justify  the  Conjedlures,  which  have  been 
here  made  concerning  the  Decays  of  Ireland,  as  may  better 
appear  by  the  small  Table  here  inserted,  with  the  Births  and 
Burials. 


Dublin  Midsummer 

Quarter 

Anno 

Customs 

Excise 

Burials 

Baptisms 

1686 

1337; 

5741 

503 

219 

1687 

10259 

4794 

639 

310 

1 End  of  the  observations  upon  the  tables. 

“ Petty’s  six  diminutions  (p.  583) 

are : 

Lands 

7,000,000 

Houses 

200,000 

Cattle 

2,000,000 

Money 

T 60,000 

Beer  & 

400,000 

Goods,  etc. 

0 

0 

q 

t'. 

9, 9-27, 000.  The  total  10,927,000 
may  have  been  reached  by  taking  the  present  value  of  the  cattle  (3  millions) 
instead  of  the  diminution  of  their  value. 


The  Irish  Excise. 


589 


We  said  that  the  Excise  of  Beer  and  Ale  is  shrunk  at 
Dublin  ^ of  the  whole,  or  947/.  in  the  Midsummer  Quarter  of 
this  Year  1687,  and  more  in  other  Places.  Now  whereas  it  is 
commonly  said,  That  the  Cause  thereof  is,  That  the  Army 
are  all  almost  Irish^  and  that  the  Irish  drink  little  Exciseable 
Drink,  contenting  them.selves  with  Milk,  Whey,  &c. 

To  this  I answer,  that  the  ^ of  Excise  upon  Ale  and  Beer 
And  Ale  Licenses  is  near  15000/.  per  Annum;  that  the  Pay 
of  the  whole  Army  is  about  204000/.  per  Annum.  That  the 
Soldiers  (many  of  whom  have  Families)  cannot  spend  of 
their  Pay  in  Drink,  and  find  themselves  with  other  Neces- 
saries of  Meat,  Cloths,  horses,  Arms,  &c.  out  of  the  rest. 
That  is  to  say  they  cannot  afford  above  20000/.  for  drink ^ the 
Excise  whereof  is  about  ^ of  the  same  or  2500/.,  or  which  is 
but  J of  15000/.,  which  was  1 of  the  Whole.  We  may  say 
That  if  all  the  Irish  of  the  Army  drink  onely  Water,  the 
King’s  Revenue  of  Excise  would  scarce  fall  for  that  Reason, 
nor  above  Part  of  the  Whole  90000/.  as  aforesaid. 

Another  Argument  for  the  Impoverishment  of  the  Inhabit- 
ants of  Dublin,  at  least  for  the  Lessening  their  Expence,  is 
the  Consumption  of  Coals  their  General  and  Uniform  PTiel, 
which  may  therefore  be  a Measure  of  all  other  Expence.  Now 
it  appears  that  in  the  Years  1683  and  1684,  that  Expence  was 
near  alike,  but  in  the  Year  1685  (when  Fear  first  seizd  the 
said  Inhabitants,  who,  as  appears  by  the  Registred  Baptisms, 
were  most  Protestants)  it  shrunk  Part;  and  in  the  Year 
1686  another  Part;  in  all  Which  answers'^  the  Shrink- 
ing of  the  Customs  i and  of  the  Excise  i. 

The  Expence  of  Coals  or  Fuel  at  Dublin'"’. 

A”  1683  42727  ( Tons 

1684  42996  I 42862 

1685  39565 

1686  35472 

* As  a result  of  Tyrconnel’s  reorganization.  Clarendon,  Corres/om/e^ice,  i. 
500,  506,  II.  30 — 31.  2 < fQj.  tirink’  inserted  by  Petty. 

I.e.  one  tenth  of  the  actual  decline  of  7^15000. 

•*  ‘answers’  inserted  by  Petty  in  a blank  left  by  the  copyist. 

Among  the  items  at  the  De  Clifford  sale  was  a letter  from  Petty  to  Southwell 
(date  not  given)  on  the  coals  burnt  in  Dublin,  together  with  two  papers  on  the 


590 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


Having  made  this  Estimate  of  the  Decays  in  the  Whole 
Commonwealth  ; I descend  to  inquire  what  the  Catholicks  of 
Ireland  have  gained  by  the  late  Changes  ; and  Say 

1.  That  the  whole  Pay  of  the  Army  being  204 Thousand 
Pounds  per  Ann.  I hear  that  the  Catholicks  receive  about 
1 60 Thousand  Pounds  thereof  per  Annum:  Which  at  two 
Year’s  Purchase  (for  Military  Imployments  are  not  yet  worth 
as  many  Year’s  Purchase  as  they  were  4 Years  since)  amounts 
to  320  Thousand  Pounds. 

2.  The  Lands,  for  which  the  Lord  Dunsany,  Mr  Husey, 
and  Mr.  Barnwel,  have  gotten  Verdi6ls,^  may  be  worth  about 
1000/.  per  Ann. 

Nor  do  I believe  that  ten  times  the  said  Summ  can  be 
gotten  more  in  the  same  Manner.  Now  if  the  best  Titles 
are  worth  but  10  Year’s  Purchase,  then  the  Value  of  10000/. 
per  Annum,  gotten  upon  such  Verdicts,  is  not  worth  so  much  ; 
and  their  whole  Gain  of  Soldiers  and  Ejedlors  not  worth 
above  400  Thousand  Pounds. 

On  the  other  Hand  the  Catholicks  have  lost  as  followeth 
(vizt.) 

1.  The  Superfluous  Expence  abovementioned,  amount- 
ing for  their  Shares  probably  to  350  Thousand  Pounds. 

2.  The  Lands  belonging  to  the  Roman  Catholicks  of 
Ireland  A”  1683,  were  worth  3 Millions.  But  if  the  Generality 
of  Lands  have  fallen  above  one  half,  I question  whether 
their  Lands  and  Houses  be  not  fallen  ^ or  a Million. 

3.  If  the  Cattle  of  Ireland  be  now  fallen  from  5 to  3 
Millions,  and  that  above  one  half  thereof  did  belong  to  the 
Roman  Catholicks,  then  they  have  upon  this  Account  lost 
above  a Million  more.  In  all  about  2 Millions  350  Thousand 
Pounds  ; but  have  scarce  gotten,  and  probably  will  not  get 


improvement  of  Ireland.  Catalogue  of  MSS.  the  Property  of  Lord  L)e  Clifford,  sold 
by  Christie  i i February,  1834,  lot  299.  These  papers  are  said  to  have  been  bought 
for  the  British  Museum  but  could  not  be  found  there  in  .September  1895. 

’ The  Irish  courts  as  reconstituted  by  Tyrconnel,  ejected  a number  of  Protes- 
tants from  lands  that  had  been  allotted  them  and  gave  the  lands  to  Catholic 
claimants. 


Causes  of  Decays. 


591 


i of  the  said  Summ.  All  which  in  Time  may  more  sensibly 
appear,  altho’  the  greater  Losses  of  the  other  Party  does  for 
the  present  Ecclypse  this. 

We  add  hereunto  a Conje6lure  of  the  Causes  of  these 
Decays  and  Diminutions. 

The  Causes  in  General  are  Frights,  Fears,  and  Jealousies  : 
For  the  English  and  Protestants  are  frighted. 

1.  To  see  that  for  the  Sake  of  Religion  (which  upon  this 
Account  signify’d  nothing  before  the  Reformation)  that  Eng- 
land’s Conquest  of  Ireland  is  given  back  to  the  Irish,  as  they 
are  apt  to  imagine. 

2.  That  after  Laws  are  made  in  England  and  Ireland, 
Ena6ling,  That  the  Insurrection  in  1641  ; The  Change  of  the 
English  Monarchy  into  an  Irish  Democracy  in  1642  ; And 
the  Placing  Supremacy  in  the  Roman  Catholicks ; should  be 
Cause  of  Forfeiture  : That  those  who  bear  the  visible  marks 
thereof  should  be  now  trusted  with  all  Civil  and  Military 
Power,  and  probably  from  P'orfeitors  be  made  Legislators. 

3.  That  a Design  was  Published  for  making  the  Roman 
Catholicks  of  Ireland  as  considerable  for  their  Estates  as  for 
their  NumbersL  Which  in  Effedl  is  to  take  away  ii  or  12 
Millions  of  Wealth  from  the  other  Party. 

4.  That  the  most  Zealous  Promoters  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Religion  (which,  they  say,  is  the  onely  Means  of 
Eternal  Weal  or  Woe)  should  make  such  an  Esteem  of  an 
Oath  (sacred  in  all  Ages  and  amongst  all  Nations)  as  appears 
in  the  Lord  Dunsany’s  Trial  hereafter  inserted  I 

On  the  other  Hand  the  English  and  Protestants  have 
done  amiss,  to  be  frighted  from  their  habitations  and 
Business 

I.  When  the  King  had  publickly  and  solemnly,  by  his 
Lord  Lievtenant,  declared  to  maintain  the  A6ls  of  Settlement 
and  Explanation^ 

’ See  p.  578,  note.  See  p.  602. 

In  his  speech  to  the  Council  when  he  was  sworn  into  the  office  of  Lord 
Lieutenant,  9 January,  1686,  Clarendon  had  said,  ‘‘I  have  the  King’s  commands 
to  declare  upon  all  occasions  that  whatever  imaginary  (for  they  can  be  called  no 


592 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


2.  When  he  had  declared  for  an  absolute  Liberty  of 
Conscience. 

3.  When  the  Publick  Revenue,  especially  that  of  Customs 
and  Excise  (being  the  Pulse  of  the  Nation)  were  never  higher 
than  in  the  year  1686. 

Having  entred  upon  the  Consideration  of  the  Decays  of 
Ireland,  it  may  not  be  impertinent  to  consider  also  (being  a 
Thing  much  talked  on)  the  Number  and  Quality  of  the  Brittish 
and  Protestants,  who  have  lately  quitted  that  Countrey  ; as 
apprehending  much  Danger  in  the  Change  from  the  Army 
and  Civil  Government,  which  have  happen’d  there.  In  order 
whereunto,  I frame  this  General  Question  (vizt)  What  would 
be  the  Damage  and  Detriment  to  the  Common-wealth  of 
Ireland,  if  all  the  Brittish  and  Protestants,  with  their  Personal 
Estates,  were  removed  from  thence.  That  by  the  Rule  of  Pro- 
portion we  may  measure  the  Effedls  of  Removing  any  Part 
of  the  whole,  when  we  come  to  know  that  Part. 

We  have  said  that  the  Irish  Catholicks  are  to  the  Brittish 
as  8 to  I.  We  must  add  that  (Generally  speaking)  the 
ordinary  Wages  of  English  Workmen  and  Artizans  is  triple 
to  that  of  Irish  Labourers,  which  is  but  A^d.  per  Diem;  whereas 
the  meanest  of  the  other  Sort  do  earn  at  least  \2d.  So  as 
reckoning  one  of  the  English  to  be  equivalent  to  3 Irish,  the 
real  Proportion  between  the  said  Parties  will  be  as  8 to  3, 
That  is  to  say,  the  Irish  Catholicks  will  be  8 of  ii,  and  the 
P2nglish  in  Efife6l  3 of  1 1.  Wherefore  if  the  value  of  the  Lands 
in  Ireland  be  ii  Times  ii,or  1 21,  Suppose  ii  Groats  per  Acre 
and  1 1 Year’s  Purchase,  then  after  the  English  are  gone  the 
same  will  fall  to  8 Groats  the  Acre  and  8 Year’s  Purchase; 
that  is  to  say,  to  64  Groats,  which  before  was  worth  12 1 
Groats,  and  become  to  be  but  about  half  the  present  Value. 
Which  agreeth  with  what  is  observed  to  come  to  pass  in  the 


other)  apprehensions  any  men  may  have,  his  Majesty  hath  no  intention  of  altering 
the  Acts  of  Settlement.”  Clarendon,  Correspondence.,  ii.  475.  Those  who  were 
frightened,  however,  were  not  frightened  altogether  without  reason,  for  in  the  next 
month  after  Petty  tried  to  submit  the  Treatise  to  the  King,  Sunderland  told 
Barillon  that  James  intended  to  reverse  the  Act  of  Settlement.  Dalrymple, 
Memoirs,  IT.  -26?. 


The  Army  of  1649.  593 

above  Estimate,  Which  is  a Presage  Men  have  already  made 
concerning  that  Matter. 

Moreover,  if  the  Value  of  the  Cattle,  Corn,  Merchan- 
dize, Shippings,  and  Money  of  Ireland  be  about  7 Millions, 
and  that  4 Millions  and  ^ thereof  doth  belong  to  Brittish 
Protestants,  I see  no  Reason  why  the  Trade,  Commerce 
and  Negotiation  of  Ireland,  when  9 Fourteenth  Parts  of 
the  Stock  is  carry’d  away,  should  not  fall  from  14  to  5 also, 
and  become  less  than  ^ of  what  it  is  at  present : And  by 
this  Rule  any  Diminution  of  the  English  Great  or  Small, 
may  be  computed  in  the  Effedl  thereof  upon  the  Common- 
wealth. 

We  have  told  that  one  English  Workman  at  a Medium  is 
Equivalent  to  3 Irish  Workmen  : So  we  may  say  that  one 
English  Soldier  in  the  Heat  of  the  Warr  between  June  1649 
and  June  1652,  did  prove  equivalent  to  3 Irish  Soldiers.  For 
I have  heard  from  the  Muster-Rolls  that  at  the  End  of  the 
Warr  A°  1652  and  1653,  the  English  Army  in  Pay  was  about 
17000;  unto  which  Number  it  moldred  away  from  23000  at 
the  Landing  of  Cromwel : And  I have  heard  that  about  the 
same  Time  34000  Irish  Soldiers  and  Soldierlike  Persons,  did 
go  beyond-Sea  ; and  if  half  that  Number  did  stay  behind,  the 
whole  Irish  Forces  were  51000,  or  triple  to  the  17000  English 
aforementioned.  And  that  the  said  English,  in  the  said  3 
Years,  did  make  an  Absolute  Conquest  of  the  whole  Irish 
Nation,  and  all  their  Adherents,  is  most  manifest.  I further 
add,  that  the  Irish  Nation  in  that  Time,  that  is  to  say,  of  Men 
between  16  and  60  Years  old,  was  12  Times  the  Number  of 
the  said  English  Army.  All  which  is  said  rather  to  give  a 
just  Value  to  the  English,  than  to  disparage  the  Irish,  who 
have  fought  against  other  Nations  at  even  hands. 

To  strengthen  then  my  Assertion,  that  the  English  Army 
was  but  17000;  I further  say  that  every  Soldier,  who  served 
never  so  little  a while  between  the  6^^  of  June  1649,  and  the 
26^^  of  September  1653,  had  a distindl  Debentur  stated  for  his 
Service : Upon  which  it  appears  how  many  of  them  dyed  in 
that  Time,  besides  those  that  went  off  upon  other  Occasions. 
Now  the  whole  Number  of  such  Debenturs  being  but  33000, 

38 


H.  P. 


594 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


there  is  no  reason  to  think  that  there  was  in  pay  above 
17000  at  a Medium  at  any  one  Time. 

As  to  the  Body  of  the  English,  we  shall  by  the  subsequent 
Accounts  of  Foreign  Trade  make  it  probable,  That  J of  the 
Foreign  Commerce  and  Manufadlure  is  managed  by  them. 
We  further  add  that  all  the  Real  and  Personal  Estate  of 
Ireland  being  worth  about  20  Millions,  that  onely  J thereof 
doth  belong  to  the  Irish  (vizt)  3 Millions  worth  of  Land,  and 
2 Millions-worth  of  Cattle  and  other  Commodities.  All  which 
is  said  that  how  much  soever  it  be  thought  fit  to  magnify  the 
Irish,  that  the  English  there  be  not  mistaken  to  be  despic- 
able. 

Wherefore  it  may  well  enough  become  this  Place,  to  take 
a gross  View  (which  I heartily  beg  those  who  better  under- 
stand Trade  to  examine  and  corredl)  of  the  Foreign  Trade  of 
Ireland,  as  it  stood  in  the  Year  1685,  beginning  with  the 
Exportations,  vizt. 

1.  There  were  exported  1054  horses,  which  (I  suppose) 
were  bred  by  the  English  of  Ireland. 

2.  There  were  exported  2080  Flitches  of  Bacon,  2514 
Barrels  of  Pork,  75231  Barrels  of  Beef,  and  1135  Dozen  of 
Neat’s-Tongues;  The  Salting  and  Saving  all  which,  I take  to 
have  been  brought  in  by  the  English. 

3.  There  were  exported  1347 12  Barrels  of  Butter,  2814 
hundred  Weight  of  Cheese.  Which  I take  to  be  the  English 
Manufadlory,  That  which  is  made  by  the  Vulgar  Irish  being 
scarce  a vendible  Commodity  in  Foreign  Parts. 

4.  There  was  exported  84  hundred  of  Glew,  with  great 
Quantity  of  Ox-horns,  Ox-Gutts,  and  Ox-bones : All  which 
is  English  Manufadlure. 

5.  There  were  exported  1435  hundred  of  Lamb-Skins, 
4067  Dozen  of  Calves-Skins,  1665  hundred  of  Coney-Skins, 
494  Dear-Skins,  4331  Fox  and  Otter-Skins,  278  hundred  of 
Goat-Skins,  93412  Raw-Salted  Oxhydes.  All  which  were 
exported,  because  the  English  for  their  Paucity,  and  the 
Irish  for  Want  of  Skill,  could  not  manufadlure  them  to  the 
best  Advantage. 

6.  There  were  exported  86093  Tan’d  hydes,  which 


Irish  Exports. 


595 


certainly  was  the  Manufa6lure  of  the  English,  the  Irish  being 
conversant  with  little  other  Tanning  than  that  of  Leather  for 
Brogues. 

7.  There  were  exported  4937  Pieces  of  New,  and  79  Pieces 
of  old  Drapery:  in  making  whereof  the  Irish  had  little  hand. 

8.  There  were  exported  629141  Yards  of  Prize  and  24,667 
Pairs  of  Course  Stockings : The  greatest  Part  whereof  were 
wrought  by  the  Irish. 

9.  There  were  exported  123,703  Stone  of  Wool,  with  725 
Stone  of  Woolen  Yarn,  sent  away  to  be  manufactured  in 
England. 

10.  There  were  exported  1851  Pieces  of  Linnen  Cloth, 
3825^  hundred  Weight  of  Linnen  Yarn  : a great  Part  of  the 
courser  Sort  whereof  was  wrought  by  the  Irish. 

11.  There  was  exported  2710  hundred  Weight  of  Cand- 
les and  41365  hundred  Weight  of  Tallow:  which  was  the 
proceed^  of  about  100  Thousand  Oxen,  or  the  Equivalent  in 
Sheep,  reckoning  eight  Weathers  to  one  Ox.^ 

12.  There  was  exported  4644  Barrels  of  Beer,  1519  Gall- 
ons of  Aqua  Vitae,  5240  Weight^  of  Biskets,  148115  Barrels 
of  Corn : most  whereof  was  the  Labor  of  the  Irish. 

13.  There  was  exported  3902  Barrels  of  Herring  and 
hogsheads  of  Pilchards  ; 591  hundred  of  Dry  Fish,  with  3055 
Barrels  of  Salmon  : whereof  about  3 Quarters  were  the  Labor 
of  the  English. 

14.  The  exported  Timber,  Plank,  and  Coopers^,  were  for 
the  most  part  the  Work  of  the  English. 

15.  There  is  more  Iron  exported  out  of  Ireland,  than 
imported  into  it,  and  consequently  all  the  Quantity  of  Iron 
used  in  Ireland  is  made  there  and  that  by  the  English : 
Neither  are  the  Irish  found  by  Experience  so  good  as  the 
English,  even  for  Cutting,  Cording,  and  Coaling  of  Wood,  nor 
for  raising  of  Mines,  and  carrying  off  the  Water  from  their 
Pitts. 

1 May  be  ‘ 3835,’  the  MS.  is  blotted. 

^ MS.,  ‘Equivalent,’  altered  by  Petty  to  ‘proceed.’ 

^ ‘Ox’  inserted  by  Petty  in  blank  left  by  copyist. 

^ Apparently  should  be  ‘ hundred  weight.’ 

® MS.,  ‘Capers,’  altered  by  Petty  to  ‘Coopers.’ 


38—2 


596 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


Lastly,  the  Feathers,  Kelp,  Melasses,  Train-Oil,  Rape- 
Seed,  Wax  and  Shoos,  exported  out  of  Ireland,  is  almost  all 
the  Work  of  the  English. 

As  for  Importations. 

1.  The  Gold,  Silver,  Copper^  Tin,  Lead  and  Steel,  as 
also  the  Iron  (excepting  Horse-Shoes,  and  Plow-Irons)  is 
manufadlur’d  by  the  English. 

2.  The  Tobacco-pipe-Clay,  Slates  and  Coals  is  the  Work 
of  the  English, 

3.  The  most  Part  of  Dying  is  done  by  the  English,  the 
Irish  indeed  can  use  Bog-Earth,  Weeds,  and  some  Indico  for 
that  Purpose. 

4.  The  Cotton,  Grogram-Yarn  and  7831/.  of  raw  Silk  is 
all  manufactur’d  by  the  English,  the  18241  Pieces  of  Callico 
are  brought  from  the  Indies  by  the  English. 

5.  The  2056  Tun  of  French  Wine  and  727  Pipes  of 
Spanish,  is  for  the  most  part  brought  in  by  the  English 
Merchants  and  Mariners.  The  15000  hundred  Weight  of 
Sugars,  and  3 Millions  Pounds  of  Tobacco,  were  made  in 
America  by  the  English,  and  chiefly  brought  in  by  them. 

6.  The  1056  hundred  of  hemp  is  wrought  into  Cordage 
by  the  English. 

7.  All  the  Gunpowder,  and  most  of  the  Arms,  are  made 
by  the  English. 

8.  2811  hundred  Weight  of  hops  are  grown  for  the  most 
part  in  England,  & brought  into  Ireland 2. 

There  be  many  other  important  Observations,  to  be  made 
upon  this  gross  Account  of  Trade,  but  not  pertinent  to  this 
Place. 


Supplements. 

1.  It  has  been  said  that  there  are  now  several  Decays  in 
Ireland. 

2.  That  the  Causes  of  them  have  been  Fears  and  Jealou- 
sies. 


‘Copper’  inserted  by  Petty. 


2 brought  into  Ireland’  added  by  Petty. 


The  Settleme7tt  of  Ireland.  597 

3,  That  the  said  Fears  do  chiefly  respedl  some  Changes 
in  the  late  Disposure  of  the  Lands  of  Ireland. 

4.  We  shall  therefore  add  a few  Words,  Why  the  present 
Settlement  of  the  said  Lands  is  so  much  suspedled,  I sup- 
pose, by  both  Parties.  But  omitting  the  Angry  Part  of  the 
efficient  and  final  Causes  of  this  Settlement,  as  not  reducible 
to  Number,  Weight,  and  Measure. 

I shall  onely  say,  That  my  own  Fears  concerning  the 
Settlement  are,  and  ever  were.  That  the  same  was  not  better 
grounded  upon  the  Accounts,  which  ought  to  have  been  made 
of  the  Particulars  following  (vizt.) 

1.  How  many  Acres  the  whole  Territory  of  Ireland  did 
contain,  and  how  many  of  them  (A*^  1641)  did  belong  to 
Protestants,  and  how  many  to  Roman  Catholicks  } 

2.  Of  the  Lands  belonging  to  Catholicks  (A°  1641),  how 
much  of  the  same  were  in  the  Hands  of  Catholicks  (A°  1659) 
how  much  more  A°  1664  } 

3.  What  the  Value  of  the  said  Lands  were  A'’  1641,  1653, 
and  1663. 

4.  What  the  Irish  got  from  the  Brittish,  or  the  Catholicks 
from  others,  between  the  23^^  of  October  1641  and  the  of 
November  1642,  in  Cattle,  Goods,  &c? 

5.  What  the  new  Catholic  State  got  by  Land,  witheld 
from  the  Brittish  and  the  Church  between  the  Year  1642  & 
1650  > 

6.  What  the  Irish  got,  and  the  Kingdom  lost,  by  the 
34000  Soldiers,  sent  into  Foreign  Parts  in  the  Year  1652.? 

7.  What  the  King  gained  by  the  Parliament  of  Ireland, 
which  made  the  A6ls  of  Settlement  ? 

8.  What  he  gained  by  raising  the  Quit-Rents  from  the 
Irish  to  the  English  Measure;  and  by  the  Year’s  Value  out 
of  forfeited  Lands  ? 

9.  What  was  the  Quantity  and  Value  of  Regicide’s 
Lands,  and  of  the  Lands  of  obnoxious  Persons  shelter’d  by 
Favourites  ? 

10.  What  was  the  Value  of  Adventures  and  Debenturs 
of  several  Sorts  in  every  Year  between  A®  1652  and  1659  ? 
And  what  was  the  Total  of  each  Sort  of  Debenturs  and 


598 


Treatise  of  h^eland. 


Adventures  ? And  what  was  the  Quota  satisfied  upon  each 
Sort  before  the  Year  1659? 

11.  What  Proportion  did  the  Pay  of  49  Officers  bear  to 
that  of  their  Private  Soldiers  ? 

12.  What  Number  of  English  Soldiers  appeared  by  these 
Debenturs  to  have  perished  in  the  Warr  of  Ireland  between 
the  Years  1648  and  1654  And  what  Number  of  the  English, 
who  joined  with  the  Irish,  were  slain  in  the  same  Time? 

13.  What  Money  and  Money’s  Worth  was  really  sent  out 
of  England  into  Ireland,  between  the  Years  1641  and  1661  ? 

14.  What  was  the  Charge  of  the  Army  in  Ireland,  be- 
tween the  Years  1653  and  1664? 

15.  What  was  the  Number  of  the  People  in  Ireland  A® 
1641  and  what  1653?  And  what  probably  might  they  have 
been  A°  1653,  if  the  Warrs  had  not  been? 

16.  What  Lands  of  the  Catholic  Restorees,  gotten  into 
their  hands  A®  1664,  which  were  not  their’s  A®  1641  ? 

17.  How  much  did  Innocents  and  other  Catholic  Resto- 
rees recover  by  vicious  Deeds  ? 

18.  What  has  been  the  Charge  in  all  Courts  between  the 
Years  1653  and  1664,  concerning  forfeited  Lands?  All  which 
might  have  conduced  to  better  the  Explanatory  A6l  made  in 
the  Year  1665. 

I am  also  sorry  that  the  Confirming  and  Finishing  this 
Settlement  was  not  made  in  England,  where  the  Ultimate 
Judicature  is,  Where  the  Supreme  Legislature  of  Ireland  is; 
And  where  are  1600  Thousand  indifferent  Men,  not  concerned 
in  this  Matter. 

From  which  Accounts  will  arise  the  Conclusions  fol- 
lowing, and  many  others  (vizt) 

1.  That  the  Parliament  of  England  TT  1642  did  allot  2 
Millions  and  \ of  I^orfeited  Acres  for  Suppressing  the  Rebel- 
lion : Which  was  about  ^ of  the  Lands  which  the  Irish 
Catholicks  then  had. 

2.  That  A'’  1683  the  Irish  Catholicks  had  about  half  of 
what-ever  they  had  A®  1641  ; and  Brittish  Protestants  had  the 
rest,  being  about  2 Millions  400000  Acres. 


Conclusions. 


599 


3.  Of  the  said  2 Millions  400000  Acres,  the  Soldiers  who 
actually  conquer’d  Ireland  between  the  Years  1648  and  1653 
had  1400000  Acres. 

4.  That  the  said  Soldiers  did  consist  of  4 Sorts : (vizt) 

I St  phanatic  English,  2^^^  The  old  Protestants  of  Ireland. 
3diy  English  Cavaliers  then  wanting  Employments.  4^^’^ 
Some  Lukewarm  Irish. 

5.  Of  the  Fanatic  English,  the  Regicides  and  Halbiteers 
lost  all  ; and  about  25  others  of  the  chief  and  most  obnoxious 
Persons  lost  at  least  one  Third  ; by  sheltring  themselves  under 
the  Lord  Anglesey  and  other  like  Favourites  : And  many  of 
the  rest  sold  their  Interest  at  low  Rates. 

6.  The  said  Soldiers  stated  about  33000  Debenturs, 
amounting  in  all  to  1 160000/.,  which  were  fairly  and  openly 
sold  before  the  Year  1655  for  3^-.  4.CI.  the  Pound,  at  most  for 
loj-.,  and  at  a Medium  for  6^-.  Sd.  So  as  all  the  said  Deben- 
turs might  have  been  bought  for  380000/,  vizt  at  about  10/ 
each  for  4 Year’s  Service  of  every  Soldier  in  that  Conquest. 
The  greatest  Debentur  of  any  one  Man  not  amounting  to 
above  2400/ ; and  the  greatest  Man  not  having  so  many 
Debenturs,  as  would  have  been  sold  in  the  Market  for  1500/ 
in  ready  Money. 

7.  The  Adventurer’s  Legal  Debt  was  about  300000/.,  and 
the  Interest  thereof  to  the  Year  1653,  as  much  more  ; and  the 
Insurance  to  both  double  to  both  the  said  Summs  : In  all 
1,200000/  For  the  Adventurers  were  to  have  nothing  unless 
the  Rebellion  had  been  suppress’d. 

8.  The  Lands  in  Ireland  now  forfeited  were  worth  A° 
1641  about  ^os.  the  Acre  one  with  another.  And  but  2s.  6d. 
A®  1653.  Near  20s.  A°  1663.  About  30^-.  A®  1673.  And 
about  40^*.  A®  1683. 

9.  The  Quit-Rents  of  Forfeited  Lands,  were^  as  a Grat- 
uity to  the  King  (after  his  Restauration  and  Promises  at 
Breda)  were  advanced  from  Irish  to  English  Measure  vizt 
24000/ per  Annum:  Which  at  15  Year’s  Purchase  amounts 
to  360000/  which  with  1 80000/  (the  Year’s  Value  of  forfeited 
Lands  in  the  Year  1659)  did  amount  to  a Gratuity  of  540000/. 
for  what  was  worth  but  300000/  A°  1653. 

^ ? which. 


6oo 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


10.  The  Convention  and  Parliament,  which  made  the 
A6ls  of  Settlement,  gave  to  the  King  2 Pole-Moneys  20000/. 
for  particular  Uses,  120000/  as  a Supplement  to  the  Year’s 
Value,  35  Subsidies  of  15000/  each:  Amounting  in  all  to 
near  1,200000/ 

1 1.  The  same  Parliament  also  settled  upon  him  a Revenue 
of  near  60000/  new  Quit-Rents,  30000/  Hearth  Money, 
120000/  Customes^  70000/  Excise,  and  10000/  Licenses  for 
Selling  several  Sorts  of  Drinks.  In  all  a Revenue  of  290000/ 
per  Ann.  and  near  Quadruple  to  what  it  was  before  the 
Warrs. 

12.  The  Brittish  Protestants  lost  by  the  Robbing  and 
Plunderings  of  the  Irish  between  23^^  of  October  1641  and  the 
10^''  of  November  1642^  For  their  personal  Estates  were  then 
worth  above  2 Millions,  and  the  Irish  were  10  for  one. 

13.  The  new  Catholic  State  gained  between  the  Years 
1642  and  1650,  by  Usurping  of  the  King’s  Revenue,  of  Church- 
Lands  and  Livings,  and  the  Sequestration  of  the  Protestant’s 
Estates^ : For  the  Premisses  were  worth  above  500000  per 
Ann.  and  the  said  State  reigned  above  8 Years. 

14.  The  Irish  Nation  gained,  and  the  Kingdom  lost,  by 
the  Exportation  of  34000  able-body’d  Irish-men,  transported 
about  the  Year  1652:  For  such  Men  are  worth  here  above 
80/  per  head,  at  Algier  above  40/,  and  as  Negroes  above  20/ 
per  head. 

15.  The  Lands  restored  to  the  Catholicks  after  the 
King’s  Restauration  were  worth  more  than  in  A°  1653  by 
1 200000/ 

16.  The  Charge  of  the  Army  in  Ireland,  between  the 
Year  1653  and  1663  was  about  equal  to  the  Rent  of  all  the 
forfeited  Lands  in  the  said  Time. 

17.  The  Money  and  Money’s  Worth,  adlually  sent  out  of 
England  into  Ireland  between  the  Years  1641  and  1661  was 
much  above  a Million. 

18.  The  People  of  Ireland  were  fewer  in  the  Years  1653 
than  they  might  have  been  by  about  600,000  Souls  ; by  reason 

^ ‘120,000/.  Customes’  inserted  by  Petty. 

Opposite  this  line  a ‘q’  in  the  margin  of  the  MS. 

^ No  ‘ q ’ in  the  margin  at  this  point. 


Conclusions. 


6o 


of  the  Sword,  Famine,  Plague,  Banishment,  and  Desolations, 
which  happened  between  the  Year  1641  and  1653. 

19.  There  were  in  the  Year  1653  about  260000  Catholicks 
Males  in  Ireland  of  above  16  Year’s  old  : whereof  but  26  (or 
one  in  Ten  Thousand)  did  prove  their  constant  good  Affec- 
tion to  the  Parliament  of  England  ; and  we  never  heard  of 
26,  which  did  Publickly  and  solemnly  protest  against  the 
Confederation  of  the  Roman  Catholicks,  in  their  General 
Assembly  or  Supreme  Councel. 

20.  The  Usurpers,  by  their  A6l  of  Settlement  made  A*^ 
1652  excepted  many  Protestants  as  well  as  Papists  for  Life 
and  Estate ; took  nothing  from  Papists  who  proved  their 
good  Affedlion  to  themselves  ; took  a 5^^  Part  even  from 
Protestants,  who  could  not  prove  such  Affedlion,  and  were 
deficient  in  this  Point : Whereas  the  A6l  of  Explanation 
retrenched  a 3^^  even  from  the  most  legal  Adventurers. 

21.  The  Pay  of  the  49  Officers  amounted  to  above 
1200000/.,  and  consequently  the  pay  of  the  Private  Soldiers 
and  the  said  Officers  together  must  have  been  3 Millions  and 
a half  or  500000/.  per  Annum,  for  the  Seven  Years  between 
the  Beginnings  of  the  Commotions  A°  1641  to  the  Peace 
of  1648,  which  shews  their  Army  to  have  been  above  20 
Thousand  Men. 

22.  Now  the  eight  Part  of  the  Irish  being  onely  nocent, 
as  appeared  by  the  Judgment  of  the  Court  of  Claims,  did 
beat  the  said  English  Army  of  20000  Men  into  the  Peace  of 
1648;  Whereas  we  have  shewn  That  about  17000  Men  did 
conquer  all  Ireland  in  Three  Years  : All  which  not  standing 
well  together,  we  rather  think  That  a Great  Part  of  the 
Innocent  Seven  Eights  became  so  by  foul  Play,  or  false 
Testimony. 

23.  And  because  the  Innocents,  being  a fifth  Part  of  the 
Claimants,  carry’d  away  above  a fourth  Part  of  the  whole 
Land,  we  may  think  that  the  said  Innocents  got  by  foul  Play 
also  much  more  than  was  their  own  A®  1641. 

24.  The  Court  of  Qualifications  at  Athlone,  was  the  same 
Thing,  tho’  by  another  Name,  with  the  Court  of  Innocents  at 
Dublin  A®  1663  ; And  in  this  Court  all  Claims  were  heard  ; 


6o2 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


and  the  Claimants  carry’d  away  above  J Part  of  all  the  Lands, 
which  belonged  to  Catholicks  in  1641  and  the  Courts  after 
the  King’s  Restauration  gave  them  near  2 sixths  more,  In  all 
near  one  half  in  Quantity,  but  worth  four  Times  more  than 
the  whole  was  worth  in  the  Year  1653. 

25.  The  Lands,  which  belonged  to  Protestants  in  the 
Year  1641,  were  then  worth  about  4 Millions;  but  in  the 
year  1653  scarce  worth  400000/.,  by  reason  of  the  Commo- 
tions begun  by  the  Irish.  So  as  the  English  were  damnify’d 
12  Times  as  much  as  the  forfeited  Lands  (sett  out  to  the 
English)  of  all  Sorts  were  worth  in  the  said  Year  1653. 

Memorandum,  That  several  Blanks  are  not  here  filled  up, 
and  several  whole  Conclusions  are  omitted,  for  fear  of  Widen- 
ing the  Breaches  we  hope  to  make  up : Nor  had  so  many 
Conclusions  been  inserted  as  are,  but  that  the  Peace,  we  hope 
for,  must  be  founded  upon  the  Knowledge  of  Truth. 

The  other  Fright  of  the  English  is,  that  by  Partialities  in 
Judicature,  they  are  like  to  lose  their  Estates  without  Repri- 
zals  ; in  such  a Way  as  endangers  all  Property,  and  as  will 
damp  Buying  and  Selling,  Borrowing  or  Lending,  Marriages 
and  Settlements,  and  (at  length)  even  Plowing  and  Sowing, 
till  the  Nation  come  not  onely  to  Poverty,  but  to  Brutality 
also.  There  have  5 Eje6lments  been  brought  this  Year 
(whereas  500  have  been  talked  of,  and  which  probably  will 
amount  to  30)  whereof  3 have  been  already  tryed  : vizt.  That 
against  Dr.  Gorges,  that  against  Major  Bull,  and  that  against 
Mr.  Napper  by  the  Lord  Dunsany.  The  latter  whereof  is 
onely  come  to  my  Knowledge,  and  is  comprehended  in  the 
following  Discourse. 

The  Lord  Dunsany’s  Case. 

Of  the  Lord  Dunsany’s  own,  and  of  his  Father’s  and 
Grandfather’s  Wrongs  and  Oppression  in  Ireland,  since 
the  Year  1662,  and  of  his  Relief  Anno  1687. 

[An  account  of  the  legal  details  of  this  case,  here  omitted, 
begins  on  folio  118  and  extends  through  125^  of  the  MS., 
which  then  takes  up  the  last  of  the  “ objections.”] 


Practicability  of  a Transplantation.  603 

The  Eighth  Obje6lion,  That  notwithstanding  all  the 
Fallacies  and  Sophistries  abovementioned,  this  Trans- 
plantation of  People  is  an  uncouth,  wild,  monstrous,  and 
Chymerical  Notion,  yea  a very  Notion. 

Answer 

And  so  were  not  long  since  the  Assertions  following,  vizt. 

1.  That  tho’  the  World  thought  there  had  been  near  twice 
as  many  Females  as  Males  in  Mankind ; yet  it  has  been  well 
proved  that  there  are  at  London  14  Males  to  13  Females, 
and  at  Rome  7 to  5L  And  because  Males  are  prolific  40 
Years  and  Females  but  25,  there  are  in  Effect  at  London  560 
Males  for  325  Females,  or  112  for  65. 

2.  That  the  City  of  London  is  now  about  quadruple  to 
what  it  was  80  Years  ago,  and  containes  about  the  Part 
of  the  People  of  the  whole  Kingdom. 

3.  That  in  the  famous  hospital  at  Paris  called  L’  hostel 
Dieu  there  dye  above  3000  per  Ann.  unnecessarily,  to  the 
Damage  of  France  of  above  200  Thousand  Pounds  Sterl.  per 
Ann. 

4.  That  London  has  more  People  than  Paris,  Rome,  and 
Roven. 

5.  And  as  many  as  the  whole  Province  of  Holland. 

To  all  which  no  great  Matter  has  been  yet  Objedled. 

I further  answer  That  this  Essay  is  not  a Chymerical 
Conceit,  spun  out  of  Fables,  Dreams,  Visions,  Mysteries,  in- 
significant Words  and  supercilious  Sayings  ; but  a real  Notion 
grounded  upon  Matter  of  Sense,  and  Fa6l,  and  intelligibly 
thus  express’d  (vizt) 

1.  That  this  Transplantation  will  increase  the  Gain  of 
England  from  Foreign  Parts  from  i to  2. 

2.  The  Value  of  Ireland  from  2 to  3 ; as  also  lessen 
Ireland’s  Present  Decays,  which  are  from  3 to  2. 

3.  Will  raise  the  Value  of  Lands  in  England  from  3 to  4. 

4.  And  the  King’s  Revenue  from  4 to  5,  but  make  the 
same  as  easie,  as  if  it  had  contrariwise  fallen  from  5 to  4. 

5.  The  Value  of  Transplanted  People  from  7 to  10. 


^ Proof  of  this  assertion  does  not  occur  in  Petty’s  printed  works. 


6o4  Treatise  of  Ireland. 

6.  All  which  put  together  exceeds  140  Millions,  and 
cures  a cruel  Calamity  of  above  500  Years  old. 

To  Conclude,  if  this  Notion  (such  as  it  is)  pretending 
to  so  much  General  Good,  shall  not  be  examined  and 
confuted  within  some  reasonable  Time,  we  shall  be 
emboldened  to  frame  another  Essay 

Shewing  that  the  King  of  England’s  Territories  and 
Subjedls  are  (as  to  their  intrinsic  Weight,  Force,  and 
Substance)  little  inferior  to  the  same  of  France,  without 
any  Detradlion  from  that  Glorious  Kingdom  h 

Postcript. 

If  in  this  Jealous  Age  this  Essay  should  be  taxed  of  an 
Evil  Design  to  Wast  and  Dispeople  Ireland,  We  say  that  the 
Author  of  it  intends  not  to  be  Felo  de  se,  and  propound 
something  quite  contrary,  by  Saying  it  is  naturally  possible 
in  about  25  Years  to  double  the  Inhabitants  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  and  make  the  People  full  as  many  as  the  Territory 
of  those  Kingdoms  can  with  tolerable  Labor  afford  a com- 
peTerrr Livelihood  unto  : Which  I prove  thus,  (vizt) 

1.  The  sixth  Part  of  the  People  are  teeming  Women  of 
between  18  and  44  Years  old. 

2.  It  is  found  by  Observation  That  but  ^ Part  or  between 
30  and  40^  of  the  teeming  Women  are  Marryed. 

3.  That  a Teeming  Woman,  at  a Medium,  bear  a child 
every  two  Years  and  a half. 

4.  That  in  Mankind  at  London,  there  are  14  Males  for  13 
Females,  and  because  Males  are  prolific  40  Years,  and  Females 
but  25,  there  are  in  Effedt  560  Males  for  325  Females. 

5.  That  out  of  the  Mass  of  Mankind  there  dyes  one  out 
of  30  per  Annum. 

6.  That  at  Paris,  where  the  Christnings  and  the  Births 
are  the  same  in  Number,  the  Christnings  are  above  18000 
per  Annum,  and  consequently  the  Births  at  London,  which 
far  exceed  the  Christnings  there,  cannot  be  less  than  19000 
where  the  Burials  are  above  23000. 

^ Perhaps  the  Political  Aritlunetick.  ^ i.e.  in  lOo. 


Doubling  of  People. 


605 


As  for  Example. 

Of  600  People,  the  Sixth  Part  (vizt  100)  are  teeming 
Women,  which  (if  they  were  all  marry’d)  might  bear  40 
Children  per  Ann.  (vizt)  20  more  than  do  dye  out  of  600,  at 
the  rate  of  one  out  of  30;  and  consequently  in  16  Years  the 
Increase  will  be  320,  making  the  whole  920.  And  by  the 
same  Reason,  in  the  next  9 Years,  the  said  920  will  be  280 
more,  in  all  1200,  vizt  double  of  the  Original  Number  of  600. 

Upon  these  Principles,  if  there  be  about  19000  Births  per 
Ann.  at  London,  the  Number  of  the  marry’d  teeming  Women 
must  be  above  38000 ; and  of  the  whole  Stock  of  the  Teem- 
ing Women  must  be  above  1 14000,  and  of  the  whole  People 
Six  Times  as  many  vizt  684000;  which  agrees  well  enough 
with  696000,  which  they  have  been  elsewhere  computed  to  be\ 

To  conclude  it  is  naturally  possible,  that  all  teeming 
Women  may  be  marry’d,  since  there  are  in  Effe6l  560  Males 
to  325  Females;  and  since  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  can  with 
moderate  Labor ^ food  and  other  Necessaries  to  near  double 
the  present  People  or  to  about  20  Millions  of  heads,  as  shall 
when  Occasion  requires  it,  be  demonstrated. 

Memorandum,  that  the  Councel  or  Judicature  abovemen- 
tioned  to  be  final  for  Ireland,  may  serve  also  for  Managing 
the  Multiplication  of  the  King’s  Subje6ls,  and  may  withal  be 
a Means  to  perpetuate  and  secure  the  Universal  Liberty  of 
Religion  late  indulged  by  his  Majestic  ; May  take  care  that 
humor  and  sinister  Designs  be  not  obtruded  upon  the 
Government  as  Tenderness  of  Conscience  ; Nor  that  the  said 
Latitude  in  Divine  Worship  and  Profession  of  Opinions  con- 
cerning Spiritual  Matters,  and  what  concerns  the  World  to 
come,  may  not  in  this  World  destroy  the  Unity,  Peace  and 
Plenty,  of  the  People.  And  all  this  under  the  King’s  Authority, 
This  Councel  being  supposed  to  have  none  of  it’s  own,  altho’ 
it  be  Vox  Popidi,  and  as  near  as  may  be,  the  very  Church  of 
England. 


Pp-  532—536- 


Sc.  ‘produce.’ 


6o6 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


Another  View  of  the  same  Matters,  ry  Way  of 
Dialogue  between  A and  B. 

A.  How  many  Acres  of  Land,  belonging  to  the  Catho- 
licks  of  Ireland  hi  1641,  are  now,  in  this  year  1687,  enjoyed 
by  the  English  Protestants  ? 

B.  Two  Millions  400000  Acres,  as  appears  by  the  Books 
of  Distribution,  extradled  out  of  the  Decrees  and  Certificates 
of  the  Court  of  Claims. 

A.  What  is  the  Value  of  the  said  Lands  ? 

B.  I do  not  know  what  their  Value  is  in  this  Year  1687, 
but  in  the  Year  1683  (having  bin  extremely  improved)  I guess 
they  might  have  been  worth  near  40L  the  Acre,  and  A®  1641 
and  1673,  about  30L  the  Acre,  A®  1663  about  20s.  & A®  1653 
about  half  a Crown. 

A.  With  what  Face  can  you  say  they  were  so  Cheap? 

B.  It  is  Notorious  and  expressly  mentioned  in  the  A6ls 
of  17th  Charles  the  First  ; as  also  in  the  Usurper’s  A6l  of 
Satisfadlion  made  A®  1653,  That  the  Lands  in  Leinster 
should  be  rated  at  12s.  per  Acre,  in  Munster  at  ()s.  in 
Connaught  at  6l,  and  in  Ulster  at  4L  So  as  4 Acres  set  out 
by  Lot  (one  in  each  Province)  should  go  for  31L  in  Debentur- 
Money,  which  makes  but  iol  in  Silver-Money.  Now  if  4 
Acres  be  worth  but  los.  one  is  worth  but  2s.  6d. 

A.  This  is  very  hard  to  be  believed.  Have  you  any 
other  Proof? 

B.  Yes  for  4 Millions  800000  Acres  A°  1659  were  by 
Solemn  Commission  returned  to  be  worth  but  180000/.,  or  gd. 
the  Acre:  And  if  they  were  worth  but  gd.  the  Acre  A®  1659, 
they  were  not  worth  ^d.  per  Acre  A°  1653,  nor  above  4^  Year’s 
Purchase  at  that  Rent,  viz.  not  above  2od.  per  Acre  even  for 
the  Inheritance  : Which  by  Experience  is  nearer  the  Truth 
than  half  a Crown. 

A.  I am  amazed  ! I Believe,  but  help  my  Unbelief,  and 
tell  me  what  was  the  Reason  of  what  you  say. 

B.  At  that  Time  there  was  no  Housing,  nor  Cattle  upon 

’ ‘ 4 ’ inserted  by  Petty. 


Claimants  to  the  Lands  of  Ireland.  607 

the  Land,  little  Money  or  Trade  in  the  Nation,  no  sure 
Titles;  Soldier’s  Debenturs  were  taken  for  a Jest:  And  the 
whole  Government  and  Army  in  the  Hands  of  Anabaptists- 

A.  Well,  I am  satisfy’d  that  all  the  said  Lands  might 
fairly  and  squarely  have  been  bought  for  300  Thousand 
Pounds  in  ready  Money.  But  pray,  Who  did  Claim  them 
before  the  A6ls  of  Satisfadlion  1653. 

B.  You  will  wonder  and  Laugh  to  hear  my  Answer. 

1.  For  the  Adventurer  said,  that  his  equitable  Debt  was 
in  Principle  Interest  and  Insurance  1200000/.,  and  Quadruple 
to  the  Value  of  the  Lands,  But  that  his  Legal  Debt  or  Original 
Money  was  equal  unto  it. 

2.  The  British  Protestants,  who  were  plundered  A®  1642 
by  the  Rebels,  said  that  the  Goods,  Money,  and  Cattle,  which 
they  lost,  were  worth  600000/.,  as  appeared  by  Examination 
upon  Oath,  besides  the  Interest  thereof  for  10  Years.  And 
therefore  that  all  the  said  300000/.,  worth  of  Forfeited  Lands 
belonged  unto  them  and  not  to  Strangers. 

3.  The  owners  of  Ruined  Housing  said.  That  their 
Damage,  in  the  12  Years  of  the  Warrs,  amounted  to  Six 
Times  the  then  Value  of  the  said  forfeited  Lands. 

4.  The  Owners  of  the  Cattle,  which  had  been  destroyed 
in  the  said  12  Years  (for  very  few  were  left)  said  that  their 
Value  amounted  to  at  least  3 Millions,  or  ten  Times  the  Value 
of  the  said  Lands. 

5.  The  Army,  who  serv’d  from  the  Year  1641  to  the  Year 
1648,  and  the  People  that  fed  them,  pretended  to  a Debt  of 
3600000/ 

6.  The  State  and  People  of  England  said  they  had  adlually 
sent  over  1200000/.,  or  4 Times  the  Value  of  the  said  Lands. 

7.  The  Protestant  Land  Lords  of  Ireland  said,  that  their 
Lands  A°  1641,  were  worth  above  4000000/,  and  A®  1653  but 
400000/:  So  as  they  were  damnify ’d  12  Times  the  Value  of 
the  forfeited  Lands. 

8.  The  Protestant  Churchmen  said,  That  their  Lands 
and  Tyths,  which  the  Catholick’s  State  had  Usurp’d  during 
the  8 Years  of  their  Reign,  amounted  at  least  to  900000/,  or 
3 Times  the  Value  of  the  forfeited  Lands. 

9.  The  King  (or  those  who  Usurped  his  Right)  said  that 


6o8 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


the  Public  Revenue,  taken  by  the  said  new  State  for  the  said 
Time,  amounted  to  5 or  600000/.  That  the  Value  of  the  34000 
Men,  sent  into  the  Service  of  Foreign  Princes,  were  worth  above 
1200000/.,  and  that  the  600000  Subjedls,  which  the  Kingdom 
had  less  in  the  Year  1653,  than  they  might  have  had  (had  not 
the  Warrs  begun  by  the  Irish  hinder’d  their  Increase)  at  70/. 
per  Head,  were  worth  42  Millions,  or  140  Times  the  whole 
Value  of  the  Forfeited  Lands. 

10.  Lastly,  the  Soldiers  who  adlually  conquer’d  Ireland 
said  that  their  Debenturs  amounted^  1 160000/.,  or  Quadruple 
the  Value  of  the  Forfeited  Lands. 

A.  Oh,  I am  amazed.  It  seems  to  me  that  all  these  Claims 
do  amount  to  near  200  Times  the  Value  of  the  Forfeitures. 

B.  They  do  so.  But  perhaps  they  will  say,  The  Number 
of  the  King’s  Subjedls  lessen’d  by  the  Wars,  was  not  600000 
Heads.  I believe,  indeed,  the  Value  of  each  Head  at  a 
Medium  is  about  70/. 

A.  And  so  do  I.  But  pray  make  it  out  that  the  Number 
of  wanting  Subjedls  is  600000. 

B.  I cannot  well  undertake  it,  but  will  tell  you  what  I 
remember  to  have  heard  upon  this  Subjedl,  vizt.  It  is  allow- 
ed That  the  present  Number  of  People  of  Ireland  is  1300000, 
That  they  are  increased,  since  the  Year  1653,  by  Comers  out 
of  Scotland  and  England,  50000 And  by  the  ordinary 
Course  of  Generation  in  34  Years  350000  more. 

A.  I find  by  Grant’s  Observations,  That  they  do  not 
increase  in  England  so  fast. 

B.  Very  likely.  Eor  in  England,  the  Proportion  of 
Marry’d  Teeming  Women,  is  not  so  great  as  in  Ireland  ; 
Where  they  marry  upon  the  first  Capacity,  without  staying 
for  Portions,  Jointures,  Settlements,  &c.  Well,  let  it  pass  for 
the  present.  That  the  People  hi  1653,  were  900000,  I will 
prove  it  better  at  our  next  meeting.  I say  further.  That  the 
People  A®  1641  were  1400000,  And  that  they  would  have 
increased,  had  not  the  Warrs  hindered,  to  1500000  in  the  12 
Years  between  41  and  53,  and  the  Difference  between  15  and 
9 is  600000,  as  was  propounded. 

1 Sc.  ‘ to.’ 

^ MS.,  ‘500000’  altered  to  ‘50000.’  Nevertheless  500000  is  the  figure 
consistent  with  Petty’s  calculation,  cf.  pp.  610 — 61 1. 


Losses  of  Ireland  by  the  Rebellion.  609 

A.  You  go  a little  too  fast.  I believe  that  14  in  12 
Years  might  have  very  well  increas’d  to  15.  But  pray  tell 
me,  Why  there  were  14  A®  1641,  when  there  are  but  13  now. 

B.  (i)  I have  heard  many  ancient  observing  People  say 
so.  2.  I find  that  the  Tyths  yielded  more  in  A""  1641,  than 
in  these  latter  Years  ; And  that  the  Number  of  Grist-Mills 
were  also  more  A”  1641,  than  now.  3.  The  Quantity  of 
Hops,  Tobacco,  Sugars,  and  Salt,  imported,  were  more  than 
now.  And  the  Quantity  of  Hydes,  Tallow,  Cattle  Dead  and 
Alive,  and  of  Wools  wrought  and  unwrought,  were  less ; which 
shows  that  in  Ireland  the  Consumption  was  great  (the  Natural 
Produce  being  the  same  at  both  Periods)  & consequently 
more  People. 

A.  I can  find  no  great  Fault  with  what  you  have  said. 
But  coil’d  wish  that  this  great  Point  might  not  be  slubber’d  ; 
Murders  and  Massares  {sis')  are  odious  Crimes.  And  some 
say,  to  Blacken  the  Irish,  that  they  caused  the  Death  of  above 
150000  English  and  Scotch  Protestants  in  the  first  Year  of 
their  Commotions.  And  others,  to  extenuate  the  Causes  of 
Forfeiture,  do  shrink  that  Number  to  400\  But  you  have 
started  a most  soft  and  candid  Question,  by  Asking  onely, 
without  Rancor,  How  many  of  the  King’s  Subje6ls  were  fewer 
in  Ireland,  when  the  Warr  ended,  A°  1653,  than  they  might 
have  been,  if  there  had  been  no  Warr  at  all,  That  is  to  say, 
Whether  they  perished  by  Murders  and  Massacres  committed 
by  Private  Hands,  or  by  Hunger  and  Cold,  or  by  being 
frighted  out  of  the  Kingdom ; or  Whether  they  were  slain  as 
Soldiers  on  both  Sides  ; or  Whether  they  perished  by  the 
Plague,  which  reigned  very  fiercely  A 1650;  Or  by  Famin^ 
and  Desolation,  which  was  great  about  the  End  of  the  Warr ; 
Or  whether  this  Number  were  Lessen’d,  by  Hindring  the 
Ordinary  Course  of  Generation  : For  it  is  all  one,  by  what 
Means  they  were  Lessen’d,  as  to  the  Account  we  are  now 
Stating,  Of  the  Damages  which  accru’d  from  the  Rebellion. 
Altho’  it  be  not  all  one,  as  to  the  Sin  of  the  particular 
Scelerates,  which  caused  this  Calamity. 

^ MS.,  ‘4000,’  altered  to  ‘400.’ 

^ MS.,  ‘Fame,’  altered  to  ‘Famin.’ 


H.  P. 


39 


6io 


Ti'eatise  of  Ireland. 


B.  What  if  I had  said  but  300000  instead  of  600000,  the 
Loss  even  of  300000  People,  is  more  than  all  the  Estates  of 
the  Irish  Real  and  Personal,  at  their  greatest  Worth  and 
Splendor,  can  expiate.  Nevertheless,  because  it  is  a curious 
Inquiry,  and  to  shew  you  that  I do  not  talk  altogether  at 
Random,  I will  repeat  and  strengthen  the  Demonstration  I 
began ; vizt. 

1.  That  there  [are]  about  1300000  Souls  in  Ireland  in  this 
Year  1687.  I say  that  the  Revenue  of  Hearths  is  30000/.,  So 
as  the  Hearths  must  be  300000  in  Number.  I say  that,  by  a 
good  Estimate  from  the  Hearth-Books,  all  the  Houses  in 
Ireland,  which  have  more  than  one  Chimney  are  20000;  and 
that  there  dwell  6 Heads  in  each  of  such  Houses,  one  with 
another:  In  all  120000  Souls.  And  that  there  are  in  the  said 
Houses  3 Chimneys  one  with  another,  in  all  60000  Chimneys : 
Which  dedudled  out  of  300000,  leaves  240000  chimneys  for 
240000  Thousand  Families.  But  in  the  poor  Cabineer 
Families,  one  with  another,  there  live  5 Heads  in  each  ; 
which  makes  the  Number  of  those  Cabineers  1200000:  Which 
added  to  the  1200000  {sic)  abovementioned,  makes  1320000 
Heads,  which  is  the  next  round  Number  to  1300000. 

2.  Let  me  suppose  that  there  were  900000  People  in  the 
Year  1653,  and  1300000  now,  then  at  a Medium  there  were 
1 100000 : Out  of  which  there  dyed,  at  the  Rate  of  one  out  of 
30,  37000^  per  Annum.  Grant  saith^  that  in  Countrey  Parishes, 
where  there  are  4 Burials  there  are  5 Births ; and  consequently 
the  Increase  of  the  People  in  Ireland  must  be  the  Quarter  of 
37000  or  9000  one  Quarter  per  Annum : Which  multiply’d 
by  35  makes  31 5000  to  have  increased  by  Generation,  between 
the  Year  1652  and  1687,  and  the  Number  in  1652  to  be  985000. 

3.  Altho’  I said  there  were  more  People  A®  1641  than 
A®  1687,  as  appears  by  the  Exportations,  Importations,  Tyths, 
Grist-Mills,  and  the  Judgment  of  Intelligent  Persons;  Yet  I 
shall  suppose  them  to  be  but  one  13^^^  Part,  or  1400000  in 
all : But  1400000  would  have  increased  from  the  Year  1641 
to  the  Year  1653  11500^  per  an  or  138000,  making  the  whole 


^ MS.,  ‘ 17000.’ 
2 p.  390. 


Petty  wrote  the  ‘ 37000’  in  the  margin. 
^ MS.,  ‘ 1 1000,’ altered  to  ‘11500.’ 


Distrib^ition  of  the  Forfeited  Lands.  6ii 

1538000.  Now  the  Difference  between  1538000^  and  985000^ 
is  553000^  So  as  of  the  985000^  last  Mentioned  we  need 
suppose  but  ^'joooo{sic)  to  have  come  out  of  England  and  Scot- 
land in  35  Years ; And  then  the  Assertion,  that  the  King  has 
lost  600000  Subjects  by  the  Irish  Commotions  is  well  justify’d. 

I know  these  are  not  so  perfedl  Demonstrations  as  are 
required  in  pure  Mathematicks ; but  they  are  such  as  our 
Superiors  may  work  with,  as  well  as  Wheelwrights  and  Clock- 
makers  do  work  without  the  Quadrature  of  a Circle.  For  to 
have  been  more  Nice  or  Punctilious  in  them,  had  been  the 
same  Excess,  as  if  a Painter  should  work  a large  high  Altar- 
Piece  in  Miniature  : Whereas  the  gross  Image  of  this  Affair 
lyes  in  Saying,  that  the  Irish  changed  the  Monarchy  into 
Democracy,  which  cost  the  Crown  of  England  600000  People, 
worth  42  Millions  of  Money. 

A.  You  have  said  more  than  I thought  could  have  been 
said : But  remember,  I must  have  another  Bout  with  you 
about  this  Matter.  You  told  me  how  many  Claimants  there 
were  for  this  300000/.  worth  of  Forfeited  Lands  : Pray  proceed 
to  tell  me  how  the  same  was  Adlually  dispos’d  of  by  the  A6ls 
of  Settlement  and  Explanation,  keeping  to  the  Supposition, 
That  the  Whole  was  but  300000/. 

B.  You  come  a little  too  suddenly  upon  me;  I cannot 
tell  you  all  these  Things  without  Book,  but  will  give  you  the 
best  Guess  I can,  which  is 

1.  That  the  Adventurers  (of  the  said  300000/.)  had  43000/. 

2.  That  155000/.  were  given  to  the  Soldiers. 

3.  That  out  of  the  Adventurers  and  Soldiers  which  had 
been  Regicides,  20000/.  was  given  to  the  Duke  of  York;  and 
that  Obnoxious  Men  of  both  Sorts  gave  4000/.  to  be  shelter’d 
by  Favourites. 

4.  The  Church  and  Colledge  of  Dublin,  and  other  Publick 
Uses  had  about  8000/.,  and  the  49  Officers  32000/. 

5.  Protestant  Sufferers,  Servitors,  and  Favourites  had  the 
rest,  or  38000/. 

A.  But  what  did  all  the  Claymants,  you  just  now  men- 
tion’d, say  to  this  Shrinking  of  their  Hopes  into  a Welshman’s 
Button  } 

^ MS.  in  each  case  has  a superfluous  o erased  by  Petty. 

39—2 


6i2 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


B.  They  rail’d  at  the  present  Settlement  and  said,  That 
the  Usurpers  needed  not  to  have  been  so  kind,  as  by  their 
A6l  in  1652  to  give  away  above  ^ Part  of  the  Whole  to  the 
Catholicks,  who  forfeited  all  in  Lump  as  one  Man,  eo  Nomine; 
Tho’  not  for  going  to  Mass  or  Confession,  nor  for  Praying  to 
Saints  or  for  the  Dead  ; But  for  Changing  Monarchy  into 
Democracy,  for  placing  Supremacy  into  a Council  of  Con- 
federate Roman  Catholicks,  and  for  Extorting  from  the  King 
(in  duris)  the  Articles  of  1648.  For  the  Usurpers  themselves 
touch’d  no  man  for  his  Religion,  and  punish’d  Protestants  and 
Papists  equally,  whom  they  found  disaffedled  unto  them  ; and 
thought  Difference  in  Religion  to  be  no  more  a Cause  of 
P'orfeiture,  than  an  English  Ship’s  carrying  a Flag  with  a Red 
Cross  to  an  Enemy-Nation.  But  no  doubt  the  Usurpers  had 
an  End  for  this  their  Indulgence,  as  in  the  Preamble  of  the 
said  A6l  is  set  forth.  For  they  gave  all  Men  Leave  to  Claim 
upon  their  Qualifications,  and  the  Qualification  was  the 
same  with  Innocency;  and  all  Complainants  (for  ought  I know) 
were  heard,  and  had  Decrees  a:t  Athlone  of  one  Sort  or  other. 

A.  This  was  a scurvy  Grumble  to  begin  withal : What 
else  did  they  say  ? 

B.  I told  you  there  were  several  Species  of  Claimants, 
whereof  some  Grumbled  one  way  and  some  another.  As  for 
Example  : Some  thought  they  had  been  confirm’d,  by  the 
King’s  Promises  at  Breda,  in  what  they  possess’d  the  7*’'  of 
May  1659,  without  further  Trial  of  Innocence^  after  a Present 
given  the  King  of  540000/.  Others  thought  that  the  A6ls  of 
the  Rump-Parliament  were,  as  to  this  Matter,  completely 
warranted  by  the  Adi  of  17*^  of  Charles  the  First,  and  that 
of  Judicial  Proceedings,  which  Doctrine  the  English  Adt  of 
Oblivion  seems  to  favour  ; Others  wonder’d  to  see  7 of  8 Irish 
Claimants  adjudged  Innocent,  and  that  very  suspicious  Deeds 
of  Entail  [were]  allow’d  to  the  Sons  of  Outlawed  Persons  ; That 
English  Strangers  should  be  put  to  prove  what  was  done 
20  Years  before  in  the  Rebels  Quarters,  and  be  deny’d  the 
Testimony  of  the  49  Men  for  that  Purpose:  And  in  Fine, 
That  about  1500000  Acres  of  Land  should  be  restored  upon 


MS.,  ‘ Innocents,’  altered  by  Petty. 


Sale  and  Settlement  of  Ireland. 


613 


such  Innocents,  and  upon  such  Titles,  and  upon  Provisos  of 
mere  Grace.’  Lastly,  others  grumbled,  That  the  Irish  should 
so  vehemently  crave  a further  Hearing  of  all  their  Claims  ; 
and  such  Sherifs  and  Juries  should  be  chosen,  as  shall  allow 
the  Deeds  which  the  Irish  have  suppressed  For^  20  Years. 
There  be  many  other  Grumblings  against  Great  Men  ; but  the 
World  will  never  be  quiet,  nor  cease  to  be  Envious,  not  con- 
sidering that  if  Things  have  been  amiss  in  this  Settlement, 
they  may  be  as  bad  in  another. 

A.  You  were  saying  that  there  was  Grumbling  against 
Great  Men,  upon  the  Account  of  the  present  Settlement.  I 
remember  that  the  Narrative  of  the  Sale  and  Settlement  of 
Ireland^  grumbles  hard  against  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  as  for 
having  as  much  Land,  as  would  have  satisfied  all  the  Adven- 
turers, in  or  about  the  Year  1667,  when  that  Pamphlet  was 
written.  Can  you  make  me  understand  this  Matter,  for  it 
seems  very  Enormous,  and  by  that  I might  make  a Judge- 
ment of  the  whole  Book. 

B.  That  Author  does  often  speak  at  random,  and  what 
he  does  not  know ; omitting  very  many  Things  which  ought 
to  be  known.  But  to  this^  Present  Point  I say,  i.  That  the 
Acres,  which  the  Adventurers  first  had,  were  390000^;  and  I 
do  not  find  that  the  Duke  of  Ormond  had  ever  above  3 

^ MS.,  ‘these,’  altered  by  Petty. 

A Narrative  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon' s Sale  and  Settlement  of  Ireland 
was  published  at  Lovain  in  1668.  The  author  appears  to  have  been  Nicholas 
French,  titular  Bishop  of  Ferns,  though  Carte  attributes  it  to  Peter  Talbot. 
Life  of  Ormond,  ii.  384.  The  pamphlet,  which  I have  not  seen,  is  said  to 
attack  Ormond  and  Clarendon  with  great  bitterness,  to  asperse  the  entire 
English  interest  in  Ireland,  to  praise  the  Irish  extravagantly,  and  to  suggest  the 
repeal  of  the  Act  of  Settlement.  It  appears  from  Petty  that  the  pamphlet  was 
reprinted  in  1686,  but  Lord  Edmond  Fitzmaurice,  who  attributes  it  to  one  Edward 
Fitzgerald,  writes  as  if  it  were  first  published  in  that  year.  Life  of  Petty,  272. 
Petty  was  urged  to  reply  to  the  Narrative,  as  being  one  especially  acquainted 
with  the  settlement  of  Irish  land-titles.  He  at  first  demurred,  but  finally  wrote 
his  Speaduju  Hibernice,  dated  1686,  and  Another  more  true  and  exact  Narrative  of 
the  Settle?nent  and  Sale  of  Ireland,  dated  1687.  The  Dialogue,  too,  appears  to 
be  directed  in  part  against  the  Narrative,  and  chiefly  against  its  assertion  that 
the  Catholics  in  Ireland  had  lost  and  the  English  protestants  had  gained  by  the 
events  between  1641  and  1665. 

^ MS.,  ‘ the,’  altered  by  Petty. 


MS.,  ‘300000,’  altered  by  Petty. 


6 14  Treatise  of  Irelaiid. 

Quarters  of  that  Number  in  his  Hands  of  any  Sort,  or  in  any 
Sense. 

2.  That  if  he  then  had  300000  Acres  in  his  Hands,  above 
200000  thereof  was  the  course  Lands  of  Kerry ; upon  which 
he  had  onely  some  Chafifages*. 

3.  That  the  said  Lands  were  indeed  200000  Acres,  but 
it  was  by  the  erroneous  Measure  of  the  extream^  Column  : 
Whereas  they  contained  indeed  scarce  30000  Acres  by  the 
Legal  Measure  of  the  reduced  Column,  according  to  which 
very  Measure,  they  were  not  worth  2s.  per  Acre  before  the 
Warrs. 

4.  His  Grace,  upon  Trial  of  the  Matter  in  the  Court  of 
Claims,  quitted  these  Lands  to  those  who  had  Right  in  them, 
a little  after  the  Author  wrote.  So  that  in  Truth,  upon  the 
whole  Matter,  this  vast  Scope  of  Kerry-Lands  would  not 
have  made  above  Part  of  the  Adventurer’s  Satisfadlion, 
which  that  Author  conceived  might  have  been  a full  Satisfadlion 
to  them  : And  as  his  Grace  was  abused  by  this  Narrative, 
so  was  he  also  by  them  who  put  him  upon  Meddling  with 
those  Lands  at  all,  which  he  held  about  5 Years  upon  their 
Sinister  Perswasions. 

A.  I instance,  in  the  next  Place,  the  horrible  Grumbling 
against  S^  WA  Petty  as  an  exorbitant  Gainer  by  the  said 
Settlement.  Can  you  say  any  Thing  of  him  ? 

B.  That  Man  has  been  35  Years  upon  the  Stage  of  Irish 
Affairs,  so  as  a Volume  might  be  writt  concerning  him.  But 
the  Answer  to  your  Question  may  be  short,  vizt.  That 
Gentleman  made  an  Admeasurement  of  Ireland  in  the  Year 
1655  and  1656,  now  fairly  recorded  in  his  Majesty’s  Surveyor 
General’s  Office,  by  distindl  Maps  of  every  Parish ; and  also 
Printed  and  Published  in  distindl  Maps  of  every  County  and 
Province.  And  the  same  was  appointed  to  be  done,  not  onely 
by  the  Usurper’s  A6ls,  but  even  by  the  A6l  17®  Car.  1“' 
and  the  Work  was  confirmed  not  onely  by  several  Years  of 
Probation  during  the  Usurper’s  Government,  but  also  by  the 
A6ls  made  in  Ireland  since  the  King’s  Restauration ; and 

^ MS.,  ‘ Cheififryes,’  altered  by  Petty. 

‘Extream  ’ inserted  by  Petty.  ^ MS.,  ‘of,’  altered  by  Petty. 


The  Down  Survey. 


615 


more  particularly,  after  ten  Year’s  Examination  of  the  same 
by  the  A6l  of  Explanation  in  the  22^  and  23'^  Pages  thereof : 
And  hath  been  before  and  since  the  Rule  and  Standard  of 
the  greatest  Transa6lions  in  Ireland. 

This  Survey  was  performed  by  Measuring  as  much  Line 
by  the  Chain  (and  Measuring  about  20  Angles  within  every 
Mile’s  Space  by  the  Circumferenter)  as  would  encompass  the 
Globe  of  the  Earth  8 Times  about  in  it’s  greatest  Circle.  Now 
if  we  may  allow  him  to  gain  1000/.  for  Measuring  each  Time 
about  the  World  (his  Accounts  amounting  to  9000/.)  then 
the  said  Gain,  lay’d  out  in  forfeited  Lands  at  half  a Crown 
the  Acre  (which  was  the  fair  Market-Rate,  as  hath  been 
elsewhere  proved)  then  S^  W“.  Petty  might  have  70000  Acres 
for  his  Work,  worth  at  2s.  the  Acre  7000/.  per  Ann. 

Memorandum,  That  if  he  had  gotten  more  than  is  here 
mentioned,  he  need  not  have  been  a Knave  thereby  : For  he 
had  A®  1657  4000/.  in  Money  more  than  the  9000/.  that  he 
got  by  the  Survey.  But  if  he  has  a less  Estate  than  aforesaid, 
he  was  a Fool  or  unfortunate  pro  tanto.  I further  say.  That 
the  Lands  belonging  to  the  Catholicks  A®  1641  were  near  5 
Millions  of  Irish  Acres,  or  8 Millions  of  English  Acres  profit- 
able, with  3 Millions  more  in  Rivers,  High-ways,  Loughs, 
Bogs,  Rocks,  and  barren  Mountains.  And  the  Charge  of 
the  said  Admeasurement  was  24000/,  or  little  above  40.f. 
per  Thousand  Acres,  and  little  above  one  half-penny  per 
Acre  Rough  and  Smooth.  And  if  the  said  Survey  be  com- 
puted at  200000  English  Miles,  which  will  encompass  the 
World  8 Times  about ; Then,  allowing  half  a Crown  or  2s.  A,d. 
for  Measuring  an  English  Mile  (with  perhaps  20  Angles  in 
the  same)  or  about  Ten  Groats  for  an  Irish  Mile,  the  Charge 
of  the  said  Survey^  will  not  amounts  {sic')  to  25000/.,  which  is 
more  than  was  given  for  the  same. 

A.  Pray  proceed  to  the  Cases  of  other  Men,  who  have 
got  great  Estates  by  the  Settlement. 

B.  In  answer  to  your  Desire,  I will  name  you  about  25 
of  the  greatest  Gainers  by  the  Settlement : Protesting  against 
having  any  Prejudice  against  any  of  them.  And  must  first 

^ MS.,  ‘same,’  altered  by  Petty  to  ‘said  Survey.’ 


6i6 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


tell  you,  That  the  King  has  about  56000/.  per  Ann.  by  new 
Quit-Rents  out  of  the  Forfeitures  ; that  of  the  Catholicks  the 
greatest  Gainers  are  the  Duke  of  York,  Earl  of  Clancarty, 
Earl  of  Inchequeen,  Earl  of  Tyrconnel,  Earl  of  Carlingford, 
the  Lord  of  Clare,  the  Lord  Dillon,  Coll.  Matthews,  & 
M‘’.  John  Brown  of  Connaught. 

2.  That  of  tho.se,  who  lived  in  Ireland  before  the  Rebel- 
lion, the  most  considerable  were  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  Earl 
of  Anglesey,  Earl  of  Orrery,  Earl  of  Montrath,  the  Lord 
Chancellor,  the  Lord  Lansborough,  the  Lord  Kingston,  Lord 
Coloony,  S*‘.  Theophilus  Jones,  Maurice  Eustace,  and  Al- 
derm“  Preston. 

3.  That  of  those,  who  came  into  Ireland  since  the 
Year  1648,  the  most  considerable  were  the  Lord  Massareen, 
Alderm“  Erasmus  Smith,  Sk  W*".  Petty,  CapL  James 
Stopford,  Mr.  John  Eyres  of  Connaught,  and  Sk  Henry 
Ingoldsby:  some  of  all  which  Sorts  did  their  Business  by 
downright  Gifts  and  Grants,  Some  were  forced  into  great 
Advantages  by  Guilty  and  Obnoxious  Persons ; Some  by  the 
Sheltering  and  Colouring  Vicious  and  defedlive  Interests ; 
Some  by  the  Trade  of  Buying  and  Selling  Debenturs,  and 
Adventures,  and  Connaught-Purchases.  So  as  I verily  believe, 
That  of  the  whole  300000/.  worth  of  Forfeitures,  there  did  not 
remain  with  the  new  English  A*^  1683  one  full  Third  Part 
thereof.  I mean  by  the  new  English,  not  all  those  that  came 
into  Ireland  since  the  Beginning  of  the  Rebellion,  but  onely 
those  who  came  thither  between  the  Year  1646  (when  the 
King’s  Affairs  went  to  wreck  in  England)  and  the  Year  1656 
(when  the  Usurpers  were  in  their  Meridian),  Which  Party  of 
Men,  altho’  they  all  seem  to  be  Phanatically  and  Democra- 
tically disposed,  yet  in  truth  were  Animals  of  all  Sorts,  as  in 
Noah’s  Ark. 

A.  The  Narrative  of  the  Sale  and  Settlement  pathetically 
sets  forth.  That  never  any  Nation  was  so  miserable  as  the 
Irish  after  their  Conquest  A®  1653  ; Whereas  you  insinuate. 
They  Gained  more  than  they  Lost  by  the  Rebellion. 

B.  I say  by  my  own  Observation,  That  I never  saw  so 
much  Merriment  and  Jollity  anywhere,  than  hi  1652,  among 


Ireland,  1653 — 1660. 


617 


those  that  were  to  be  Transported  and  their  Friends.  And 
have  heard  that  the  said  Transportees  lived  more  pleasantly 
Abroad  than  at  Home.  I also  say,  That  Nine  Parts  of  Ten 
of  that  Nation,  who  lived  as  Labourers  and  Tenants,  did  live 
more  plentifully  and  freely  in  the  next  Seven  Years  after  their 
Conquest  between  hi  1653  and  1660,  than  they  had  done  in 
the  Seven  Years  next  before  the  Warrs.  For  they  had  Lands 
at  small  Rents  even  at  i at^  the  present,  and  yet  sold  their 
Commodities  at  greater  Rates  than  now,  and,  paying  their 
Rents,  were  as  free  as  their  Landlords.  Nor  do  I remember 
any  Man  to  have  been  by  Authority  punished  for  his  Religion 
in  that  Time,  there  being  no  National  Church  then  established 
in  Ireland. 

A.  I thank  you  for  your  Informations,  but  cannot  digest 
that  Honest-Moderate-Wealthy  Catholicks  should  lose  their 
Estates,  for  what  a Company  of  Lewd,  Ignorant,  Barbarous, 
and  Beggerly  Rascals  did  against  the  English  in  the  Tumul- 
tuary Year  1642. 

B.  Alas  it  is  the  Wrath  of  God,  and  a Curse  upon 
Mankind,  that  Things  should  be  so  ! Is  not  the  whole  World 
ingaged  in  Original  Sin,  for  Adam’s  Eating  the  Forbidden 
Fruit  ^ Do  not  Princes,  by  the  Allowance  of  their  Confessors, 
throw  Bombs  and  Fire-works  into  besieged  Towns,  which  light 
more  upon  innocent  Women  and  Children,  than  upon  those 
who  have  offended  the  said  Princes,  or  even  upon  Soldiers  in 
Arms  ^ The  General  Assembly  of  the  Catholicks  did  not 
punish  the  Outrages  committed  in  that  Tumult  by  those 
Scelerates  ; nor  did  those  Moderate  Men  (you  mention)  by 
Word  or  Deed  protest  against  their  General  Assembly,  nor 
the  Confederate  Usurpers  of  Supremacy  ; but  had  all  Secret 
Hopes  of  Gaining  some  agreeable  Ends  out  of  those  Horrible 
Beginnings.  Are  not  all  Men  bound  by  an  A6l  of  Parliament 
in  England,  altho’  4 Parts  of  5 have  no  Right  to  make 
Members  for  either  House.?  I am  unwilling  to  drive  this  Nail 
too  far ; Think  on  what  I have  said,  and  let  me  have  your 
Objedlions  at  our  next  Meeting. 

A.  Pray,  have  a little  Patience,  and  as  you  have  now 

1 ? of. 


6i8 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


told  me  what  the  English  and  Protestants  have  lost,  so  repeat 
(if  you  please)  what  the  Irish  Catholicks  have  got  by  the 
Rebellion,  or  what  else  you  will  call  it  ? 

B.  As  to  the  Name  Rebellion,  I matter  it  not,  That 
which  the  Irish  did  amiss  in  was,  as  I apprehend,  The 
Changing  the  English  Monarchy  into  a Democracy; 
The  Placing  Supremacy  into  a Confederacy  of  Roman  Ca- 
tholicks to  the  Wrong  and  Blemish  of  that  Religion,  and  the 
Extorting  from  the  King  (in  duress)  the  Articles  of  hi  1648  : 
All  which  is  plain-intelligible  English  of  which  there  is  no 
Doubt. 

The  Particulars  by  which  the  Irish  gain’d  are  these ; vizt. 

1.  By  the  Robberies  and  Plunderings  of  the  English 

before  the  Gen^  Assembly.  600000/. 

2.  By  Usurpation  of  the  King’s  Revenue  for  above  8 

Years.  500000/. 

3.  By  Usurpation  of  the  Church-Lands  and  Livings  for 

the  same  Time.  900000/. 

4.  By  Exportation  of  34000  Men  at  40/.,  per  Head. 

1 300000/ 

5.  By  Improvements  upon  Restor’d  Lands.  1200000/ 

In  all  4500000/ 

Now  tho’  the  Value  of  the  forfeited  Lands  were  hi  1641, 
3600000/.,  Yet  it  must  be  understood  that  Parts  thereof 
was  lost  by  Common  Calamity,  and  onely  300000/  (the  Value 
of  the  same  A®  1653)  was  lost  by  Penalty  or  Forfeiture,  which 
is  but  the  15**^  Part  of  what  they  gained,  as  aforesaid. 

A.  I do  not  see  that  those,  that  lost  their  Lands,  got  any 
Part  of  the  4500000/,  above-mentioned. 

B.  Truely,  I believe  not.  For  I think  the  600000/  got 
by  Plundering,  was  immediately  and  lewdly  spent  by  the 
Plunderers  themselves.  That  the  King’s  and  Church’s  Revenue 
might  have  been  spent  upon  the  Common  Cause.  That 
the  Gain  upon  the  34000  exported  Men,  redounded  to  the 
Exportees  themselves,  and  to  their  Condudlors  and  Com- 
manders. That  the  Improvements  accrewed  to  the  Restorees 
onely.  But  all  that  is  nothing : P'or  all  the  Confederate 


Summary. 


619 


Roman  Catholicks,  ought  to  be  looked  upon  but  as  one  Man  ; 
who  lost  by  Way  of  Forfeiture  300000/.  and  gain’d  450000c/., 
which  is  15  for  one.  Now  for  Remedy  of  Inequality  among 
themselves,  it  may  be  done  by  a Court  or  Council  of  Catho- 
licks ere6led  for  that  purpose,  as  aforementioned,  and  by  the 
Prudence  of  Confessors ; without  Frighting  and  Disturbing 
the  whole  Nation  with  a perpetual  P'ear  of  Unsettlement. 

A.  I will  trouble  you  no  further.  The  Summ  of  what  I 
have  learn’d  is  this.  That  by  the  Rebellion  in  Ireland  is 
properly  mean’t.  The  CHANGE  OF  MONARCHY  INTO  DEMO- 
CRACY, AND  Transferring  Sovereign  Power  from  the 
King  to  the  Confederate  Catholicks  : And  Aggravated 
by  Extorting  the  Articles  of  1648,  and  not  Punishing  the 
Outrages  of  1641.  And  that  the  said  Confederates  gained 
thereby  15  Times  more  than  they  properly  lost;  And  that 
all  the  several  Branches  of  the  English-Protestant  Interest 
lost  200  Times  more  than  they  gain’d. 

B.  You  need  not  now  at  last  be  so  very  short ; but  (if 
you  please)  sum  up  what  we  have  said  thus,  (vizt) 

1.  Between  the  23"^  of  October  1641,  and  the  10^^^  of 
November  1642,  there  was  a Barbarous  and  Outragious 
Tumult  of  the  Irish  Catholicks  against  the  English  Pro- 
testants in  Ireland:  Who  being  then  about  10  to  one 
committed  many  Murders,  Robberies,  and  Mischiefs  upon  the 
English. 

2.  That  the  10^^  of  November  1642,  and  after  Edge-Hill- 
Fight  in  England,  when  the  King  was  dangerously  ingaged 
against  his  Enemies,  the  Irish  changed  Monarchy  into  Demo- 
cracy. 

3.  The  Roman  Catholicks  then  blemished  their  own 
Sacred  and  Infallible  Religion,  by  Making  it  a signal  Ear- 
Mark  and  Brand  of  Rebellion  upon  themselves. 

4.  Their  several  Cessations  and  Peaces  with  the  King 
gave  him  no  Relief  to  his  Distresses  in  England ; But  the 
Latter  in  1648,  was  thought  to  be  a main  Cause  of  his 
disastrous  Death. 

5.  That  the  English,  in  Pursuance  of  an  A6l  made  by 
the  King,  Lords,  and  Commons  of  England,  perfedlly 


620 


Treatise  of  Ireland. 


suppress’d  that  Rebellion  in  the  Year  1653,  with  an  immense 
Expence  of  English  Blood  and  Treasure,  and  the  Loss  of 
600000  People. 

6.  The  actual  Conquerors  did,  by  way  of  Indulgence, 
give  to  the  Catholicks  a 6‘^^  Part  of  all  the  Lands  which 
belonged  to  them  A®  1641,  with  the  Liberty  of  their  Persons 
and  Personal  Estates,  punishing  no  Man  for  his  Religion. 

7.  They  Leased  back  the  Lands,  which  they  got  from 
them  as  forfeited,  at  one  Quarter  of  the  real  Value  between 
1653  and  1660. 

8.  The  said  adlual  Conquerors  surrendred  all  their 
Acquisitions  to  the  King  at  Breda,  and  made  him  a Present 
of  540000/.,  which,  with  60000/.  spent  in  Defence  of  his 
Title,  amounted  to  double  the  Value  of  what  they  now  keep, 
as  A®  1653. 

9.  An  Army  was  kept  up  from  1653  to  1663,  whose  Pay 
was  equivalent  to  the  Rent  of  all  the  Forfeited  Lands. 

10.  The  Regicides  and  Halberteers  were  outed  of  all 
their  Acquisitions,  and  many  disaffe6led  Persons  driven  to 
take  shelter  under  others  to  part  with  their  Interests  at 
small  Rates. 

11.  A new  Court  of  Innocence,  and  Clauses  of  Grace, 
give-  after  the  Promises  of  Breda,  one  Third  more  to  the 
Catholicks  of  all  that  belonged  to  them  in  1641,  with  as  much 
Improvement  as  was  worth  4 Times  what  all  the  Lands  they 
lost  were  worth  A°  1653. 

12.  A"^  1655,  The  English  retrench  a Third  of  what  was 
most  Legally  due.  But  the  Irish  Restorees  nothing. 

13.  Upon  the  whole  Matter,  the  Irish  Catholicks  seem  to 
have  gained  by  these  Commotions  15  Times  more  than  they 
lost ; And  all  the  Branches  of  the  English-Protestant  Interest, 
seem  to  have  Lost  200  Times  more  than  they  have  Gained. 

14.  The  Parliament  of  Ireland  gave  to  the  King  in  Pole- 
Money,  Subsidies,  &c.  within  5 Years  after  his  Restauration, 
about  1200000/. 

15.  The  same  Parliament  gave  the  King  a Revenue,  by 

1 inserted  by  Petty. 

MS.,  ‘given,’  Petty  obliterated  the  ‘n’  but  did  not  change  the  ‘i’  to  an  ‘a.’ 


Siimmaiy. 


621 


new  Quit-Rents  out  of  Forfeitures,  of  near  60000/.  per  Ann. 
and  made  his  whole  Revenue  quadruple  to  what  the  said 
was  before  the  Warrs. 

16.  The  Irish  Catholicks,  by  indeavouring  to  out  the 
English  of  what  they  held^  A®  1684,  have  reduced  all  the 
Real  and  Personal  Estate  of  Ireland  to  be  Worth  but  one  half 
of  what  the  same  was  worth  in  the  said  Year  1684,  and  lessen’d 
their  own  Estate  above  2 Millions. 

17.  The  Transplantation  above-mentioned,  which  should 
have  been  made  above  500  Years  since,  will  benefit  both 
Nations  140  Millions  ; and  that  of  Scotland  60  Millions  more  • 
In  all  200  Millions  at  the  Hazard  of  4 or  5 onely. 

A.  The  Title  of  your  Treatise  is  POLITICAL  PASTIMES 
AND  Paradoxes.  Now,  besides  my  particular  Thanks,  I 
give  you  this  Complement,  That  the  Consideration  of  these 
Matters  may  be  Pastimes  becoming  the  King.  And  your 
Assertions,  concerning  the  Gain  and  Loss  by  the  Rebellion 
(tho’  but  a 10^’'  Part  thereof  should  be  true)  is  a Paradox  in  all 
the  Courts  of  Christendom,  where  the  Narrative  of  the  Sale 
and  Settlement  of  Ireland  has  been  published. 

B.  I thank  you,  and  do  willingly  submit  my  self  to  the 
Censure  of  the  World  ; and  shall  take  it  as  a Kindness  from 
any  good  Patriot,  that  will  solidly  confute,  that  is  to  say, 
re6lify  what  I have  said  amiss,  That  England  (which  has  the 
Ultimate  Judicature  of  these  Matters)  may  be  throughly 
informed. 


FINIS. 


1 MS.,  ‘had,’  altered  by  Petty. 


APPENDIX. 

I. 

[Extract  from  The  Discourse  Concerning  the 
Use  of  Duplicate  Proportion ^ 1674.] 

The  Eleventh  Instance. 

In  the  Life  of  Man,  and  its  Duration. 

It  is  found  by  Experience,  that  there  are  more  persons 
living  of  between  16  and  26  years  old^,  than  of  any  other 
Age  or  Decade  of  years  in  the  whole  life  of  Man  (which 
David  and  Experience  say  to  be  between  70  and  80  years :) 
The  reasons  whereof  are  not  abstruse,  viz.  because  those  of 
16  have  passed  the  danger  of  Teeth,  Convulsions,  Worms, 
Ricketts,  Measles,  and  Smallpox  for  the  most  part : And  for 
that  those  of  26.  are  scarce  come  to  the  Gout,  Stone,  Dropsie, 
Palsies,  Lethargies,  Apoplexies,  and  other  Infirmities  of  Old 

^ The  fundamental  idea  of  Petty’s  “ Discourse  of  Duplicate  Proportion”  is  that 
certain  phenomena,  capable  of  expression  in  terms  of  number,  M'eight  and  measure, 
stand  related  to  one  another  as  the  squares  or  cubes,  or  as  the  square  or  cube 
roots  of  their  respective  quantities.  Petty  illustrates  his  theory  by  a number  of 
“ instances,”  drawn  for  the  larger  part  from  the  physical  sciences.  Some  of  his 
instances  are  correct,  some  are  fantastic.  Only  two  of  them,  the  eleventh  and  the 
sixteenth,  are  at  all  closely  connected  with  the  subject  of  his  economic  writings, 
and  these  instances  are  reprinted  as  apposite  illustrations  of  an  idea  which  was  not 
without  influence  upon  his  work  in  political  arithmetick.  The  eleventh  instance 
is  found  at  pages  82 — 88,  the  sixteenth  at  pages  106 — 109  of  the  “Discourse,”  as 
printed  in  1674.  Bibliography.  Cf.  also  Birch,  iii.  156,  Filzmaurice,  268. 

Bishop  Barlow’s  Remains  contain  a sharp  criticism  of  the  “ Discourse.” 

^ Cf.  Graunt’s  “Observations,”  p.  387. 


Duplicate  Proportion. 


623 


Age.  Now  whether  these  be  sufficient  reasons,  is  not  the 
present  Enquiry  ; but  taking  the  afore-mentioned  Assertion 
to  be  true  : I say,  that  the  Roots  of  every  number  of  Mens 
Ages  under  16  (whose  Root  is  4)  compared  with  the  said 
number  4,  doth  shew  the  proportion  of  the  likelyhood  of  such 
mens  reaching  70  years  of  Age.  As  for  example  ; ’Tis  4 
times  more  likely,  that  one  of  16  years  old  should  live  to  70, 
then  a new-born  Babe.  ’Tis  three  times  more  likely,  that  one 
of  9 years  old  should  attain  the  age  of  70,  than  the  said 
Infant.  Moreover,  ’tis  twice  as  likely,  that  one  of  16  should 
reach  that  Age,  as  that  one  of  4 years  old  should  do  it ; and 
one  third  more  likely,  than  for  one  of  nine.  On  the  other 
hand,  ’tis  5 to  4,  that  one  of  26  years  old  will  die  before  one 
of  16;  and  6 to  5 that  one  of  36  will  die  before  one  of  26; 
and  3 to  2,  that  the  same  person  of  36  shall  die  before  him  of 
16:  And  so  forward  according  to  the  Roots  of  any  other 
year  of  the  declining  Age  compared  with  a number  between 
4 and  5,  which  is  the  root  of  21,  the  most  hopeful  year  for 
Longsevity,  as  the  mean  between  16  and  26;  and  is  the  year 
of  perfedlion,  according  to  Otir  Law,  and  the  Age  for  whose 
life  a Lease  is  most  valuable.  To  prove  all  which  I can 
produce  the  accompts  of  every  Man,  Woman,  and  Child, 
within  a certain  Parish  of  above  330  Souls;  all  which  par- 
ticular Ages  being  cast  up,  and  added  together,  and  the  Sum 
divided  by  the  whole  number  of  Souls,  made  the  Quotient 
between  15  and  16;  which  I call  (if  it  be  Constant  or  Uniform) 
the  Age  of  that  Parish,  or  Nu77terus  Index  of  Longaevity  there. 
Many  of  which  Indexes  for  several  times  and  places,  would 
make  a useful  Scale  of  Salubrity  for  those  places,  and  a better 
Judg  of  Ayers  than  the  conje6lural  Notions  we  commonly 
read  and  talk  of.  And  such  a Scale  the  Kmg  might  as  easily 
make  for  all  his  Dominions,  as  I did  for  this  one  Parish. 

The  Sixteenth  Instance. 

In  the  Price  of  several  Commodities. 

Suppose  a Mast  for  a small  Ship  be  of  10  inches  Diameter, 
and  as  is  usual,  of  70  foot  in  heighth,  and  be  worth  40^* ; then 
a Mast  of  20  inches  through,  and  double  length  also,  shall  not 


624 


A ppendix. 


onely  cost  eight  times  as  much,  according  to  the  0(5luple 
quantity  of  Timber  it  contains,  but  shall  cost  i6  times  32/. 
And  by  the  same  Rule,  a Mast  of  40  inches  through  shall  cost 
16  times  32/.  or  516/.  Of  which  last  Case  there  have  been 
some  instances.  But  whereas  it  may  be  obje6led.  That  there 
are  no  Masts  of  four  times  70,  or  280  feet  long,  I will  say, 
that  the  Rule  holds  in  common  practice  and  Dealing.  For,  if 
a Mast  of  10  inches  thick,  and  60  foot  long,  be  worth  30^* ; 
a Mast  of  20  inches  throughout,  and  80  foot  long,  shall  be 
worth  15/.  And  a Mast  of  40  inches  through,  and  100  foot 
long  (not  280  foot)  shall  be  worth  near  100/. 

Moreover,  suppose  Diamonds  or  Pearls  be  equal  and  like 
in  their  Figures,  Waters,  Colours,  and  Evenness,  and  differ 
onely  in  their  Weights  and  Magnitudes  ; I say  the  Weights 
are  but  the  Roots  of  their  Prices,  as  in  the  Case  aforgoing. 
So  a Diamond  of  Decuple  weight,  is  of  Centuple  value.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  Looking-glass-Plates.  I might  add, 
that  the  Loadstone  A,  if  it  take  up  10  times  more  than  the 
Loadstone  B,  may  be  also  of  Centuple  value. 

Lastly,  A Tun  of  extreme  large  Timber  may  be  worth 
two  Tuns  of  ordinary  dimensions  ; which  is  the  cause  of  the 
dearness  of  great  shipping  above  small ; for  the  Hull  of  a ' 
Vessel  of  40  Tuns  may  be  worth  but  '^L,per  Tun,  whereas  the 
Hull  of  a Vessel  of  1000  Tuns  may  be  worth  near  \^l.,per 
Tun.  From  whence  arises  a Rule,  how  by  any  Ships  Burthen 
to  know  her  worth  by  the  Tun,  with  the  Number  and  Size  of 
her  Ordinance,  &’c. 


II. 

[The  Dialogue  of  Diamonds^] 

A.  You  have  a fine  ring  there  on  your  finger,  what  did  it 
cost  you  ? 

B.  I am  ashamed  to  tell  you  for  I am  afrayd  I gave  too 

^ The  “Dialogue  of  Diamonds”  is  found  among  the  Philosophical  Papers 
collected  by  Abraham  Hill.  Brit.  Mus.  Sloane  MS.  2903,  f.  44  seq.  Dr  Hill 
(1635 — 1721)  was  resident  in  Gresham  College  in  1660  and  was  one  of  the 


The  Dialogue  of  Diamonds. 


625 


much  for  it,&  the  truth  is  I wonder  howanyman  [can]  tell  what  to 
give,  there  be  so  many  nice  considerations  in  that  matter  in  all 
which  one  has  nothing  but  meere  guesse  to  guide  himself  by. 

A.  Why,  did  you  buy  it  set  ? 

B.  What  should  I doe  with  it  unset  ? 

A.  If  you  bought  it  set  you  lost  two  of  the  best  guides 
& measures  whereby  to  have  known  its  price,  namely  the 
weight  and  the  extent,  both  which  are  computable  otherwise 
then  by  meer  guesse  ; beside  the  water  and  colour  of  the 
stone  as  also  the  clouds  icecles  & points  are  somewhat  better 
discerned  when  you  can  look  round  about  it,  then  when  you 
look  upon  it  but  as  through  a window. 

B.  Well,  I was  not  so  wise  ; but  I must  needs  buy  some 
more  diamonds  shortly,  wherefore  pray  instrudl  me  if  you  can. 

A.  I will  & first  take  notice  that  the  deerness  or  cheap- 
ness of  diamonds  depends  upon  two  causes,  one  intrinsec 
which  lyes  within  the  stone  it  self  & the  other  extrinsec  & 
contingent,  such  as  are  [i.]  prohibitions  to  seek  for  them  in 
the  countrys  from  whence  they  come.  2.  When  merchants 
can  lay  out  their  money  in  India  to  more  profit  upon  other 
commoditys  & therefore  doe  not  bring  them.  3.  When  they 
are  bought  up  on  feare  of  warr  to  be  a subsistence  for  exiled 
and  obnoxious  persons.  4,  They  are  deer  neer  the  marriage 
of  some  great  prince,  where  great  numbers  of  persons  are  to 
put  themselves  into  splendid  appearances,  for  any  of  theise 
causes  if  they  be  very  strong  upon  any  part  of  the  world  they 
operate  upon  the  whole,  for  if  the  price  of  diamonds  should 
considerably  rise  in  Persia,  it  shal  also  rise  perceivably  in 
England,  for  the  great  merchants  of  Jewels  all  the  world 
over  doe  know  one  another,  doe  correspond  & are  partners 
in  most  of  the  considerable  pieces  & doe  use  great  con- 
federacys  & intrigues  in  the  buying  & selling  them. 

twenty-one  persons.  Petty  being  another,  who  were  named  members  of  the 
Council  in  the  second  charter  of  the  Royal  .Society,  1663.  Birch,  i.  223.  The 
“ Dialogue,”  apparently  in  Hill’s  hand,  is  without  title  or  caption,  but  it  is 
ascribed  by  him  to  Petty  and  both  its  method  of  reasoning  and  its  style  of 
expression  confirm  the  correctness  of  his  ascription.  I have  followed  the  sug- 
gestion of  Dr  Bevan  in  calling  the  paper  “The  Dialogue  of  Diamonds.”  Bevan, 
Petty,  p.  63. 


H.  P. 


40 


626 


A ppendix. 


11  I like  this  discourse  very  well  but  have  no  occasion 
for  so  deep  an  inspedlion  into  the  matter.  I have  but  2 or 
300/.,  to  lay  out  and  I heare  that  the  market  at  this  time  is 
at  a midling  pitch  & therfore  I had  rather  heare  from  you 
upon  the  intrinsec  causes  & such  as  lye  within  the  stone  it  self. 

A.  I am  content.  You  must  therfore  know  that  these 
intrinseck  causes  are  principaly  foure,  vizt.  weight,  extent, 
colour  or  water,  cleaness  from  faults,  & to  theise  you  may 
adde  the  mode  and  workmanship  of  the  cutting. 

11  When  I bought  my  ring  I did  not  divide  my  con- 
sideration into  so  many  branches  : methought  it  made  a fine 
shew  in  general  & I bid  85,  86  & 87/.,  for  it,  & the  merchant 
swore  he  could  not  afford  it  so  & seemed  to  goe  away  once 
or  twice  and  thereupon  I gave  him  90/.,  & he  told  me  that  he 
would  give  me  85/.,  for  it  at  any  time  within  a twelvemoneth 
& defys  me  to  match  it  anywhere  for  the  money  I gave  him. 
Besides  I had  shewed  it  to  2 or  3 friends,  who  all,  to  shew 
their  skill,  made  some  special  animadversions  upon  the 
business  & told  me  I could  not  be  much  out  if  I gave 
between  80  & 90/.,  for  it ; and  this  is  all  the  art  I had. 
I expedt  now  to  be  wiser  from  you. 

A.  I told  you  there  must  be  four  intrinsick  causes  of 
dearnesse  & cheapness,  vizt.  Weight,  Extent,  Colour  & Clear- 
ness. As  for  the  weight  you  must  get  you  a pair  of  Scales 
that  will  weigh  with  certainty  to  less  then  a quarter  of  a 
grain.  As  for  extent  you  must  get  a piece  of  Muscovia 
glasse  or  very  fine  home,  wherein  must  be  a square  drawn  of 
an  inch  in  the  side  & the  said  Square  divided  into  400 
Squares,  dividing  each  side  into  20  parts  by  the  finest  lines 
that  can  be  drawn,  making  every  fourth  division  in  a line 
somthing  bigger  then  the  rest  for  distindlion  sake.  Thirdly 
you  must  have  5 or  6 diamonds  to  lye  constantly  by  you, 
each  of  a several  water,  & you  must  have  in  the  opinion  of 
the  best  jewellers  the  proportion  of  value  which  the  said 
waters  do  beare  one  to  another,  as  for  Ex.:  Suppose  a stone 
weigh  a graine  & being  of  the  best  water  is  worth  25®,  of  the 
black  water  20"",  of  the  red  16®,  of  the  yellow  14®,  of  the 
blewish  13®,  of  the  brownish  12^  &c.  Eourthly  you  must  have 


TJie  Dialogue  of  Diamonds. 


627 


as  many  foule  diamonds  as  doe  contein  Samples  of  every  sort 
of  fault  & a note  of  such  abatements  as  an  experienced 
Jeweller  would  make  for  every  such  fault,  the  same  to  be  ex- 
pressed in  aliquot  parts  of  the  whole  value,  & you  must  also 
have  a pair  of  excellent  Spectacles  for  the  older  sight  with  a 
good  microscope,  & then  I conceive  you  are  furnisht  with  the 
means  of  knowing  more  than  most  jewelers  doe  know. 

B.  I cannot  remember  all  you  have  said  : therfore  repeat 
the  same  over  again  in  parts,  & first  concerning  the  weight. 

A.  I shal.  The  general  rule  concerning  weight  is  this 
that  the  price  rises  in  duplicate  proportion  of  the  weight,  that 
is  to  say  as  the  Squares  of  the  weight  are  one  to  another  or 
the  weight  multiplyd  by  it  self  As  for  Ex.:  Suppose  a dia- 
mond weighing  one  grain  to  be  worth  20'^  then  a diamond  of 
2 grains  is  worth  4/.,  because  the  square  of  two  is  4,  that  is, 
2 multiplyd  by  2 makes  4 ; & the  diamond  of  2 greins  is  to 
be  paid  for  as  if  it  weighed  4 & by  the  same  rule  a diamond 
of  3 grains  must  be  reckoned  as  if  [it]  weighed  9,  because  3 
times  3 makes  9,  & a diamond  of  4 grains  is  to  be  reckond 
as  16,  & according  to  this  rule  the  great  Moguls  diamond  of 
1000  grains  is  reckoned  worth  a million  of  pounds  Sterling  and 
the  Duke  of  Florences  200000/.  Now  judge  you  whether  it  be 
safe  buying  a diamond  of  20  grains  by  the  eye  without  weighing, 
in  which  a graine  difference  in  the  weight  makes  about  43/., 
difference  in  the  price,  reckoning  the  single  grain  but  for  20^". 

B.  I have  one  notable  & obvious  objeblion  against  your 
rule,  which  is  that  Lapidarys  do  use  to  divide  a stone  into  2 
parts,  making  according  to  your  rule  each  half  to  be  but  a 
quarter  of  the  value  of  the  whole  & the  two  halfs  after  the 
charge  and  hazard  of  dividing  to  be  worth  but  half  what  the 
whole  was  worth  before  dividing — answer  me  that. 

A.  I doe  acknowledge  that  the  rule  of  weight  alone  is 
insufficient,  as  you  have  judiciously  observed.  Wherfore  you 
must  come  to  the  next  measure  which  is  extent  ; and  extent 
is  chiefly  measured  by  the  magnitude  of  the  superficies  which 
the  great  sedlion  of  the  stone  doth  make,  and  by  cutting  the 
stone  into  two  parts,  if  the  stone  were  valued  only  by  the 
said  superficies,  the  value  of  the  stone  cut  is  doubled,  whereas 


40 — 2 


628 


A ppcndix. 


according  to  the  weight  it  was  halfecl.  But  this  would  better 
appear  in  an  example.  Suppose  a stone  intire  to  be  worth  8/. 
Now  if  the  same  be  cut  in  two  halts,  each  half  reckoned  by 
the  weight  alone  would  be  reduced  to  40i‘.  and  the  two  halts 
to  4/.  But  if  the  stone  be  reckoned  according  to  the  extent 
and  superficies  only,  then  the  two  halts  would  be  worth  two 
eight  pounds  or  16/.  But  forasmuch  as  the  rule  of  weight  alone 
and  the  rule  of  extent  alone  are  each  of  them  insufficient,  you 
must  joyne  them  both  together  and  take  the  medium.  For 
joining  4/. : the  value  by  weight,  to  16/.,  the  value  by  measure, 
the  total  is  20/.,  the  half  whereof  is  lo/.  ; and  thus  you  see  the 
stone  which  intire  is  worth  but  8/.,  being  divided  is  worth  10/., 
yielding  an  advantage  of  40^".,  which  is  more  than  the  charge 
of  dividing  it  doth  commonly  amount  to. 

B.  Your  answer  is  very  satisfadlory  & ingenious  & from 
whence  I now  understand  the  use  of  your  glass  or  home 
table.  For  I suppose  that  by  applying  the  flat  se6fion  to  the 
squared  table  you  may  with  diligence  measure  the  difference 
of  any  superficies  almost  exadlly. 

A.  You  apprehend  it  right  & when  I have  measured  so 
the  extent  of  two  several  stones,  I cast  up  their  values  by  the 
aforementioned  rule  of  duplicate  proportion,  & having  cast 
them  up  both  by  weight  & by  measure,  I take  the  medium. 

B.  Lord  bless  me,  what  a fool  was  I wholy  to  omit  those 
two  guides  neither  of  which  could  I make  use  of  whilest  the 
stone  was  set,  & how  easy  is  it  for  the  best  jeweler  in  the 
world  to  mistake  one  grain  or  one  square  in  20,  nay,  to 
mistake  one  in  100  where  the  value  of  one  grain  is  above 
200/.,  and  how  doe  the  workmen  who  doe  set  diamonds 
indeavour  so  to  set  them  as  to  make  them  look  5 grains  or 
5 squares  in  lOO  bigger  then  they  are.  I am  very  well 
pleased  with  this  discourse  by  which  in  a quarter  of  an  houre 
one  may  learn  to  get  or  save  2 or  300/.,  & to  learn  an  art 
which  is  so  little  the  worse  for  the  wearing. 

A.  I am  glad  you  accept  my  advice.  Some  men  would 
have  made  a frivolous  objedfion  against  it,  or  have  received  it 
with  a scornfull  smile  as  a prety  useless  fancy  and  no  more.  JFit 
because  you  are  so  candid,  I will  proceed  to  the  other  points. 


The  Dialogue  of  Diauionds.  629 

B.  I heartily  thanke  you. 

A.  You  must  make  such  a measure  upon  your  glass 
table  as  may  correspond  to  the  value  of  your  grain,  and  when 
you  have  by  the  weight  found  how  many  grains  you  are  to 
pay  for,  and  by  your  note  of  colours  at  how  much  per  grain, 
& when  you  have  again  by  your  table  of  magnitudes  found 
how  many  squares  you  are  to  pay  for  at  the  same  rate  at 
which  you  reckoned  the  graine,  then  adding  the  value  by 
weight  to  the  value  by  extent,  the  half  of  that  summ  is  the 
value  of  that  stone  according  to  its  weight,  extent  & colour. 

B.  I apprehend.  And  I thinke  there  remains  nothing 
more  then  to  teach  me  how  to  make  my  abatements  of  the 
value  so  found  as  aforesaid  according  to  the  several  natures  & 
numbers  of  the  defedls. 

A.  Well,  this  I will  doe.  You  must  remember  you  were 
to  keep  by  you  such  and  so  many  stones  as  doe  contain  all 
the  usual  faults  of  diamonds  with  the  quota  parts  of  the  value 
which  for  each  defedl  is  to  be  abated.  As  for  example, 
suppose  there  be  a black  speck  in  a stone  which  without  it 
were  worth  10/.  according  to  our  former  rules,  but  with  it  is 
worth  4s.  lesse.  Now  you  must  remember  that  this  4^-.  must 
be  lookd  upon  as  the  50^^'  part  of  the  value,  and  therfore 
you  must  abate  10/.  in  a stone  of  500/.  tho  you  abated  but 
4^-.  in  a stone  of  10/.  Moreover  suppose  there  be  not  only 
the  black  speck  abovementioned  but  an  icecle  also  in  your 
stone  of  10/.  for  which  you  are  to  abate  lOj-.  and  consequently 
the  icecle  & the  speck  14^-.  Now  I conceive  that,  because 
there  are  two  faults,  you  must  not  only  abate  ioj".  & 4^-.  but 
the  double  of  the  same,  namely  2Ss.  Again  suppose  that 
beside  the  speck  and  the  icecle  there  be  also  a cloud,  for 
which  alone  you  might  abate  6s.  more,  that  is  4^-.,  lOi-.  & 6s.,  in 
all  20^".  I say  that  in  this  case  you  must  not  only  abate 
barely  20^,  nor  the  double  thereof  as  when  there  were  but  two 
faults,  but  because  there  are  three  faults,  you  must  abate  the 
treble  of  all  three,  which  is  3/.,  leaving  your  stone  of  10/. 
reduced  to  7/.  Now  this  triple  abatement  in  a stone  of  500/. 
would  be  1 50/.,  because  that  1 50/.  is  of  500/.,  as  the  3/.  was 
of  10/. 


630 


A ppendix. 


B.  I thinkc  I understand  this  doctrine,  but  there  comes  a 
conceit  in  my  head  which  makes  me  laugh,  for  how  if  all  the 
faults  thus  cast  up  together  should  amount  to  more  then  the 
value,  will  you  say  that  the  stone  in  such  a case  is  so  much 
worse  then  nothing  ? Certainly  its  worth  something  to  make 
diamond  powder  of,  were  it  never  so  foul  or  mishapen. 

A.  Your  obje6lion  is  good.  Tis  a pleasure  to  teach  you, 
and  to  what  you  have  said  I can  only  answer  theise  two 
things : that  I have  heard  able  jewelers  say  that  the  dif- 
ference of  stones  of  equal  weight  is  seldome  more  then  between 
15  & 5 or  3 & 9,  namely  that  the  best  with  all  its  perfe6lions 
is  but  triple  to  the  worst  with  all  its  faults.  The  other  thing 
I say  is  that  in  case  your  defecls  cast  up  as  aforesaid  should 
bring  your  stone  below  | of  its  full  value  resulting  from 
the  weight,  extent  & colour,  I say  in  such  a case  that  the 
estimate  of  your  defedls  must  be  reviewed,  tempered  & better 
proportioned  & adjusted. 


III. 

The  Powers  of  the  King  of  England'. 

10.  Dec'’.  1685''  by  S’.  W.  Petty. 

1.  The  King  has  a Prerogative  which  Lawyers  must 
expound. 

^ The  “Powers  of  the  King  of  England”  are  printed  from  a MS.  volume 
bearing  the  title  “Adversaria  Literaria  I.  P,”  Brit.  Mus.  Addl.  MSS.  27,^89, 
f.  17 — 18.  The  volume  contains  a book-plate  of  Sir  John  Perceval,  of  county 
Cork,  Ireland,  dated  1702.  Cf.  Hamilton,  Dated  Book-plates,  28.  Perceval  was 
born  in  1683.  The  death  of  his  father,  Sir  John  Perceval,  a friend  of  Petty’s 
(Fitzmaurice,  270),  in  1686,  left  him  an  orphan  and  ward  of  Sir  Robert  Southwell. 
He  was  created  Baron  Perceval  in  1715,  and  Earl  of  Egmont  in  the  peerage  of 
Ireland  in  1733,  and  died  in  1748.  Perceval,  who  was  in  a position  to  procure 
copies  of  Petty’s  writings,  was  a diligent  collector  of  MSS.  Other  volumes  of 
“Adversaria”  apparently  compiled  by  him,  are  in  existence,  one  of  them  contain- 
ing a “character”  of  Petty.  7///  Kept.  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  ])p.  xiii.  232—249. 
The  ‘ ‘ 1 ’owers  of  the  King ’’are  in  the  same  hand,  probably  Perceval’s,  as  the 
remaining,  very  miscellaneous,  contents  of  the  British  Museum’s  volume  of  the 
“Adversaria.”  Another  MS.  of  the  “Powers  of  the  King”  is  the  property  of 
the  Martjuis  of  Bath,  at  Longleat.  yd  Kept.  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  199. 

" d'he  17th  November,  James  had  rei)lied  to  the  address  of  the  Ct)mmons  on  the 


Powers  of  the  King  of  England.  631 

2.  The  King  makes  Peers  in  Parliament  who  are  per- 
petuall  Legislators,  as  also  the  Last  and  highest  Judicature 
of  England  and  Ireland,  and  have  great  Priviledges  and 
Immunitys  for  themselves  and  Servants. 

3.  The  King  is  the  fountain  of  Honour  Titles  & Prece- 
dencys  and  of  all  the  Powers  which  the  L^^^  Marshall  & 
Heralds  exercise. 

4.  The  King  makes  Bishops ; and  They  Priests  & 
Deacons,  & Clerks  of  the  Convocation,  and  has  also  all  the 
Power  which  the  Pope  had  formerly.  Bpps  make  Chancellors 
and  other  officers  of  the  Spirituall  Courts  have  power  to 
Excommunicate  &c. 

5.  The  King  makes  the  Chancellors  of  the  Universitys, 
makes  Heads  and  Fellows  in  Severall  Colledges,  and  is  also 
Visitor  in  some  Cases. 

6.  The  King  has  the  Power  of  Coynage,  & can  give  the 
Name,  Matter,  fineness.  Character  and  Shape  to  all  Species  of 
Money  and  can  cry  Money  up  and  downe  by  his  Proclamation  ; 
Which  some  extend  to  this  vizt  That  if  A.  Lend  B.  100/. 
weighing  29  pounds  of  Sterling  Silver,  If  the  King  by  his 
Proclamation  declare  that  one  Ounce  of  Silver  shall  be  after- 
ward calld  One  hundred  pounds,  that  then  B.  paying  to  A. 
the  said  Ounce  of  Silver,  the  Debt  is  answer’d. 

7.  The  King  makes  Sheriffs  and  they  Juries  upon  Life 
and  Estate,  Limb  and  Liberty,  as  also  Jaylors  Baylifs  & 
Executioners  of  All  Sorts. 

8.  The  King  makes  a Chancellor  or  Cheif  Judge  in 
Equity  who  Stopps  proceedings  in  other  Courts  of  Law  &c. 
The  Chancellor  makes  Justices  of  Peace,  & they  High  & 
petty  Constable,  & Sessions  of  Peace,  &c. 

9.  The  King  makes  Judges  durante  bene  placito.  They 

test.  On  the  19th  there  ensued  the  notable  debate  in  the  House  of  Lords  in  which 
not  only  Halifax,  but  Compton,  Mordaunt,  and  Devonshire  criticised  the  King’s 
policy  with  vigour.  The  following  day  Parliament  was  prorogued.  Under  such 
circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that  so  active-minded  a man  as  Petty  should 
have  set  down  his  ideas  as  to  the  extent  of  the  prerogative.  His  expectations  of 
reform,  based  upon  the  exercise  of  the  royal  power,  though  mistaken,  seem  to 
have  been  sincere,  and  it  is  to  them  that  we  owe,  in  part  at  least,  several  of  his 
later  writings. 


632 


A ppc}idix. 


sett  fines  and  punish  at  their  own  Discretion  in  Severall  Cases. 
They  Govern  Proceedings  at  Law,  Declare  and  Interpret  the 
Law,  Repreive,  &c.  & the  King  can  suspend  the  Law,  pardon, 
or  prosecute. 

10.  The  King  can  give  Charters  for  Boroughs  to  Parlia- 
ment, appoint  Electors  and  Judges  of  Elections,  prorogue 
adjourn  and  disolve  Parliaments  from  time  to  time,  and 
from  Place  to  Place,  disprove  the  Speaker  &c. 

[i  I.]  The  King  appoints  his  Lieutenants  to  command  the 
Grand  Standing  Militia,  can  press  any  Man  to  serve  his  Aliys 
beyond  Seas,  as  Soldiers,  can  equip  & appoint  what  number 
of  Shipps  and  Seamen  he  pleases  & their  Wages  & pari 
Ratione  a Mercenary  Army  to  serve  at  Land,  as  also  Guards 
for  his  Person  of  Severall  Sorts. 

12.  The  King  has  some  Revenue  by  Common  Law  and 
Prerogative  & can  by  his  Judges  interpret  Statutes  concern- 
ing the  Branches  and  the  Collection  thereof 

o 

13.  The  King  has  great  power  over  Forests  and  Mines, 
Colonys  Monopolys. 

14.  The  King  can  doe  noe  Wrong,  & his  coming  to  the 
Crown  clears  him  from  all  punishments  &c.  due  before,  and 
obedience  to  him  after  Coronation  excuses  from^ 

15.  The  King  by  ceasing  or  forebearing  to  administer 
the  Severall  Powers  above  nam’d  can  doe  what  harm  he 
pleases  to  his  SubjeCts. 


^ Unfinished  in  the  MS. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  PRINTED  WRITINGS 
OF  SIR  WILLIAM  PETTY  \ 


[i.]  A I declaration  | Concerning  the  newly  invented  | Art  of  | 
double  writing.  | Wherein  are  expressed  tlie  reasons  of  the  | Authors 
proceedings  in  procuring  a Priviledge  for  | the  same  : As  also  of  the 
Time,  Manner,  and  | Price,  of  the  discovery  of  the  said  | Art,  and 
of  the  Instruments  | belonging  thereunto.  | For  the  satisfadtion  of 
all  that  desire  to  | be  partakers  of  the  great  benefit  of  the  same,  | 
before  they  adventure  anything  towards  | the  reward  thereof.  | 
Whereunto  is  annexed  a copie  of  an  Ordi-|nance  of  both  Houses  of 
Parliament,  approving  the  | feasibility  and  great  use  of  the  said 
invention,  and  allow-|ing  a Priviledge  to  the  Inventor,  for  the  sole 
benefit  there-|of  for  14  years,  upon  the  penalty  of  one  hundred 
pounds.  I [Ornament.] 

London,  | Printed  by  R.  L.  for  R.  W.  at  the  Star  under  Saint 
Peters  Church  in  Cornhill,  1648. 

Title,  I 1.  pp.  I — 10,  4°. 

[2.]  [Begin.]  THere  is  invented  an  Instrument  of  small  bulk 
and  price... [end]  Saint  Peters  Church  in  Cornhill. 

Broadside,  folio,  no  date.  It  mentions  the  Declaration  as  already  printed  and 

requests  contributors  to  pay  their  money  to  the  inventor  at . In  the  British 

Museum  copy  the  blank  is  filled  in  with  a pen,  “ his  lodging  next  doore  to  the 
White  Boare  in  Lothbury.” 

[3  a.]  The  | advice  | of  | W.  P.  | to  | Mr.  Samuel  Hartlib.  | 
For  I The  Advancement  of  some  particu-|lar  Parts  of  Learning.  | 
[Ornament.] 

London,  Printed  Anno  Dom.  1648. 

Title,  I 1.,  advertisement,  i 1.,  epistle  dedicatory  i 1.,  pp.  i — 26,  4°.  

The  epistle  is  dated:  London  the  8 January.  164I. 

1 A trial  Bibliography  of  Sir  William  Petty,  containing  brief  entries  of  nearly 
all  the  titles  here  printed,  was  contributed  by  me  to  Notes  and  Queries  of  31  August 
and  14  September,  1895,  8'^''  series,  viii.  163 — 165,  202 — 203. 


^34 


Bibliography  of  the  Printed  Writings  of 

[3  b.]  Same,  in  Tlie  Harleian  Miscellany...  Vol.  vi. 

London:  Printed  for  T.  Osborne,  in  Gray’s-Inn.  MDCCXLV 
[1745].  4”— Pp-  I — 13- 

[3c.]  Same,  in  The  Harleian  miscellany...  with...  annotations, 
by  the  late  William  Oldys,...  and...  Thomas  Park...  Vol.  vi. 

London;  printed  for  White  and  Co.,  and  John  Murray,  Fleet 
Street;  and  John  Harding,  St.  James’s  Street.  1810.  4®. — Pp.  i — 14. 

[3d.]  Same,  in  The  Harleian  miscellany...  with  historical, 
political,  and  critical  notes.  Vol.  vi. 

London  : printed  for  Robert  Dutton,  Gracechurch-Street.  1810. 
8L— Pp.  141—158. 

[4]  A I brief  | of  | proceedings  | between  | S’".  Hierom  Sankey  | 
and  I D'".  William  Petty.  | With  | The  State  of  the  Controversie  | 
between  them  | Tendered  to  all  Indifferent  Persons.  | [Ornament.] 

London.  | Printed  in  the  Year,  M.DC.L.IX.  [1659]. 

Title,  I 1.,  to  the  reader,  i 1.,  pp.  i — 8,  P. 

[5  a.]  Refledlions  | upon  some  | Persons  and  Things  | in  | 
Ireland,  | by  | Letters  to  and  from  O’"  Petty  : | with  | Sir  Hierome 
Sankey’s  Speech  | in  | Parliament. 

London,  | Printed  for  John  Martin,  James  Allestreye,  and  | 
Thomas  Uicas,  and  are  to  be  sold  at  the  | Bell  in  St.  Paul’s-Church- 
Yard.  1660. 

Title,  I 1.,  pp.  I — 1^2,  147 — 162,  159 — 185,  contents,  6 11.,  8".  The 

pages  of  signature  K,  which  should  be  143 — 158,  are  all  nundjered  four  too  high. 

[5  b.]  Refledtions  | upon  some  | persons  and  things  | in  | 
Ireland,  | by  | letters  to  and  from  | Dr.  Petty  : | with  | Sir  Hierom 
Sankey’s  speech  [ in  | parliament, 

Dublin  : j printed  by  Zachariah  Jackson,  | For  Grtieber,  and 
M‘Allister,  No.  59,  Dame-Street.  | 1790. 

Pp.  [i] — xxiv.  I — 187,  8”. 

[6  a.]  A I treatise  | of  | Taxes  & Contributions.  | Shewing  the 
Nature  and  Measures  of  | Crown-Lands.  | Assessements.  ! Cus- 
toms. I Poll-Moneys.  | Lotteries.  | Benevolence.  | Penalties.  | 
Monopolies.  | Offices.  | Tythes.  [ Raising  of  Coins.  | Harth- 
Money.  | Excize,  Nc.  | With  several  intersperst  Discourses  and 
Digressions  concerning  j Warres.  The  Church.  | Universities.  | 
Rents  & Purchases.  | Usury  & Exchange.  | Banks  N:  Lombards.  | 


Sir  William  Petty.  635 

Registries  for  Con-|veyances.  | Beggars.  | Ensurance.  | Exporta- 
tion of  1 Free-Ports.  | Coins.  | Housing.  | Liberty  of 

Con-|science,  &c.  | The  same  being  frequently  applied  to  the  pre-| 
sent  State  and  Affairs  of  | Ireland. 

London,  Printed  for  N.  Brooke,  at  the  Angel  in  Cornhill.  1662. 

Title,  I I.,  preface  3 11.,  index  4 11.,  pp.  1 — 75,  errata,  i 1.  4”. 

[6  b.]  A I treatise  | of  | 'haxes  & Contributions.  | Shewing  the 
Nature  and  Measures  of  | Crown-Lands,  | Assesments,  | Customs,  | 
Poll-Moneys,  | Lotteries,  | Benevolence,  | Penalties,  | Monopolies,  | 
Offices,  I Tythes,  | Raising  of  Coins,  | Harth-Money,  | Excize,  &c.  | 
With  several  intersperst  Discourses  and  Digressions  concerning  | 
Warrs,  | The  Church,  | Universities,  | Rents  and  Purchases,  | Usury 
and  Exchange,  | Bai^s  and  Lombards,  | Registries  for  Con-|veyances,  | 

{Money 

Wool  ^ I Coins,  I 

Housing,  I Liberty  of  Consci-|ence,  &c.  | The  same  being  fre- 
quently applied  to  the  present  | State  and  Affairs  of  Ireland. 

London.  Printed  for  Nath.  Brooke,  at  the  Angel  for-|merly  in 
Cornhill,  now  in  Gresham-College,  going  into  the  | Exchange  from 
Bishopgatestreet.  1667. 

Title,  I 1.,  preface,  3 11.,  index,  4 11.,  pp.  1 — 72,  4". 

[6  c.]  I treatise  | of  | Taxes  and  Contributions.  | Shewing  the 
Nature  and  Measures  of  | Crown-Lands,  | Assesments,  | Customs,  | 
Poll-Moneys,  | Lotteries,  | Benevolence,  | Penalties,  | Monopolies,  | 
Offices,  I Tythes,  | Raising  of  Coins,  | Haith-Money,  | Excise,  cScc.  | 
With  several  intersperst  Discourses  and  Digressions  concerning  | 
Warrs,  | The  Church,  | Universities,  | Rents  and  Purchases,  | Usury 
and  Exchange,  j Banks  and  Lombards,  | Registries  for  Con-|veyances.  | 

{Money, 

Wooll  ^ Ports,  I Coins,  | 

Housing,  I Liberty  of  Consci-jence,  &c.  | The  same  being  frequently 
applied  to  the  State  and  Affairs  of  | Ireland,  and  is  now  thought 
seasonable  for  the  present  Af-|fairs  of  England. 

London,  Printed  for  Obadiah  Blagrave,  at  the  Sign  of  | the  Bear 
in  St.  Paul’s  Church-Yard,  over  against  | the  Little  North-Door 
1679- 

Title,  I 1.,  preface,  3 11.,  index,  4 11.,  pp.  i — 72,  4". 


636 


Bibliography  of  the  Printed  Writings  of 


[6d.]  A I treatise  | of  | Taxes  and  Contributions.  | Shewing  the 
Nature  and  Measures  of  | Crown-Lands  | Assessments,  | Customs,  | 
Poll-Moneys,  | Lotteries,  | Benevolence,  | Penalties,  | Monopolies,  | 
Offices,  I 'Tythes,  | Raising  of  Coins,  | Harth-Money,  | Excise,  &c.  | 
With  several  intersperst  Discourses  and  Digressions  concerning  | 
Wars  1 'The  Church,  | Universities,  | Rents  and  Purchaces,  | Usury 
and  Exchange,  | Banks  and  Lombards,  | Registers  for  Conveyances.  | 

Beggars,  j Ensurance,  | Exportation  of  i Free  Ports,  | Coins,  | 

Housing,  I Liberty  of  Conscience,  &c.  | The  same  being  frequently 
applied  to  the  State  and  Affairs  of  | Ireland,  and  is  now  thought 
seasonable  for  the  present  Affairs  of  England.  ] d"he  Third  [w] 
Edition. 

London,  Printed  for  Obadiah  Blagrave,  at  the  Sign  of  the  Bear  | 
in  St.  Paul’s  Church-Yard,  over  against  the  Little  North  Door. 
1685. 

Title,  in  a double-lined  l)oider,  1 1.,  preface,  3 11.,  index,  4 11.,  pp.  i — 72, 

4°.  Apparently  a reissue  of  the  edition  of  1679,  with  a new  title  page. 

Copies  of  this  ed.  are  also  bound  in  the  following  : 


[6  e.]  A I colledlion  | Of  three  | state  traOs  : | 1.  The  Privileges 
and  Practice  of  Parliaments,  &c.  | II.  The  Politician  discovered, 
or  Considerations  of  the  | Late  Pretensions  of  France  to  England 
and  Ireland;  | and  their  Plots  in  order  thereunto.  | III.  A Treatise 
of  Taxes  and  Contributions,  shewing  | the  Natures  and  Measures 
thereof,  particularly  | fitted  for  the  State  of  Ireland.  | Written,  | By 
Sir  William  Petty  of  Ireland. 

London,  | Sold  by  O.  Blagrave  at  the  Bear  and  Star  | in  St.  Paul’s 
Church-yard.  1690. 

This  book  consists  of  copies  of : ist,  Privileges  and  practice  of  parliaments  in 
England : collected  out  of  the  common  Law  of  this  land.  London : Robert 
tiarford,  1680  [first  printed  in  1628];  2 11.,  pp.  i — 44;  2nd,  The  politician  dis- 
covered, or  considerations  [etc].  By  a true  protestant  and  well-wisher  of  his 
countrey.  London:  Langley  Curtis,  1681;  i 1.,  pp.  i — 28,  i — 23;  3rd,  the 
“third”  ed.  of  Petty’s  Treatise.  London:  Obadiah  Blagrave,  1685  (see  no.  6d 
above).  Each  of  these  tracts  has  its  separate  title-page,  pagination,  and  signatures; 
they  are  simply  bound  together,  preceded  by  a copper  plate  representing  the  two 
houses  of  Parliament  in  session,  and  a title-page  as  above. 


[6  f.]  A I discourse  | of  | taxes  and  contributions  : | Shewing  the 
Nature  and  Measures  of  | Crown-Lands,  | Assesments,  | Customs,  | 
Poll-Moneys,  | Lotteries,  | Benevolence,  | Penalties,  | Mono[)olies,  | 


Sir  William  Petty. 


637 


Offices,  I Tythes,  | Hearth,  | Excise,  &c.  | With  several  intersperst 
Discourses  and  Digressions  concerning  | Wars,  | The  Church,  | 
Universities  | Rents  and  Purchases,  | Usury  and  Exchange,  | Banks 
and  Lombards,  | Registries  for  Con-|veyances,  | Beggars,  | Ensur- 

ance,  | Exportation  of  I Ports,  | Coins,  | Housing,  | 

Liberty  of  Consci-|ence,  &c.  | The  same  being  frequently  applied  to 
the  State  and  Affairs  | of  Ireland,  and  is  now  thouglit  seasonable  for 
the  pre-|sent  Affairs  of  England ; hum’uly  recommended  to  the  | 
present  parliament. 

London,  | Printed  for  Edward  Poole,  at  the  Ship,  over  against 
the  ] Royal  Exchange  in  Cornhill,  1689. 

Title,  I L,  preface,  3 11.,  index,  4 11.,  pp.  1 — 72,  4°.  A reissue  of  the 

1679  edition  (6  c)  with  a new  title-page. 

[6g.]  See  27. 


[7  a.]  An  apparatus  to  the  history  of  the  common  pradtices  of 
Dying.  By  Sir  William  Petty,  hi  The  | history  | of  the  | Royal- 
Society  I of  I London,  | For  the  Improving  of  | Natural  Knowledge.  | 
By  I Tho.  Sprat. 

London,  | Printed  by  T.  R.  for  J.  Martyn  at  the  Bell  without  | 
Temple-bar,  and  J.  Allestry  at  the  Rose  and  Crown  in  | Duck- 
lane,  Printers  to  the  Royal  Society.  | M DC  LXVII  [1667].  4L  — 
Pp.  284 — 306. 


[7  b.]  Same,  in  The  history  of  the  Royal-Society...  The  Second 
Edition  Corredted. 

London  : Printed  for  Rob.  Scot,  Ri.  Chiswell,  Tho.  Chapman, 
and  Geo.  Sawbridge.  And  are  to  be  sold  by  Them,  and  by  Tho. 
Bennet.  1702.  4^. — Pp.  284 — 306. 

[7  c.]  Same,  in  'Fhe  history  of  the  Royal  Society...  The  Third 
Edition  Corredled.  [Ornament.] 

London : Printed  for  Samuel  Chapman  at  the  Angel  and  Crown 
in  Pallmall.  MDCCXXH  [1722].  4"^. — Pp.  284 — 306. 


[7  d.]  Same,  in  'Fhe  history  of  the  Royal  Society...  The  Fourth 
Edition.  [Ornament] 

London;  Printed  for  J.  Knapton,  J.  Walthoe,  D.  Midwinter, 
J.  Tonson,  A.  Bettesworth  and  C.  Hitch,  R.  Robinson,  F.  Clay, 
B.  Motte,  A.  Ward,  D.  Brown,  and  T.  Longman.  M DCC  XXX IV 
[1734]-  4®— Pp-  284—306. 


638  Bibliography  of  the  Printed  Wi'itings  of 

[7  e.]  1/Histoire  de  la  Pratique  ordinaire  de  la  Teinture  par  le 
Chevalier  Gvillavme  Petty.  In  T/histoire  | de  la  | Societe  \sic^  \ 
Royale  | de  | Londres,  | Establie  pour  I’Enrichissement  de  la  | 
science  natvrelle  | Escrite  en  Anglois  par  | d'homas  Sprat,  | Et 
traduite  en  Francois.  | [Woodcut.] 

A Geneve,  | Pour  lean  Herman  Widerhold.  | M.  DC.  EXIX 
[1669].  8A-  Pp.  346—374. 

[8.]  The  I discourse  | Made  before  the  | Royal  Society  | The 
26.  of  November  1674.  | Concerning  the  Use  of  | Duplicate  Pro- 
portion I In  sundry  Important  Particulars  : | Together  with  a | New 
Hypothesis  of  Springing  | or  Elastique  Motions.  | By  Sir  William 
Petty,  Kt.  I Fellow  of  the  said  Society.  | Pondere,  Mensura,  & 
Numero  Deus  omnia  fecit : 1 Mensuram  & Pondus  Numeres,  Numero 
omnia  | fecit. 

London  ; | Printed  for  John  Martyn,  Printer  to  the  | Royal 
Society,  at  the  Bell  in  | St.  Paul’s  Churchyard,  1674. 

I 1.,  recto  blank,  verso  order  of  Royal  Society  to  print,  title,  i 1.,  epistles 

dedicatory,  13  11.,  errata,  i 1.,  j^:).  i — 135,  12”.  The  order  of  the  Royal 

Society  to  print  is  dated  10  December,  1674,  the  epistle  to  Lord  Brouncker  is 
dated  “ ult.  Decemb.  ” 

[9.]  Colloqiiim  | Davidis  | cum  anima  sua,  (Accinente  Para- 
phrasim  in  104  Psalmtim)  | De  Magnalibus  dei.  | 25®  Martii  1678. 

fecit  I Cassid.  Avrevs  Minvtivs.  | Imprimatur,  | Guil.  Jane.  | August 
31.  1678.  I [Ornament.] 

Londini,  | Impensis  ddiomae  Burrell,  Bibliopolae,  ad  Insigne 
Pilae  auratae,  sub  | Templo  S*^**  Dunstani  in  Vico  vulgo  vocato 
Fleet-street.  | M DC  LXX  IX  [1679]. 

Title,  I 1.,  pp.  I — 6.  P. The  occasion  of  this  translation  is  described  on 

p.  xxviii  of  the  Introduction. 

[10  a.]  Sir  William  Petty’s  | Quantulumcunque  concerning 
Money,  1682.  | To  the  Lord  Marquess  of  Halyfax. 

[At  end  :]  London,  Printed  in  the  Year  1695. 

No  title-page,  pp.  i — 8,  4".  The  above  caption  stands  at  the  top  of 

page  I,  which  is  also  signature  A.  None  of  the  live  copies  that  I have  seen  shows 
any  trace  of  a former  title-page.  Three  have  and  two  have  not  “ Price  2d.”  at 
the  end  of  the  text.  Cf.  p.  448.  There  was,  apparently,  another  edition  in  1693, 
printed  for  A.  and  J.  Churchill  (see  McCulloch’s  reprint  below,  no.  10  e)  but  I 
have  not  been  able  to  find  a copy  of  it. 

“A  Complete  Catalogue  of  all  Books  lately  Printed  concerning  the  Coin,”  which 
is  appended  to  Proposals  for  a National  Bank,  setting  forth  how  Three  Millions 
of  Pounds  may  be  raised... (London,  Printed  for  Richard  Cumberland,  at  the  Angel 


Sir  William  Petty. 


639 


in  S.  Paul’s  Church-Yard,  1697),  mentions,  as  no.  22  on  p.  46,  “Sir  William 
Petty’s  Quantulumcunque  concerning  Money,  1612.  2 sheets  in  8vo.”  McCulloch’s 
Literature  of  Political  Economy,  p.  155,  cites  “ Quantulumcuncpie ; or  a Tract 
concerning  Money,  addressed  to  the  Marquis  of  Halifax,  by  Sir  William  Petty. 
4“.  (London)  1682.”  I have  found  no  copy  of  an  edition  of  1682,  either  in  octavo 
or  in  quarto. 

[10  b.]  Observations  | relating  to  the  | coin  | of  | Great  Britain  ; | 
consisting  | Partly  of  Extra6ls  from  Mr  Locke’s  Treatise  concerning 
Money,  but  chiefly  | of  such  Additions  thereto,  as  are  thought  to  be 
very  necessary  at  this  | Jundlure  : not  only  for  remedying  the  present 
great  Scarcity  of  Silver,  | but  for  putting  a stop  to  those  Losses 
which  this  Nation  suffers  by  the  | over-valuing  of  Gold- Money,  and 
by  prohibiting  both  the  Melting  and  | Exporting  of  British  Coin  : | 
Whereunto  is  annexed,  | Sir  William  Petty’s  | Quantulumcunque  | 
concerning  | money;  | Reprinted  from  an  Edition  that  was  printed 
for  private  Use  in  the  Year  1695  ; | and  corredled  by  a Manuscript 
Copy  of  very  good  authority.  By  J.  Massie. 

London  : | Printed  for  T.  Payne,  in  Castle-Street,  Charing  Cross  ; | 
Sold  by  I W.  Owen  at  Temple-Bar,  and  | C.  Henderson,  under  the 
Royal  Exchange.  | MDCCLX  [1760].  | (Price  One  Shilling.) 

On  p.  32  begins  Sir  William  Petty  his  Quantulumcunque  concerning  Money, 
“reprinted  from  an  Edition  that  was  printed  for  private  Use  in  the  Year  1695, 
and  corrected  by  a Manuscript  Copy  of  very  good  Authority.”  Cf.  p.  438. 

[10  c.]  Same,  in  A collection  of  scarce  and  valuable  traCts,  on 
the  most  Interesting  and  Entertaining  Subjects;...  Selected  from... 
Public,  as  well  as  Private  Libraries ; Particularly  that  of  the  late 
Lord  Somers.  Revised  by  eminent  hands.  Vol.  iv. 

London  : Printed  for  E.  Cogan,  at  the  Middle-Temple-Gate,  in 
Eleet  Street.  M DCC  XLVIII  [1748].  4''.— Pp-  73—79- 

[10  d.]  Same,  etc.,  m A collection  of  scarce  and  valuable  traCts... 
The  second  edition,  revised,  augmented,  and  arranged,  by  Walter 
Scott,  Esq.  Volume  eighth. 

London:  Printed  for  T.  Cadell  and  W.  Davies,  Strand...  1812. 
4®  — Pp.  472—477. 

[10  e.]  Sir  William  Petty  | his  | Quantulumcunque  | concerning  | 
money.  | To  the  Lord  Marquess  of  Halyfax,  | Anno  1682. 

London  : | Printed  for  A.  and  J.  Churchill,  at  the  | Black  Swan, 
in  Paternoster  Row,  1695. 

In  A I select  collection  | of  | scarce  and  valuable  | tracts  on 
money,  | from  the  originals  of  | Vaughan,  Cotton,  Petty,  Lowndes, 


640 


Bibliography  of  the  Prmted  Writings  of 


Newton,  | Prior,  Harris,  and  others.  | With  a preface,  notes,  and 
index.  | [Quotation,  4 lines.] 

London : | printed  for  the  | Political  Economy  Club.  | MDCCCLVI 
[1856].  8«.— Pp.  157-167. 

One  hundred  and  twenty-five  copies  printed  by  the  Political  Economy  Club  of 
London  for  distribution  among  its  members  and  their  immediate  friends.  The 
tracts  contained  in  the  volume  were  taken  from  originals  supplied  by  J.  R. 
McCulloch,  who  also  contributed  the  preface  and  notes. 

[ii.]  The  I fourth  part  | of  the  | Present  State  | of  | England.  | 
Relating  | To  its  Trade  and  Commerce  within  it  self,  and  | with  all 
Countries  traded  to  by  the  English,  as  | it  is  found  at  this  Day 
Established,  giving  a most  | exaCl  account  of  the  Laws  and  Customs 
of  Mer-|chants  relating  to  Bills  of  Exchange,  Policies  of  | Ensurance, 
Fraights,  Bottomery,  Wreck,  Ave-lridge,  Contributions,  Customs, 
Coyns,  Weights,  | Measures,  and  all  other  matters  relating  to  Inland  | 
and  Marine  affairs.  | To  which  is  likewise  added  Englands  Guide 
to  In-|dustry,  or  Improvement  of  Trade,  for  the  good  | of  all  People 
in  General.  | Written  by  a Person  of  Quality  [i.e.  Sir  William 
Petty]. 

London,  Printed  by  R.  Holt  for  William  Whitwood,  | near  the 
George  Inn  in  Little  Britain,  1683. 

Title,  I 1.,  To  the  Reader,  signed:  J.  S.,  i 1.,  contents,  4 11.,  pp.  1 — 362, 
followed  by: 

England’s  | guide  ] to  | industry:  | or,  | Improvement  of  Trade,  | for  the  good 
of  all  Peo-  I pie  in  general.  | London,  ] Printed  by  R.  Holt  for  T.  Passinger 
at  I the  three  Bibles  on  I.ondon-Bridge,  and  | B.  Took  at  the  Ship  in  St  Pauls- 
Church-  I Yard.  1683. 

Title,  I 1.,  preface,  5 11.,  pp.  i — ro2,  12®.  — — Page  i of  England’s  Guide 
has  this  caption:  “A  Discourse  of  Trade.  Being  a Comparison  between  England 
and  other  parts  of  Europe,  wherein  the  Incouragement  of  Industry  is  promoted 
in  these  Islands  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.”  England’s  Guide  to  Industry  is  a 
surreptitious  issue  of  Petty’s  Political  Arithmetick.  Cf.  p.  238  and  pp.  122 — 123  of 
this  book.  In  fact  the  whole  PYurth  Part  of  the  Present  State  of  p]ngland  is 
fraudulent,  cf.  Wood,  Athene^  Oxon.,  ed.  Bliss,  iv.  793. 

[T2a.]  Observations  | upon  the  | Dublin-Bills  | of  | mortality,  | 
MDCLXXXI.  I and  the  | State  of  that  city.  j.  By  the  Observator 
on  the  London  | Bills  of  mortality.  | [Ornament] 

London : | Printed  for  Mark  Pardoe,  at  the  Sign  of  | the  Black 
Raven,  over  against  Bedford- 1 house  in  the  Strand.  1683. 

Title,  I 1.,  pp.  I — 8,  postscript  to  the  stationer,  2 11.,  and  3 folding  tables  not 
included  in  the  pagination,  8". 

[12  b — h.]  See  20  a,  26a— e and  27. 


vS/r  William  Petty. 


64 


[13  a.]  Another  | essay  | in  | Political  Arithmetick,  | Concern- 
ing the  Growth  of  the  | city  | of  London  : | with  the  | Measures, 
Periods,  Causes,  | and  Consequences  there-|of  1682.  | By  Sir 
William  Petty,  Fellow  of  the  | Royal  Society. 

London  : Printed  by  H.  H.  for  Mark  Pardoe,  at  the  Black  j 
Raven,  over  against  Bedford-House,  in  the  Strand.  1683. 

Pp.  I — 47,  8°.  On  p.  47,  after  “finis,”  is  this  advertisement:  “Observations 
upon  the  Dublin  Bills  of  Mortality  M.DC.  1 xxxi.  And  the  state  of  that  City.  By 
the  Observator  on  the  London  Bills  of  Mortality.  In  Octavo.”  See  p.  xlii  of  the 
Introduction. 

[13  b.]  Same,  m A | colledtion  | of  the  | yearly  bills  | of  | 
mortality,  | From  1657  to  1758  inclusive.  | Together  with  several 
other  Bills  of  an  earlier  Date.  | To  which  are  subjoined  | 1.  Natural 
and  Political  Observations  on  the  bills  of  mortality:  by  Cajjt.  | John 
Graunt,  F.R.S.  reprinted  from  the  sixth  [sic]  edition,  1676.  | 
11.  Another  essay  in  political  arithmetic,  concerning  the  growth  of 
the  I city  of  London ; with  the  measures,  periods,  cause.s,  and 
consequences  | thereof  By  Sir  William  Petty,  Kt.  F.R.S.  reprinted 
from  the  edi-jtion  printed  at  London  in  1683.  | HI.  Cibservations 
on  the  past  growth  and  present  state  of  the  city  of  Lon-|don ; 
reprinted  from  the  edition  printed  at  London  in  1751  ; with  | a 
continuation  of  the  tables  to  the  end  of  the  year  1757.  By  Coibyn  | 
Morris,  Esq;  F.R.S.  | IV.  A comparative  view  of  the  diseases  and 
ages,  and  a table  of  the  pro-|babilities  of  life,  for  the  last  thirty 
years.  By  J[ames]  P[ostlethwaytJ  Esq;  F.R.S. 

London  : | Printed  for  A.  Millar  in  the  Strand.  | MDCCLIX 
[1759]-  4°— Pp-  63-76. 

Dr  Thomas  Birch  is  commonly  I'cgarded  as  the  editor  of  tliis  Collection.  Cf. 
Ogle’s  Inquiry  into  the  Trustworthiness  of  the  Old  Bills  of  Mortality,  in  Jour,  of 
the  Stat.  Soc.,  iv.  442;  Diet,  of  Natl.  Biogr.,  s.  v.  Birch.  But  James  Milne, 
writing  about  1824,  says,  upon  the  authority  of  Dr  William  Heberden,  the 
younger  (1767 — 1845),  that  “the  bills  were  collected  into  a volume  by  his  father, 
the  late  Dr  Heberden  [1710 — 1801].  He  procured  likewise  observations  from 
several  of  his  friends,  rectors  of  some  large  parishes,  or  others  likely  to  give  him 
information;  particularly  from  Bishop  Mess,  Bishop  .Squire,  and  Dr  Birch.  These, 
together  with  some  of  his  own  results,  were  thrown  into  the  form  of  a preface;  and 
the  whole  was  committed  to  the  care  of  Dr  Birch.  To  make  the  calculations  which 
appear  at  the  end  of  the  book.  Dr  Heberden  employed  James  Postlethwayt,  Esq., 
a very  distinguished  arithmetician.”  Suppl.  to  the  j^th,  ^th,  and  6th  Editions  of  the 
Encyclopeedia  Britannica,  li.  306. 

[13  c — i.]  See  17  a,  26  a — e,  27. 


H.  P. 


41 


642 


BibliograpJiy  of  tJie  Printed  Writhigs  of 


[14.]  Experiments  to  be  made  relating  to  I.and-Carriage,  pro- 
posed by  the  learned  Sr.  William  Petty  Kt.  In  Philosophical 
Transactions,  Vol.  xiv.,  no.  16 1,  pp.  666 — ^667,  20  July,  1684. 

[15  a.]  Some  Queries  whereby  to  Examine  Mineral  Waters  by 
the  Learned  Sir  William  Petty  Knight.  In  Philosophical  Trans- 
actions. Vol.  XIV.,  no.  166,  pp.  802 — 803,  20  December,  1684. 

[15b.]  32  : Quaeres  for  the  Tryal  of  Mineral  Waters;  by  the 

Honourable  Sir  William  Petty,  Knight.  In  The  Natural  History  of 
Wiltshire  by  John  Aubrey,  R.S.S.  edited  by  John  Britton. 

Published  by  the  Wiltshire  Topographical  Society.  London. 
MDCCCXLVII  [1847].  4^^.— pp.  26. 

[16.]  A Miscellaneous  Catalogue  of  Mean,  vulgar,  cheap  and 
simple  Experiments.  Drawn  up  by  Sr.  William  Petty,  President 
of  the  Dublin  Society,  and  by  Him  presented  to  that  Society. 
In  Philosophical  Transactions.  Vol.  xv.,  no  167,  pp.  849 — 853, 
28  January,  1685. 

Birch  says  that  at  the  meeting  of  the  Royal  Society  held  10  Dec.,  1684,  “upon 
mentioning  sixty-three  miscellaneous  experiments  proposed  by  Sir  William  Petty 
as  desiderata,  a paper  containing  them,  which  had  latterly  been  printed  at  Dublin, 
was  read,  and  being  very  well  approved  of,  was  ordered  to  be  reprinted  here.” 
Hist,  of  the  Roy.  Soc.,  IV.  346.  I have  not  found  a copy  of  the  Dublin  issue. 

[17  a.]  An  I essay  | Concerning  the  | Multiplication  of  Man- 
kind : I Together  with  another  | essay  | in  | Political  Arithmetick,  | 
Concerning  the  Growth  of  the  | City  of  London : | with  the  | 
Measures,  Periods,  Causes,  and  Con-|sequences  thereof  1682.  | 
The  Second  Edition  Revised  and  Enlarged.  | By  Sir  William 
Petty,  I Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society.  | Licensed,  Rob.  Midgeley.  | 
Jan.  9.  1686. 

London  : Printed  for  Mark  Pardoe,  at  the  Black  Raven  | over 
against  Bedford-house  in  the  Strand.  1686. 

Title,  I b,  pp.  I — 50,  8“. On  p.  50,  after  “finis,”  is  this  advertisement: 

“Observations  on  the  Doublin  Bills  of  Mortality  MDCi.xxxi.,  and  the  State  of  that 
City,  by  Sir  William  Petty,  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society.  Sold  by  Mark  Pardoe 
at  the  Black  Raven  in  the  Strand.”  See  pp.  xlii,  liii  of  the  Introduction. 

[17 b — g.]  See  aba — e,  27. 

[18  a.]  Deux  essays  | d’arithmetique  politique,  | touchant  | les 
villes  I de  | Londres  | et  | Pari.s.  | Dedies  au  roy,  | Par  le  Chevalier 
Petty,  de  la  Societe  Royal  e. 


Sir  William  Petty. 


643 


A Londres,  | Ch^s  B.G.,  et  se  vendent  par  Frangois  Vaillant,  | 
Marchand  Libraire  demeurand  dans  le  Strand,  vis  a vis  | T^glise 
Francoise  de  la  Savoye.  1686. 

Title,  I 1.,  dedication,  1 1.,  pp.  r — 6,  4”.  This  version  of  the  Two 

Essays,  said  to  be  a translation  from  the  English  edition  licensed  26  August,  1686 
(cf.  p.  502),  appears  to  have  been  published  before  the  English  orginal. 

[18  b.]  Ttvo  I essays  | in  | Political  Arithmetick,  | Concerning 
the  I People,  Housing,  Hospitals,  &c  | of  | London  and  Paris.  | 
By  Sir  William  Petty,  | Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society.  | — Qiii  sciret 
Regibus  uti  | Fastidiret  olus — 

London,  | Printed  for  J.  Lloyd  in  the  Middle  Exchange  | next 
Salisbury-House  in  the  Strand.  1687. 

r 1.,  recto  blank,  verso  imprimatur,  title,  i 1.,  epistle  dedicatory,  i L,  pp. 

I — 2T,  memorandum,  i 1.,  8°. 

[18  c — h.]  See  26  a — e and  27.  In  the  Philosophical  Transactions  for  the 
Years  1686  and  1687,  Vol.  xvi.  no.  183,  p.  152,  July,  August  and  September, 
1686,  there  is  An  Extract  of  two  Essays  in  Political  Arithmetick  concerning  the 
comparative  Magnitudes,  &c.  of  London  and  Paris  by  Sr  William  Petty,  Knight, 
R. R.S.  This  is  printed  on  p.  513. 

[19.]  A further  Assertion  of  the  Propositions  concerning  the  | 
Magnitude,  &c.  of  London,  contained  in  two  Essays  | in  Political 
Arithmetick;  mentioned  in  Philos.  Trans-|a6l.  Numb.  183;  together 
with  a Vindication  of  the  | said  Essays  from  the  Objedfions  of  some 
Learned  Persons  | of  the  French  Nation,  by  Sr.  W.  Petty  Knt.  R.S.S. 

Caption  as  above,  followed  by  text,  pp.  i — 4,  4”.  Reprinted  from 

Philosophical  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society,  Vol.  xvi.  no.  185,  pp.  237 — 240, 
Nov.  & Dec.,  1686.  The  reprint  is  repaged,  but  without  title-page,  & retains  the 
original  signatures,  Gg  and  Gg2. 

[20  a.]  Further  | observation  | upon  the  | Dublin-Bills  : | or,  | 
accompts  | of  the  | Houses,  Hearths,  Baptisms,  | And  Burials  in 
that  I city.  The  Second  Edition,  Corredted  and  Enlarg’d.  | By 
Sir  William  Petty,  [ Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 

Lonon  [sic] ; | Printed  for  Mark  Pardoe,  at  the  Sign  of  | the 
Black  Raven,  over-against  Bed-lford-House  in  the  Strand.  1686. 

Title,  verso,  the  stationer  to  the  reader,  i 1.,  pp.  i — 6,  followed  by  Observations 
upon  the  Dublin-Bills  of  Mortality,  1681,  as  described  above,  no.  12  a,  8°. 

[20b — g ] See  26a — e and  27. 

41—2 


644  Bibliography  of  the  Printed  Writings  of 

[21a.]  Observations  | upon  the  | cities  | of  | London  | and 
Rome.  I By  Sir  William  Petty,  | Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 

London,  | Printed  for  Henry  Mortlocke,  at  the  Phoenix,  in  | 
St.  Paul’s  Church-Yard,  and  J.  Lloyd,  in  the  middle  | Exchange 
next  Salisbury-House  in  the  Strand.  1687. 

I 1.,  recto  blank,  verso  imprimatur,  title,  i 1.,  pp.  1 — 4,  8°. 

[21  b — g.]  See  26  a — e and  27. 

[22  a.]  Cinq  essays  | sur  | L’Arithmetique  Politique.  | I.  On 
Repond  aux  Objedfions  tirees  de  | la  Ville  de  Rey  en  Perse,  & a 
cedes  de  | Mr.  Auzout  contre  les  deux  premiers  Es-|says,  & I’on  fait 
voir  qu’il  y a autant  de  | monde  a Londres  qu’a  Paris,  Rome  & | 
Rouen  pris  ensemble.  | 11.  Comparaison  entre  Londres  & Paris 
en  I 14  choses  particuliers.  | HI.  Preuves  qu’il  demeure  dans  les 
134  pa-[roisses  de  Londres  marquees  dans  les  bil-|lets  de  mortalite, 
environ  696  mille  per-|sonnes.  | IV.  Combien  Ton  estime  qu’il 
y a de  monde  | a Londres,  Paris,  Amsterdam,  Venise,  | Rome, 
Dublin,  Bristol,  & Rouen  avec  | plusieurs  remarques  sur  ce  Sujet.  | 
V.  Touchant  la  Hollande  & les  autres  VI I | Provinces  Unies.  | 
Par  le  Chevalier  Petty  de  la  | Societe  Royale.  | Invidiam  Augendo 
ulciscar. 

A Londre,  | Impremie  pour  Henry  Mortlock  au  Phoenix  dore 
dans  le  Cimetier  de  St.  Paul.  1687. 

Five  essays  | in  | Political  Arithmetick,  | viz,  | I.  Objedtions 
from  the  City  of  Rey  in  | Persia,  and  from  Mons^  Auzout,  against  | 
two  former  Essays,  answered,  and  that  | London  hath  as  many 
people  as  Paris,  | Rome  and  Rouen  put  together.  | H.  A Com- 
parison between  London  and  | Paris  in  14  particulars.  | HI.  Proofs 
that  at  London,  within  its  134  | Parishes,  named  in  the  Bills  of 
Morta-|lity,  there  live  about  696  Thousand  | People.  | IV.  An 
estimate  of  the  People  in  London,  | Paris,  Amsterdam,  Venice, 
Rome,  Dublin,  | Bristoll  and  Rouen,  with  several  obser-|vations 
upon  the  same.  | V.  Concerning  Holland  and  the  rest  of  | the  VII 
United  Provinces.  | By  Sir  William  Petty,  | Fellow  of  the  Royal 
Society.  | Invidiam  augendo  ulciscar. 

London,  | Printed  for  Henry  Mortlock  at  the  Phoenix  in  | 
St.  Paul’s  Church-yard.  1687. 

I 1.,  recto  blank,  verso  imprimatur  in  French,  18  February,  i68f,  i 1,,  recto 
imprimatur  in  English,  same  date,  verso  French  title,  i 1.,  recto  English  title,  verso 


Sij^  William  Petty. 


645 


Epistre  dedicatoire  au  Roy,  concluded  on  verso  of  next  (fourth)  leaf,  on  whose 
recto  begins  the  Epistle  Dedicatory,  To  the  King’s  Most  Excellent  Majesty.  This 
is  continued  on  the  recto  of  leaf  five,  on  whose  verso  begins  page  one  of  the 
French  text.  Facing  it,  on  the  recto  of  leaf  six,  begins  page  one  of  the  English 
text.  Each  text  extends  to  its  page  51,  8". 

[22  b — g.]  See  26a — e and  27. 

[22  h.]  Handgreiffliche  | Demonstration,  | Dass  die  | Stadt 
London  in  Engeland  mit  | ihren  Vorstadten  allein  viel  machtiger, 
grosser,  | und  Volckreicher  sey,  | Nicht  nur  als  die  | Stadte  Parise 
und  Rouan,  | mit  ihren  beyderseits  Vorstadten  ziisammen,  | Oder 
als  die  | Stadte  Parise  und  Rome,  | mit  ihren  beyderseits  Vorstadten 
zusammen,  | Sondern  auch  als  | Alle  diese  drey  vornehme  und  grosse 
Stadte,  I mit  alien  ihren  Vorstadten  zusammen,  | So  dass  | London 
die  grosseste  Stadt,  und  das  mach-|tigste  Emporium  der  gantzen 
Welt  sey,  | Aus  des  beriihmten  Rittern  und  der  Konigl.  Englischen  | 
Societat-Curiosorum  Verwandten  Sr.  Wilhelm  Petty,  | und  anderer 
Authoren  Schrifften  ausgezogen. 

Dantzig,  | Gedruckt  durch  David  Frienrich  Rheten.  | Zufinden 
bey  Martin  Hallervordt  in  Kdnigsberg.  | Im  Jahr  1693. 

Pp.  1 — 24,  4®.  Title  in  red  and  black.  The  first  15  pp.  are  a loose 

version  of  the  ist,  2nd,  4th  and  5th  of  Petty’s  Five  Essays,  the  remainder  is  from 
other  sources.  Professor  John  writes  that  the  translator  was  Gottfried  Schultz. 
Cf.  p.  318  note. 

[22  i.]  Handgreiffliche  Demonstration,  | Dass  die  | Stadt  London 
in  Engeland  mit  | ihren  Vorstadten  allein  viel  machtiger,  grosser,  | 
und  Volckreicher  sey,  | Nicht  nur  als  die  | Stadte  Paris  und  Rouan,  | 
mit  ihren  beyderseits  Vorstadten  zusammen,  | Oder  als  die  | Stadte 
Parise  und  Rome,  | mit  ihren  beyderseits  Vorstadten  zusammen,  | 
Sondern  auch  als  | Alle  diese  drey  vornehme  und  grosse  Stadte, 
mit  alien  ihren  Vorstadten  zusammen,  | So  dass  | London  die  gros- 
seste Stadt,  und  das  mach-|tigste  Emporium  der  gantzen  Welt  sey,  | 
Aus  des  beriihmten  Rittern  und  der  Konigl.  Englischen  | Societat- 
Curiosum  Verwandten  Sr.  William  Petty,  | und  anderer  Authoren 
Schrifften  ausgezogen. 

Dantzig:  Zu  finden  bey  Michael  Werthen,  Anno  1724. 

Pp.  I — 24,  4”.  A I'eissue  of  the  1693  edition,  with  a new  title-page. 

[23  a.]  Political  Arithmetick,  | or  | a discourse  | Concerning,  | 
The  Extent  and  Value  of  Lands,  People,  | Buildings;  Husbandry, 
Manufacture  [*],  | Commerce,  Fishery,  Artizans,  Seamen,  | Soldiers ; 
Publick  Revenues,  Interest,  | Taxes,  Superlucration,  Registries, 
Banks;  [ Valuation  of  Men,  Increasing  of  Seamen,  | of  Militia’s, 


646 


Bibliography  of  the  Printed  Writings  of 


Harbours,  Situation,  Ship-|ping,  I’ovver  at  Sea,  &c.  As  the  same  | 
relates  to  every  Country  in  general,  but  | more  particularly  to  the 
'Territories  of  | His  Majesty  of  Great  Britain,  and  his  | Neighbours 
of  Holland,  Zealand,  and  [ France,  j By  Sir  William  Petty,  | Late 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 

T.ondon,  Printed  for  Robert  Clavel  at  the  Peacock,  | and  Hen. 
Mortlock  at  the  Phoenix  in  St.  Paul’s  | Church-yard.  1690. 

[ 1.,  verso  imprimatur  7 Nov.  1690,  title,  i 1.,  dedication,  2 11.,  preface,  5 11., 

the  principal  conclusions,  2 11.,  errata,  i 1.,  pp.  i — 117,  8°. * Here  a space. 

The  letter  “s”  has  apparently  fallen  out. 

[23  b.]  Political  Arithmetick,  | or  | a discourse  | Concerning,  | 
T'he  Extent  and  Value  of  Lands,  Peo[>le,  | Buildings;  Husbandry, 
Manufacture  [*],  \ Commerce,  Fishery,  Artizans,  Seamen,  | Soldiers ; 
Publick  Revenues,  Interest,  | Taxes,  Superlucration,  Registries, 
Banks  ; | Valuation  of  Men,  Increasing  of  Seamen,  | of  Militia’s, 
Harbours,  Situation,  Ship-jping,, Power  at  Sea,  &c.  As  the  same  | 
relates  to  every  Country  in  general,  but  | more  particularly  to  the 
'Territories  of  | His  Majesty  of  Great  Britain,  and  his  | Neighbours 
of  Holland,  Zealand,  and  | France.  | By  .Sir  William  Petty,  j Late 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 

London,  Printed  for  Robert  Clavel  at  the  Peacock,  | and  Hen. 
Mortlock  at  the  Phoenix  in  St.  Paul’s  | Church-Yard.  1691. 

I 1.,  verso  imprimatur  7 Nov.  1690,  title,  i 1.,  dedication,  2 11.,  preface,  5 11., 

the  principal  conclusions,  2 11.,  errata,  i 1.,  pp.  r — 117,  8°. * Here  a space. 

The  letter  “s”  has  apparently  fallen  out. 

[23  c.]  Political  I arithmetick;  | or ; a | discourse  | concerning  | 
'The  Extent  and  V alue  of  | Lands,  People,  Buildings ; | Husbandry, 
Manufacture,  | Commerce,  Fishery,  Arti-|zans,  Seamen,  Soldiers ; | 
Pub-llick  Revenues,  Interest,  Tax-jes,  Superlucration,  Registries,  | 
Banks;  Valuation  of  men,  | Increasing  of  Seamen,  of  Mi-|litia’s, 
Harbours,  Situation,  | shipping.  Power  at  Sea,  etc.  | As  the  same 
relates  to  every  | Country  in  general,  but  more  | particularly  to  the 
territories  | of  his  majesty  of  Great  Bri-jtain,  and  his  neighbours  of  | 
Holland,  Zealand,  and  France.  | By  Sir  William  Petty,  | late  fellow 
of  the  royal  society. 

Glasgow,  1 printed  and  sold  by  Robert  and  Andrew  foulis  | 
MDCCLI  [1751]. 

Half-title,  r 1.,  pp.  [i]— x,  [ti]— 97,  8”. Appended,  with  separate  title- 

page  and  pagination  but  continuous  signatures,  is  Moyle’s  translation  of  Xenophon 
Upon  the  Revenues  of  Athens,  which  is  also  mentioned  on  the  half-title. 


Sir  William  Petty. 


647 


[23  d.]  Sa?7ie.,  1691  edition,  in  Scarce  | Tradts  | on  | Trade  and 
Commerce  | serving  as  | a Supplement  | to  | Davenant’s  Works.  | 
In  Two  Volumes.  | Vol.  ii.  | Published  by  Sir  Charles  Whitworth. 

London  : | Printed  for  Hooper  and  Davis,  No  25,  Ludgate-Hill,  | 
and  G.  Robinson,  Pater-Noster  Row.  | MDCCLXXVIII  [1778].  8®. 

[230.]  Satne^  1690  edition,  m An  English  Garner  Ingatherings 
from  our  history  and  literature  By  Edward  Arber,  F.S.A.  &c. 
[Quotations.]  Volume  vi. 

E.  Arber,  i Montague  Road,  Birmingham,  England  i May, 
1883.  4”— Pp-  323—388. 

[23  f — ^j.]  See  26  a — d and  27. 

[24  a.]  The  I Political  Anatomy  | of  | Ireland.  | With  | The 
Establishment  for  that  King-|dom  when  the  late  Duke  of  Ormond  | 
was  Lord  Lieutenant.  Taken  from  the  | Records.  | To  which  is 
added  | Verbum  Sapienti ; or  an  Account  of  the  | Wealth  and 
Expences  of  England,  and  the  Method  | of  raising  Taxes  in  the  most 
Equal  manner.  | Shewing  also.  That  the  Nation  can  bear  the 
Charge  | of  Four  Millions  per  Annum,  when  the  occasions  of  | the 
Government  require  it.  | By  Sir  William  Petty,  late  Fellow  | of  the 
Royal  Society,  and  Surveyor-Gene-jral  of  the  Kingdom  of  Ireland.  | 

London  : | Printed  for  D.  Brown,  and  W.  Rogers,  at  the  Bible  | 
without  Temple-Bar,  and  at  the  Sun  over-against  | St.  Dunstans 
Church,  Fleet-street.  1691. 

Title,  I 1.,  epistle  dedicatory  3 11.,  preface  i 1.,  advertisements  i 1.,  contents, 

2 11.,  pp.  I — 205,  half-title  of  Verbum  Sapienti,  i 1.,  pp.  r — 24,  8".  

Signatures  continuous  throughout. 

[24  b.]  Sir  William  Petty’s  | Political  Survey  | of  | Ireland,  | 
with  the  I Establishment  of  that  King-|dom,  when  the  Late  Duke  of 
Or-|mond  was  Lord  Lieutenant ; | and  also  | An  exadl  list  of  the 
present  Peers,  | Members  of  Parliament,  and  principal  | Officers  of 
State.  I To  which  is  added,  | An  Account  of  the  Wealth  and 
Ex-jpences  of  England,  and  the  Me-|thod  of  raising  Taxes  in  the  most 
equal  | manner.  | Shewing  likewise  that  England  can  bear  | the 
Charge  of  Four  Millions  per  Ann.  when  | the  Occasions  of  the 
Government  require  it.  | The  Second  Edition,  carefully  corredled,  | 
with  Additions.  | By  a Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 

London : Printed  for  D.  Browne,  at  the  Black  Swan,  | W.  Mears, 
at  the  Lamb ; F.  Clay,  at  the  Bible  and  Star,  | all  without  Temple- 


648 


Bibliography  of  the  Printed  IV ri tings  of 


Bar;  and  J Hooke,  at  the  Flower-|de-Luce,  against  St.  Dunstans- 
Church  in  Fleet-Street,  1719. 

Title,  I 1.,  dedication,  2 11.,  preface,  i 1.,  contents,  3 11.,  errata,  i 1., 
pp.  I — 223,  followed  by  Verbum  sapienti,  pp.  i — 26,  signatures  continuous,  8". 

[24  c.]  Safne,  1691  edition,  in  A I collection  | of  | Tracts  and 
'Treatises  | illustrative  of  the  | natural  history,  antiquities,  | and  the  | 
Political  and  Social  State  | of  | Ireland,  | At  various  periods  prior  to 
the  present  Century.  | In  two  volumes.  | Vol.  ii.  | Treatises  by 
Sir  William  Petty,  Bishop  Berkeley,  Prior,  | and  Dobbs.  [ With 
an  Index. 

Dublin  : | reprinted  by  | Alex.  Thom  & sons,  Abbey-Street.  | 
MDCCCLXI  [1861].  8".— Pp.  1-144. 

This  Collection  was  compiled  by  Mr  Thom.  Cf.  Webb,  Irish  Biography,  594. 

[24  d.]  See  27. 

[25.]  An  I account  | Of  several  | New  Inventions  and  Improve- 
ments I Now  necessary  for  England,  | In  a Discourse  by  way  of 
letter  | to  the  | Earl  of  Marlbourgh  [.r/r],  | Relating  to  | Building  of 
our  English  Shipping,  | Planting  of  Oaken  Timber  in  the  Forrests,  | 
Apportioning  of  Publick  Taxes,  | The  Conservacy  of  all  our  Royal 
Rivers,  in  | particular  that  of  the  Thames,  | The  Surveys  of  the 
Thames,  &c.  | Herewith  is  also  published  at  large  | The  Pro- 
ceedings relating  to  the  MilTd-|  Lead-sheathing,  and  the  Excellency 
and  I cheapness  of  MilTd-Lead  in  preference  to  | Cast  Sheet-Lead 
for  all  other  purposes  | whatsoever.  | Also  | A Treatise  of  naval 
philosophy,  writ-|ten  by  Sir  Will.  Petty.  | The  whole  is  submitted  to 
the  Consideration  of  our  English  | Patriots  in  Parliament  Assembled. 

London,  Printed  for  James  Astwood,  and  are  to  j be  Sold  by 
Ralph  Simpson  at  the  Harp  in  St.  Pauls  | Church-yard.  MDCXCI 
[1691]. 

I 1.,  recto  blank,  verso  imprimatur  6 March,  1690,  title,  i 1.,  table  6 11.,  pp. 
i — exxv.  followed  by: 

The  New  Invention  of  mill’d  lead  for  Sheathing  of  Ships  against  the  Worm... 
London,  Printed  in  the  year  169  r. 

Title,  I 1.,  table,  8 11.,  pp.  i — 132,  2 folded  sheets,  12°.  The  signatures  are 
continuous  from  p.  1 through  the  unnumbered  11.  following  the  second  title-page, 
likewise  from  the  second  p.  i to  the  end.  Contains,  beginning  at  p.  1 17  : 

A I Treatise  | of  ] Naval  Philosophy.  ] In  three  parts.  | I.  A Phisico- 
Mathematical  Dis-  | course  of  Ships  and  Sailing.  | II.  Of  Naval  Policy.  | 
III.  Of  Naval  Oeconomy  or  [ liirsbandry. 


Sir  William  Petty. 


649 


[26  a.]  Several  | essays  | in  | Political  | Arithmetick  : | The 
Titles  of  which  follow  in  the  | Ensuing  Pages.  | By  | Sir  William 
Petty,  I Late  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 

London : | Printed  for  Robert  Clavel  at  the  Peacock,  | and 
Henry  Mortlock  at  the  Phoenix  in  St.  Paul’s  | Church-Yard.  1699. 

I 1.,  recto  blank,  verso  license  to  print  the  Political  Arithmetick,  dated 
7 November,  1690,  title,  i 1.,  contents,  i 1.,  pp.  i — 276,  8°. — Contains  an  Essay 
concerning  the  Multiplication  of  Mankind,  Further  Observations  upon  the  Dublin 
Bills  of  Mortality,  Two  Essays  in  Political  Arithmetick,  Observations  upon  the 
Cities  of  London  and  Rome,  Five  Essays  in  Political  Arithmetick,  and  the 
Political  Arithmetick  of  1690.  Each  of  these  has  a separate  title-page.  The 
first  two  are  dated  1698,  the  others,  1699.  The  Five  Essays  are  printed  in  French 
and  in  English  on  opposite  pages. 

[26b.]  Essays  | in  | Political  Arithmetick;  | or,  a | discourse  | 
Concerning  | The  Extent  and  Value  of  l^ands.  People,  Buildings ; | 
Husbandry,  Manufadture,  Com-|merce,  Fishery,  Artizans,  Seamen, 
Soldiers ; | Publick  Revenues,  Interest,  Taxes,  Super-|lucration, 
Registries,  Banks;  Valuation  of  | Men,  Increasing  of  Seamen,  of 
Militia’s,  | Harbours,  Situation,  Shipping,  Power  at  | Sea,  &c.  As 
the  same  relates  to  every  | Country  in  general,  but  more  particularly  | 
to  the  Territories  of  Her  Majesty  of  Great  | Britain,  and  her  Neigh- 
bours of  Holland,  | Zealand,  and  France.  | By  Sir  William  Petty,  | 
Late  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 

London,  | Printed  for  Henry  and  George  Mortlock,  at  the 
Phoenix  | in  St.  Paul’s  Church  Yard.  1711. 

Title,  1 1.,  pp.  I — 276,  8”. The  sheets  of  the  1699  edition  reissued  with 

a new  title-page. 

[26  c.]  Afiotlier  edition.  Edinburgh,  1751. — This  I have  not 
seen. 

[26  d.]  Several  | essays  | in  | Political  Arithmetick.  | By  | Sir 
William  Petty,  Knt.  | and  | Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society.  | The 
fourth  edition,  Corredled.  | To  which  are  prefix’d,  | memoirs  | of 
the  I author’s  life. 

London:  | Printed  for  D.  Browne,  without  Temple-Bar;  J. 
Shuck- |burgh,  at  the  Sun,  and  J.  Whiston  and  B.  White,  | at  Boyle’s 
Head  in  Fleet-Street.  | M.  DCC.  LV  [1755]. 

Pp.  I — IV.  I— VI.  I — 184,  advertisements,  i 1.,  8°.  Contents  the  same 

as  the  1699  edition  save  for  the  omission  of  the  French  version  of  the  Five  Essays 
and  the  insertion  of  the  “memoirs  of  the  author’s  life.” 


650 


Bibliography  of  the  Printed  Writings  of 


[26  e.]  Cassell’s  national  library.  | Essays  | on  | Mankind  and 
Political  I Arithmetic.  | By  | Sir  William  Petty.  | [Woodcut.] 

Cassell  & Company,  Limited,  104  & 106  Fourth  Avenue,  New 
York.  [1888.] 

Pp.  [i] — 192. Forms  Vol.  iii.  no.  145  of  Cassell’s  National  Library. 

PFlited  with  an  introduction  by  H[enry]  M[orleyJ.  Reprinted  from  the  1699 
edition  of  the  Several  Essays,  with  the  omission  of  the  Political  Arithmetick, 
for  which  is  substituted  (pp,  133 — 192)  an  account  “Of  the  people  of  England. 
Founded  upon  the  calculations  of  Gregory  King,  Lancaster  Herald,  and  forming 
part  of  ‘ An  essay  [by  Charles  Davenant]  upon  the  probable  methods  of  making  a 
people  gainers  in  the  balance  of  trade,’  published  in  1699.”  There  is  also  an 
issue  with  the  imprint  London,  Paris,  New  York  and  Melbourne. 

[27.]  Tracts;  | chiefly  relating  to  | Ireland.  | Containing:  | 
I.  A Treatise  of  taxes  and  contri-|butions.  | II.  Essays  in  political 
arithmetic.  | III.  The  political  anatomy  of  Ireland.  | By  the  late 
Sir  William  Petty.  | To  which  is  prefixed  | his  last  will.  | [Orna- 
ment.] 

Dublin  : | Printed  by  Boulter  Grierson,  Printer  to  the  | King’s 
Most  Excellent  Majesty.  | MDCCLXIX  [1769]. 

Pp.  I — XXIV.  I — 488,  8°. The  Treatise  of  Taxes  is  reprinted  from  the 

edition  of  1679  c),  the  Essays  from  that  of  1699  (26a),  the  Political  Anatomy 

from  that  of  1719  (24  b). 

[28.]  Of  making  cloth  with  sheeps  wool.  In  History  of  the 
Royal  Society...  By  Thomas  Birch...  Vol.  i. 

London ; Printed  for  A.  Millar  in  the  Strand.  MDCCLVI 
[1756].  4°— Pp-  55— <^5- 

[29.]  The  Elements  of  Ireland,  and  of  its  Religion  and  Policy, 
by  Sir  William  Petty,  Fellow  of  y®  Royal  Society,  1687.  (Printed  in 
part  in  W.  H.  Hardinge’s  paper  On  an  Unpublished  Essay  on 
Ireland,  by  Sir  William  Petty,  1687,  in  The  Transactions  of  the 
Royal  Irish  Academy.  Volume  xxiv.  Antiquities. 

Dublin:  Published  by  the  Academy.  1873.  4° — Pp.  371 — 377.) 

[30].  What  a Compleat  Treatise  of  Navigation  should  contain. 
Drawn  up  in  the  Year  1685,  by  Sir  William  Petty,  late  Fellow  of  the 
Royal  Society.  I?i  Philosophical  Transactions,  Vol.  xvi.  no.  198, 
pp.  657 — 658,  March,  1693. 

[31.]  History  | of  the  | Cromwellian  survey  of  Ireland,  | a.d. 
1655-6,  I commonly  called  “The  Down  Survey.”  | Edited,  | from 


Sir  William  Petty. 


651 


manuscripts  in  the  libraries  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  the  King’s 
Inns,  Dublin,  | and  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  | by  | Thomas 
Aiskew  Larcom,  | F.R.S.,  M.R.I.A.,  Etc.,  | Major,  Royal  Engineers.  | 
[Woodcut] 

Dublin  : | for  the  Irish  Archaeological  Society.  | MDCCCLI 

Title,  I 1.,  list  of  officers,  i 1.,  pp.  i — xxiii.  i — 426,  4". 

[32.]  Observations  upon  the  trade  in  Irish  cattle. 

Without  place  or  date.  Broadsheet — Description  taken  from  no.  5597  of  a 
Catalogue  of  the  most  extensive,  valuable  and  truly  interesting  collection  of  curious 
books  now  on  sale  in  this  or  any  other  country.  Offered  by  Thomas  Thorpe,  178, 
Piccadilly,  London  [1842],  8“.  Cf.  note  on  p.  161. 

[33.]  A Geographical!  Description  of  y^  Kingdom  of  Ireland.  | 
Collected  from  y^  actual  Survey  made  by  Sr.  William  Petty  | Cor- 
redted  & amended,  by  the  advice,  & assistance,  of  severall  Able  | 
Artists,  late  Inhabitants  of  that  Kingdom.  | Containing  one  General 
Mapp,  of  y®  whole  Kingdom,  with  | four  Provincial  Mapps,  & 32. 
County  Mapps,  divided  into  [ Baronies,  where  in  are  discribed  y^ 
Cheife  Cities,  Townes,  Rivers,  | Harbours  and  Head-lands,  &C‘h  | 
To  which  is  added  a Mapp  of  Great  Brittaine  and  Ireland,  | together 
with  an  Index  of  the  whole.  | Being  very  usefull  for  all  Gentlemen, 
and  I Military  Officers,  as  well  for  Sea,  as  for  Land  Service. 

Engraven  & Published  for  y®  benefit  of  y^  Publique,  by  Fra  : 
Lamb.  | and  are  to  be  Sold  at  his  House  in  Newgate  streete,  next 
door  but  one  | to  y®  White  Swan,  toward  y®  Gate.  By  Rob : 
Morden  at  y®  Atlas  in  Cornhill.  | Will : Berry  at  the  Globe  at 
Charing  Cross  And  by  | John  Sellar  Ju:  at  y®  West  end  of  S*^  Pauls 
London.  [No  date.] 

Engraved  title  with  engraved  border  on  double  page,  index  i 1.,  38  double- 
page maps,  about  6x4^  inches.  Also  issued  on  large  paper  with  coloured  maps 
and  the  imprint:  By  John  Seller  | Sold  at  His  Shop  at  the  Hermitage  in  | 
Wapping. 

[34.]  Hiberniae  | Delineatio  quoad  hactenus  | licuit,  Perfec- 
tissima  | Studio  Guilielmi  Petty  Eq^^ : Aurati.  | Continens  tabulas 
sequentes  vulgb  dictas  | A Generali  Map  of  Ireland  i | The  Province 
of  Leinster  2 | The  Province  of  Munster  3 | The  Province  of  Ulster  4 | 
The  Province  of  Connaught  5 ||  In  Leinster  | Louth  and  Dublin  6 | 
East  Meath  7 | West  Meath  8 | Longford  9 | Kings  County  10  | 
Queen’s  County  ii  | Catherlogh  12  | Kildare  13  | Kilkenny  14  | 


652 


Bibliography  of  the  Printed  Writings. 


AVicklow  15  I Wexford  16  j|  In  Munster  | Clare  17  | Tipperary  18  j 
Lymrick  19  | Waterford  20  | Corke  21  | Kerry  22  ||  In  Ulster  | 
Dunnagall  23  | Londonderry  24  | Tyrone  25  | Antrim  26  | Downe  27  | 
Ardmagh  28  | Monaghon  29  | Fermanagh  30  ] Cavan  31  ||  In 
Connaught  | Letrun  32  | Mayo  33  | Slego  34  | Roscommon  35  | 
Gallway  36. 

No  place  or  date,  folio.  Most  copies  have  prefixed  a portrait  of  “ Sr  William 
I’etty,  1683,”  Edv^yn  Sandys  sculp.  The  British  Museum  Catalogue  of  Printed 
Maps  assigns  this  atlas  to  1685.  But  the  general  map  of  Ireland  (Sutton  Nicholls 
sculp.),  which  bears  the  title  “An  Epitome  of  Sr  William  Petty’s  Large  Survey  of 
Ireland. ..By  Phillip  I.ea.  At  the  Atlas  and  Hercules  in  Cheapside  near  Fryday 
Street  London  And  in  Westminster  Hall  near  ye  Court  of  Common  Plea’s,” 
contains  an  engraved  advertisement  of  “ The  History  of  Ireland  From  the 
Conquest  thereof  by  the  English  to  this  Time  By  Richard  Cox  Esqr.  Printed 
For  Joseph  Watts  at  ye  Angell  in  St  Pauls  Church  Yard.”  The  first  volume  of 
Cox’s  History  of  Ireland  was  not  published  until  1689.  Of  the  six  copies  of 
Hibernioe  Delineatio  which  I have  seen,  five  lack  the  general  map.  Sometime 
between  1719  and  1751  George  Grierson  reissued  this  atlas  with  a dedication  to 
Henry,  Lord  Shelburne.  The  different  county  maps  from  this  atlas  also  occur 
separately. 


SUPPLEMENT  TO  THE  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF 
PETTY’S  WORKS. 


The  “ Collection  of  Sir  William  Petty’s  Works  since  the  year 
1636,  found  at  Wycombe,  in  his  own  handwriting,”  is  here  reprinted 
from  Fitzmaurice’s  “Life  of  Petty”  as  a supplement  to  the  biblio- 
graphy of  his  printed  works.  To  the  items  which  are  now  known  to 
exist  in  print,  their  numbers  in  the  Bibliography  have  been  added. 


Caen. 


1 1637- 

1 1638. 


London. 


Holland, 
(lost  at  sea.) 

Paris. 

Oxford. 


1639. 
j 1640. 

1 1643- 

1644. 

1645. 

I 1646. 
f 1647. 


London.  ^ 

1648. 

Oxford.  1649. 


A course  of  practicall  Geometry  and  Dialling. 

Cursus  Rhetorices  et  Geographicae. 

^ ^ r Ptolemaical  and 

A system  of  Astronomy  I ^ 

1.  Copernican. 

Severall  Drawings  and  Paintings. 

An  English  Poem  of  Susanna  and  the  Elders. 
Collegium  Logicum  et  Metaphisicum. 

A Colledlion  of  the  Frugalities  of  Holland. 
An  History  of  seven  Months  practice  in  a 
Chemical  Laboratory. 

A Discourse  in  Latin,  ‘ de  Arthritide  et  Lue 
Venerea’;  and  ‘Cursus  Anatomicus.’ 
Advice  to  Mr.  Hartlib  about  the  advance- 
ment of  learning  [Bibliography,  no  3]. 
Colledfions  for  the  History  of  Trees,  etc. 
[Should  this  read  History  of  Trades? 
Cf.  pp.  XV,  Ixiv,  1 18  n.]. 

The  double  writing  Instrument  [i,  2]. 

The  engine  for  planting  Come,  and  Print- 
ing; Boyling  Waters,  Woods. 

Six  Phisico-Medicall  Lectures, read  at  Oxford, 


654  Supplement  to  the  Bibliography  of  Petty  s Works, 


London. 


Ireland. 


' 1650. 

^ 1651. 
1652. 

V 

' T653. 
\ 1654. 
( 1654. 

1655- 

1656. 

1657. 

1658. 

1659. 

1660. 

1660. 

1661. 

1662. 

1663. 


1664. 


Several  Musick  Lectures.  Hester  Ann 
Green  [cf.  p.  xv]. 

Three  Osteological  Lectures. 

Colledlion  of  Experiments. 

Pharmacopoea  and  formula  Medicamen- 
torum. 

Observationes  Medicae  et  Praxis. 

De  Plantis.  Notaj  in  Hippocratem. 

Scholaris  situlifuga.  Poemata  Liturgica. 

A discourse  against  the  Transplanting  into 
Connaught. 

A Treatise  of  Irregular  Dialls. 

The  Grand  Survey  of  Ireland.  [Pp.  xvi — xx.] 

Severall  Reports  about  setting  the  Quarters 
and  Soldiers. 

Breviar-ia,  Cleric  of  the  Council. 

Letters,  etc.,  between  the  Protector  and  the 
Lieut.  Gov.  of  Ireland. 

The  History  of  the  Survey  and  first  Distri- 
bution of  Lands  in  Ireland  [3]. 

Brev:  against  Sankey  [4],  and  Sir  William 
Petty’s  own  apology  [?5]. 

Observations  on  the  Bills  of  Mortality  [cf. 
Introduction,  pt.  iii]. 

A Discourse  about  Registry,  and  Settlement 
of  Ireland. 


( Materialls  of  a 

A Treatise  of  Taxes  [6]  j Bill  [cf  p.  398  n.] 
I and  Small  money. 
The  Grand  Maps  of  Ireland  [34,  cf  p.  6 n.] 
and  Brev.  of  Boroughs. 

The  Natural  History  j History  of  Clothing. 

of  Religion.  [ History  of  Dyeing  [7]. 

Satyricall  Poems. 

De  motu  maris  et  ventoium. 


Discourses 
[see  pp.  xxii, 
xxiiil. 


Naval Expe-,  . 

J 1 De  medicinis  solutis  i)er  aquam 
riments  and  I 

J et  aera. 

Navicula  Gemina  [see  p.  xxii]. 
Reterium  Nauticum. 
AnatomiaNavalis[seep.  xxiin.]. 


Supplement  to  the  Bibliography  of  Petty  s Works.  655 

1665.  Verbum  Sapienti, 
and  the  value  of 
People  [24]. 

English  Translation  of  Hermes,  per  Alex. 
Brome. 

1667.  Lawsuits. 

1668.  Poemata  Glanarita. 

1669.  Severall  Latine  Epigrams. 

1670.  Anatomia  Politica  Hiberniae  [24]. 

1671.  Political  Arithmetick  [23]. 

1682.  Quantulumcunque  concerning  money  [10]. 

This  list  does  not  mention  all  the  works  which  Petty  wrote 
before  1682,  and  on  the  other  hand  it  mentions  some  (e.g.  in  1655, 
1667)  which  were  not  written  works  at  all.  Two  entries  appear 
of  what  might  be  economic  pamphlets.  Of  one,  the  “ Discourse 
about  Registry,”  1661,  1 have  found  no  trace.  The  other,  the 
“ Discourse  against  transplanting  into  Connaught,”  is  described  by 
Lord  Edmond  Fitzmaurice  as  a pamphlet  entitled  “A  Discourse 
against  the  Transplantation  into  Connaught,”  of  which  two  editions 
are  said  to  have  been  published  at  London,  both  anonymously,  one 
in  January  and  one  in  March,  1665. — Life  of  Petty,  32.  A more 
exact  title  seems  to  be : 

The  great  | case  | of  transplantation  | in  | Ireland  | discussed : | 
or,  I Certain  Considerations,  wherein  the  | many  great  inconveni- 
encies  in  the  transplan-|ting  the  Natives  of  Ireland  generally  out  of 
the  three  | Provinces  of  Leinster,  Ulster,  and  Munster,  into  | the 
Province  of  Connaught,  are  shewn.  | Humbly  tendered  to  every 
individual  Member  | of  Parliament,  by  a Well-wisher  to  the  good  of 
the  Common-wealth  of  England.  | [Ornament.] 

London,  Printed  for  John  Cook,  and  are  to  be  sold  at  | his 
shop  at  the  sign  of  the  Ship  in  St.  Paul’s  | Churchyard.  1665. 

Title,  I 1.,  pp.  1 — 32,  4°.  There  is  also  another  edition  having  a title-page 
like  the  above  in  wording  and  disposition,  but  from  different  type,  and  this 
imprint:  London,  Printed  for  I.  C.,  1655. 

In  criticism  of  this  pamphlet  was  published  : 

The  interest  of  England  in  the  Irish  Transplantation,  stated : 
Wherein  is  held  forth  to  all  concerned  in  Ireland’s  good  settlement 
the  benefits  the  Irish  Transplantation  will  bring  to  each  of  them  in 


656  Supplement  to  the  Bibliography  of  Petty's  Works. 

particular,  and  to  the  Commonwealth  in  general,  being  chiefly  in- 
tended as  an  Answer  to  a scandalous,  seditious  Pamphlet,  entitled 
[I'he  great  Case  of  Transplantation  in  Ireland  discussed].  Com- 
posed and  published  at  the  request  of  several  persons  in  eminent 
place  in  Ireland,  to  the  end  all  who  desire  it,  might  have  a true 
Account  of  the  Proceedings  that  have  been  there  in  the  business  of 
'bransplantation,  both  as  to  the  rise,  progress,  and  end  thereof.  By 
a faithfull  Servant  of  the  Common-wealth,  Richard  Laurence. 

London,  Printed  by  Henry  Hills,  and  to  be  sold  at  the  Sign  of 
Sir  John  Oldcastle  near  Py-Corner,  MCDLV  [1655]. 

Title,  r 1.,  pp.  i — 29,  4". 

A reply  soon  appeared  under  the  title : 

The  I author  | and  | Case  of  Transplanting  | the  | Irish  into 
Connaught  | vindicated,  | from  the  unjust  Aspersions  of  Col.  Richard 
Laurence.  | By  Vincent  Gookin  Esquire.  | [Ornament.] 

London,  Printed  by  A.  M.  for  Simon  Miller  at  the  Signe  of  | the 
Starre  in  St.  Pauls  Church-yard.  [May  12.]  1655. 

Title,  1 1.,  epistle  dedicatory,  i 1.,  pp,  1—59,  4°. All  three  pamphlets 

are  in  the  Halliday  Collection  in  the  Library  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  in  the 
Library  of  King’s  Inns,  Dublin,  and  in  the  British  Museum.  An  account  of 
The  Great  Case  may  be  found  in  Prendergast’s  Cromwellian  Settlement, 
pp.  54—64- 

Lord  Edmond  Eitzmaurice’s  reason  for  regarding  Petty  as 
one  of  the  authors  of  the  first  pamphlet  is  that  “ the  published 
book  bears  the  marks  of  joint  authorship,  the  opening  sentences — 
an  elaborate  medical  comparison  between  the  State  and  the  human 
body — being  altogether  in  Petty’s  style  as  well  as  the  later  portions, 
where  the  arguments  - are  of  exactly  the  same  character  as  those 
in  the  Political  Anatomy  of  Ireland,  ch.  iv.”  Tdiese  similarities 
do  indeed  strengthen  the  presumption  of  Petty’s  collaboration  in 
“The  Great  Case”  which  may  well  arise  from  his  mention  of 
“ A Discourse  against  the  Transplanting  into  Ireland.”  But  they 
do  not  seem  to  me  conclusive,  and  there  are  direct  arguments 
against  Petty’s  authorship.  So  far  as  the  probabilities  are  concerned 
it  may  be  noted  that  Gookin  and  Petty  were  personal  friends 
and  political  allies \ and  as  such  would  naturally  take  similar 
views  of  the  Rebellion  of  1641.  This  seems  to  me  to  account 
sufficiently  for  the  parallelism  between  some  passages  of  “The 
Great  Case”  and  of  the  “Political  Anatomy.”  Nor  does  the  use, 

* Fitzmaurice,  3t,  51,  77 — 81, 


Supplement  to  the  Bibliography  of  Petty  s Works.  657 

of  indefinite  anatomical  metapliors  in  a discussion  of  political  facts, 
of  necessity  imply  that  the  author  of  the  “Case,”  had  had  a medical' 
education.  The  two  most  famous  among  modern  biological  sociolo- 
gists were  educated,  one  as  a civil  engineer,  the  other  as  a clergyman, 
but  both  make  use  of  such  figures  of  speech  as  Gookin  employed; 
and  the  putative  author  of  the  twelfth  chapter  of  First  Corinthians  was 
by  trade  a tent  maker.  On  the  other  hand  Gookin,  upon  the  first 
page  of  his  vindication,  distinctly  claims  the  sole  authorship  of  “The 
Great  Case.”  He  says:  “Whilst  anything  of  Reputation  might 
have  been  the  effedl  of  writing  the  Case  of  Transplantation,  I was 
content  to  take  the  labour  to  myself  and  leave  the  good  to  others  : 
'Fhis  was  the  reason  of  silencing  my  name  at  first.  But  now  what  I 
intended  for  good  is  come  to  be  thought  so  ill,  I must  leave  that 
resolution  and  assert  my  own  a6t....But  though  I did  not  think  then 
fit  to  put  my  name  in  Print,  yet  did  not  that  Trifle  steal  out  in  so 
clandestine  a way  as  that  the  Parent  was  hid  from  all,  but  being  laid 
at  my  door,  I owned  it.”  Accordingly  I regard  Gookin  as  the 
author  of  “ The  Great  Case  of  Transplantation,”  and  have  not 
included  it  among  Petty’s  Economic  Works. 


H.  P. 


42 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  NATURAL  AND 
POLITICAL  OBSERVATIONS. 


Natural  and  Political  | observations  | Mentioned  in  a following 
Index,  I and  made  upon  the  | Bills  of  Mortality.  | By  John 
Graunt,  | Citizen  of  | London.  | With  reference  to  the  Government, 
Religion,  Trade,  | Growth,  Ayre,  Diseases,  | and  the  several  Changes 
of  the  I said  City.  | — Non,  me  ut  miretur  Turba,  laboro,  [ Contentus 
paucis  Ledoribus. — 

London,  | Printed  by  Tho:  Roycroft,  for  John  Martin,  James 
Allestry,  | and  Tho:  Dicas,  at  the  Sign  of  the  Bell  in  St.  Paul’s  | 
Church-yard,  MDCLXII  [1662]. 

Title,  I 1.,  epistles  dedicatory,  3 11.,  index,  4 11.,  pp.  1 — 79,  82 — 85  and  2 

folding  tables  not  included  in  the  pagination,  4”.  The  verso  of  p.  79  is 

misnumbered  82. 

Natural  and  Political  | observations,  | Mentioned  in  a following 
Index,  I and  made  upon  the  | Bills  of  Mortality.  | By  John 
Graunt,  | Citizen  of  | London.  | With  references  to  the  Govern- 
ment, Religion,  Trade,  | Growth,  Ayr,  Diseases,  and  the  several 
Changes  of  the  | said  City.  | — Non,  me  ut  miretur  Turba,  laboro,  | 
Contentus  paucis  Ledoribus. — | The  Second  Edition. 

London,  | Printed  by  Tho;  Roycroft,  For  John  Martin,  James 
Allestry,  | and  Tho:  Dicas,  at  the  Sign  of  the  Bell  in  St.  Paul’s  [ 
Church-yard,  MDCLXII  [1662]. 

Title,  I 1.,  epistles  dedicatory,  3 11.,  index,  4 11.,  pp.  i — 79,  and  2 folding 
tables  not  included  in  the  pagination,  4®. 

Natural  and  Political  | observations  | Mentioned  in  a following 
Index,  I and  made  upon  the  | Bills  of  Mortality.  | By  | Capt.  John 
Graunt,  | Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society.  | With  reference  to  the 
Government,  Reli-jgion,  Trade,  Growth,  Air,  Diseases,  and  the  | 


BibliograpJiy  of  the  Nattirnl  and  Political  Observations.  659 

several  Changes  of  the  said  City.  | — Non,  me  ut  miretur  Tiirba, 
laboro,  | Contentus  paucis  Ledloribus. — | The  Third  Edition,  | 
much  Enlarged. 

London,  | Printed  by  John  Martyn,  and  James  Allestry,  | 
Printers  to  the  Royal  Society,  and  are  to  be  sold  at  the  | sign  of 
the  Bell  in  St.  Pauls  Church-yard.  | MDCLXV  [1665]. 

I 1.,  recto  blank,  verso  order  of  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Society  to  print, 
title,  I 1.,  epistles  dedicatory,  7 11.,  index  6 11.,  i blank  1.,  pp.  i — and  two 
folding  tables  not  included  in  the  pagination,  4°. 

Natural  and  Political  | observations  | Mentioned  in  a following 
Index,  I and  made  upon  the  | Bills  of  Mortality.  | By  | Capt.  John 
Graunt,  | Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society.  | With  reference  to  the 
Government,  Reli-|gion,  Trade,  Growth,  Air,  Diseases,  and  the  | 
several  Changes  of  the  said  City.  | — Non,  me  ut  miretur  Turba, 
laboro,  | Contentus  paucis  Ledloribus. — | The  Fourth  Impression. 

Oxford,  I Printed  by  William  Hall,  for  John  Martyn,  | and 
James  Allestry,  Printers  to  the  | Royal  Society,  MDCLXV  [1665]. 

I 1.,  recto  blank,  verso  order  of  Royal  Society  to  print,  title,  i 1.,  epistles 
dedicatory  7 11.,  index,  6 11.,  i blank  1.,  pp.  i — 205,  and  two  folding  tables  not 
included  in  the  pagination,  8°. 

Natural  and  Political  | observations  | Mentioned  in  a following 
index,  | and  made  upon  the  | Bills  of  Mortality.  | By  Capt.  John 
Graunt,  | Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society.  | With  reference  to  the 
Government,  Reli-|gion,  Trade,  Growth,  Air,  Diseases,  and  the  | 
several  Changes  of  the  said  city.  | — Non,  me  ut  miretur  Turba, 
laboro,  | Contentus  paucis  Ledtoribus. — | The  Fifth  Edition,  much 
Enlarged. 

London,  | Printed  by  John  Martyn,  Printer  to  the  | Royal 
Society,  at  the  Sign  of  the  Bell  in  St.  Paul’s  | Church-yard. 
MDCLXXVI  [1676]. 

I 1.,  recto  blank,  verso,  order  of  Royal  Society  to  print,  title  i 1.,  epistles 
dedicatory,  9 11.,  index,  6 11.,  preface  3 11.,  pp.  i — 150,  and  two  folding  tables  not 

included  in  the  pagination,  8®. According  to  Dr  Campbell  and  James  Milne 

this  edition  was  prepared  by  Petty. 

The  Natural  and  political  observations  were  also  reprinted  by  Dr  W.  Heberden 
in  his  Collection  of  the  yearly  bills  of  mortality,  1759.  See  no.  13  b of  the  biblio- 
graphy of  Petty. 

Natiirliche  und  politische  | Anmerckungen  | fiber  die  | Todten- 
Zettul  I der  stadt  Londen  \^sic\  \ fiirnemlich  | ihre  regierung,  religion, 

42 — 2 


66o  Bibliography  of  the  Natural  and  Political  Observations. 


gewerl)e,  vermeh-|riing,  lufft,  kranckheiten,  und  besondere  veran-| 
derungen  betreffend.  | Anfangs  | in  Englischer  sprache  abgefasset,  | 
imd  offtermals  durch  den  druck  herausgegeben  | vom  | Capitain 
Johannes  Graunt,  | Mitgleid  der  Konigl.  Societ.  | nun  | aber  | um 
des  grossen  nutzens  willen,  der  dem  gemei-lnen  wesen  Teutschlands 
insgemein,  und  iedes  orts  | insonderheit  aus  solchen  todten-registern 
zu-|vvachsen  kan,  | ins  Deutsche  iibersetzet.  | [Woodcut.] 

Leipzig,  bey  Thomas  Fritschen,  | 1702. 

Title,  I 1.,  Vorrecle  des  Ubersetzers  (stc),  2 11.,  Zuschriften  Graunts,  4 11., 

Vorrede  des  Autoris,  i 1.,  Register,  4 11.,  pp.  i — ii?,  i folded  table,  12“.  

The  translator  was  Dr  Gottfried  Schidtz  of  Breslau.  See  p.  318  note. 


Note:  Graunt  did  not  write  the  “ Refledlions  On  the  weekly 
Bills  of  Mortality  For  the  Cities  of  London  and  Westminster  and 
the  places  adjacent : But  more  especially  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the 
plague... London  : Printed  for  Samuel  Speed,  at  the  Rainbow  in 
Fleet  street.  1665.”  This  pamphlet  was  issued  in  two  editions,  both 
in  quarto.  All  that  is  of  value  in  either  of  them  was  filched  from 
Graunt,  but  their  compiler  appears  to  have  drawn  liberally  from  his 
own  imagination  also.  They  were  promptly  denounced  as  spurious 
by  John  Bell,  clerk  to  the  Company  of  Parish  Clerks,  in  his 
“London’s  Remembrancer”  issued  in  the  same  year.  Cf.  pp.  xliii, 
426. 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  AND  MANUSCRIPTS  USED. 


Account  (An)  of  several  new  inventions.  See  Hale,  T. 

Account  (An)  of  the  founding  of  the  Royal  Hospital.  See  Wilson,  T. 
Acta  eruditorum.  Lipsice,  1687.  525. 

Additional  MSS.,  British  Museum,  xiv,  Iv,  Ivi,  9,  123,  236,  412,  547,  630. 
Akerman,  J.  Y.  Monies  received  and  paid  for  secret  services  of 
Charles  II.  and  James  II.  London  (Camden  Society),  1851.  xxix. 
A[lbigony],  W[illiam].  The  present  state  of  the  United  Provinces  of  the 
Low  Countries.  The  second  edition.  London,  1671.  253. 

Album  studiosorum  academias  Lugduno  Bataviae.  Hagse  Comitum, 
1875.  xiv. 

Archseologia  ; or,  Miscellaneous  tracts  relating  to  antiquity.  London, 
1770  etc.  186,  236. 

Aristotle.  Metaphysica,  ed.  Schwegler.  Tiibingen,  1847.  9. 

Ashmole  MSS.,  Bodleian  Library.  Ixxxii,  Ixxxiv,  324,  426,  427,  433 — 435. 
Aubrey,  John.  Brief  lives,  ed.  by  A.  Clark.  Oxford,  1898.  2 vols. 

xiii,  xxiii,  xxiv,  xxxiv,  xxxvii,  li,  lii,  Iv,  Ixi,  Ixii,  77. 

Natural  history  of  Wiltshire,  ed.  by  J.  Britton.  London  (Wilt- 
shire Topographical  Society),  1847.  288. 

Aubrey  MSS.,  Bodleian  Library.  Ivi,  Ixviii,  4. 

Bacon,  Sir  Francis.  The  novum  organum,  edited  by  T.  Fowler. 
Oxford,  1878.  Ixiii. 

Works,  edited  by  J.  S.  Spedding.  Boston,  1861 — 64.  15  vols. 

322,  348. 

Ballard  MSS.,  Bodleian  Library,  xxvii,  xl,  8. 

Barlow,  Thomas.  Genuine  remains.  London,  1693.  622. 

Barry,  J.  S.  History  of  Massachusetts.  Boston,  1855 — 57.  3 vols.  302. 
Bayle,  P.  Oeuvres.  A la  Haye,  1727 — 31.  4 vols.  464,  465,  525,  526. 

Bede.  Sententiae  sive  axomita  philosophica.  {hi  Migne,  Patrologiae 
cursus  completus.  Vol.  xc.)  9. 

Behm,  E.,  and  H.  Wagner.  Die  Bevdlkerung  der  Erde.  {In  Petermann’s 
Geographische  Mittheilungen,  Erganzungsband  viii.  nr.  35.  Gotha, 

1873.)  465- 

Bell,  John.  London’s  Remembrancer,  or  a true  account  of  every  par- 
ticular week’s  christenings  and  mortality  in  all  the  years  of  pestilence 


662 


List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  used. 

within  the  cognizance  of  the  Bills  of  Mortality.  London,  1665. 
xliii,  Ixxx,  Ixxxi,  Ixxxviii,  Ixxxix,  342,  407,  408,  426 — 428,  660. 

[Besonge,  Nicolas.]  The  present  state  of  France,  containing  the  orders, 
dignities  and  charges  of  that  kingdom.  Written  in  French  and 
faithfully  Englished.  London,  1671.  252,  291. 

Bevan,  W.  L.  Sir  William  Petty,  a study  in  English  economic  literature. 
New  York,  1894.  xxxix,  xlvi,  xlviii,  Ixi,  Ixii,  378,  625. 

Biographica  Britannica.  2nd  ed.  London,  1778 — 93.  7 vols.  xxxix,  318. 

Birch,  Thomas.  Court  and  times  of  Charles  1.  [really  ed.  by  R.  F. 
Williams,  not  by  Birch].  London,  1848.  2 vols.  365. 

History  of  the  Royal  Society.  London,  1756 — 57.  4 vols.  xxii, 

xxvii,  xxxvi,  3,  238,  317,  324,  432,  522,  525,  526,  622. 

Bohm-Bawerk,  E.  von.  Capital  and  interest,  transl.  by  Smart.  London, 
1890.  Ixxiv. 

Boislisle,  A.  M.  Memoire  sur  la  generalite  de  Paris.  Paris,  1881.  506. 

Botero,  Giovanni.  A treatise  concerning  the  causes  of  the  magnificence 
of  cities,,  English  by  R.  Peterson.  London,  1606.  505. 

Boyle,  R.  Works,  ed.  by  T.  Birch.  London,  1772.  6 vols.  xiii,  xv, 

xliii,  Ivi,  1 18. 

British  Merchant  (The),  or  commerce  preserved.  London,  1721.  3 vols. 
252. 

Burnet,  Gilbert.  History  of  his  own  time.  2nd  ed.  Oxford,  1833. 
6 vols.  xli,  71. 

Burroughs,  Sir  John.  The  sovereignty  of  the  British  seas.  London, 
1651.  257. 

Burrows,  M.  Register  of  the  visitors  of  the  University  of  Oxford, 
1647  to  1658.  London  (Camden  Society),  1881.  xv,  xix,  210. 

Bushe,  Gervase  Parker.  Essay  towards  ascertaining  the  population  of 
Ireland,  fn  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  Vol.  III., 
science.  Dublin,  1790.)  142. 

Cabinet  portrait  gallery  of  British  worthies.  London,  1846.  xxiv. 

Caius,  John.  Counseill  against  the  sweate,  1552.  (Repr.  in  Hecker, 
Epidemics  of  the  middle  ages.  London,  1859.)  Ixxxi. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers.  See  State  Papers. 

Camden,  William.  Britannia.  2nd  ed.  by  Gibson.  London,  1772.  155. 

[Capel.]  Letters  written  by  his  excellency  Arthur  Capel,  Earl  of  Essex, 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  in  1675.  London,  1770.  xiii,  xxiv,  xxvii, 
186,  216,  497. 

Carte,  Thomas.  The  life  of  James,  duke  of  Ormond.  Oxford,  1851. 
6 vols.  (Cited  by  original  pagination.)  xx,  xxvi — xxviii,  xliii,  3,  8, 
136,  161,  163,  186,  190,  195,  319,  613. 

Carte  Papers  (MSS.),  Bodleian  Library,  xxiii. 

Catalogue  of  MSS.,  state  papers  and  autograph  letters  received  by  Sir 
R.  Southwell,  the  property  of  Lord  De  Clifford,  deceased.  Sold  by 
Christie.  London,  1834.  Ivii,  123,  590. 


List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  used.  663 

Catalogue  of  printed  maps  in  the  British  Museum.  London,  1885. 

2 vols.  6. 

Catalogue  of  valuable  books  and  interesting  MSS.,  the  property  of  a well- 
known  collector  [Dr  Neligan  of  Dublin].  Sold  by  Sotheby.  London, 
1855.  123,  236. 

Chamberlayne,  Edward.  Angliae  notitia  or  the  present  state  of  England. 
London,  1672.  284. 

Chardin,  Sir  John.  The  travels  of  Sir  J.  C.  into  Persia  and  the  East 
Indies.  London,  1686.  526. 

Child,  Sir  Josiah.  Brief  considerations  concerning  trade  and  the  interest 
of  money.  London,  1668.  4,  9,  26. 

A new  discourse  of  trade.  London,  1693.  4,  9,  26,  241,  266. 

Chorographia.  See  Grey,  W. 

Christie.  History  of  the  company  of  parish  clerks.  London.  Ixxxii, 
Ixxxviii,  357. 

Clarendon.  The  life  of  Edward,  earl  of  Clarendon.  Oxford,  1759. 

3 vols.  161. 

The  correspondence  of  Clarendon  and  Rochester,  ed.  by  S.  W. 

Singer.  London,  1828.  2 vols.  546,  577,  584,  589,  592. 

Clark,  A.  Life  and  times  of  Wood.  Oxford,  1891 — 95.  4 vols.  xv. 

Coke  upon  Lyttleton.  245. 

Coke,  Roger.  A treatise  wherein  is  demonstrated  that  the  church  and 
state  of  England  are  in  equal  danger  with  the  trade  of  it.  London, 
1671.  242,  243. 

Collection  (A)  of  the  yearly  bills  of  mortality.  See  Heberden,  W. 

A small,  of  valuable  tracts  relating  to  the  herring  fishery.  London, 

1751.  242. 

Commons,  J.  R.  The  distribution  of  wealth.  New  York,  1893.  Ixxiv. 
de  la  Court,  P.  Aanwysing  der  heilsame  politike  gronden  en  maximen 
van  de  republike  van  Holland  en  West-Vriesland.  Leiden,  1669. 
259,  542. 

Cox,  Sir  Richard.  History  of  Ireland.  London,  1689 — 90.  2 vols.  6. 

Creighton,  Charles.  A history  of  epidemics  in  Britain.  Cambridge, 
1891 — 94.  2 vols.  Ixxx,  Ixxxi,  Ixxxvii — Ixxxix,  336,  365,  417,  418, 

426—429,  432. 

Cromwell,  Oliver.  Letters  and  speeches,  edited  by  Carlyle.  3rd  ed. 

London,  1850.  4 vols.  xix. 

Cunningham,  J.  See  Essay  on  Trade. 

Cunningham,  William.  The  growth  of  English  industry  and  commerce. 
Cambridge,  1890 — 92.  2 vols.  xxxix,  40,  52,  242,  266,  274, 
288. 

Dalrymple,  Sir  John.  Memoirs  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  Second 
edition.  London,  1771—73.  2 vols.  461,  592. 

Davenant,  C.  Political  and  commercial  works.  London,  1771.  5 vols. 

240,  252. 


664  List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  used. 

Davies,  Sir  John.  A discoverie  of  the  true  causes  why  Ireland  was 
never  entirely  subdued.  London,  1612.  155. 

l)e  L’dtat  present  de  la  France.  See  Hay  du  Chastelet. 

De  Morgan,  Augustus.  A budget  of  parado.xes.  London,  1872.  xxxix, 
xlvii,  358. 

Derham,  William.  Physico-theology  ; or,  A demonstration  of  the  being 
and  attributes  of  God  from  his  works  of  creation.  London,  1798. 
2 vols.  XV,  Ixxviii. 

Descartes,  Rene.  Gvuvres,  publids  par  V.  Cousin.  Paris,  1824.  ii  vols. 
286. 

Dictionary  of  Political  Economy,  edited  by  R.  H.  Inglis  Palgrave. 

London,  1894.  240. 

Diogenes  Laertius,  501. 

Dircks,  Henry.  A biographical  memoir  of  Samuel  Hartlib.  London, 
1865.  251. 

Directions  left  by  a gentleman  to  his  sons  for  the  improvement  of  barren 
and  heathy  land.  London,  1670.  251. 

Discourse  (A)  of  husbandrie.  See  Weston,  R. 

Domesday  studies,  ed.  by  P.  E.  Dove.  London,  1888 — 91.  2 vols.  463. 

Doyle,  J.  E.  The  of¥icial  baronage  of  England.  London,  1886.  3 vols. 

319,  438- 

Eden,  Sir  Frederick  M.  The  state  of  the  poor.  London,  1797.  3 vols. 

382. 

Egerton  MSS.,  British  Museum.  Ixxxi,  4. 

Ellis,  Sir  Henry.  A general  introduction  to  Domesday  Book.  London, 

1833-  463. 

Original  letters  illustrative  of  English  history.  Second  series. 

London,  1827.  3 vols.  302. 

Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  supplement  to  the  4th,  5th  and  6th  editions. 

Edinburgh,  1824.  6 vols.  642. 

Ent,  Dr  George.  MS.  commonplace  book.  538. 

Essay  (An)  on  trade  and  commerce  [by  W.  Temple  or  J.  Cunningham]. 
London,  1770.  274. 

Essex  papers,  ed.  by  O.  Airy.  London  (Camden  Society),  1890.  xxiv, 
XXV,  xxviii. 

L’Etat  de  la  France  ou  Fon  voit  tons  les  princes,  dues  & pairs.  Paris, 
1669.  252. 

Evelyn,  John.  Fumifugium.  London,  1661.  xlvi,  41,  394. 

Memoirs,  ed.  by  W.  Bray.  2nd  ed.  London,  1827.  5 vols. 

xiii,  xxiii,  xxiv,  xxviii,  xxxii,  77. 

Navigation  and  Commerce,  1674.  {Bi  [McCulloch’s]  Select  tracts 

on  commerce.  London,  1859.)  257. 

Fitzmaurice,  Lord  Edmond.  The  life  of  Sir  William  Petty.  London, 
1895.  passim. 

Fortrey,  Samuel.  England’s  interest  and  improvement,  consisting  in  the 


List  of  Books  ajid  Manuscripts  used.  665 

increase  of  the  store  and  trade  of  this  kingdom.  Cambridge,  1663. 
30,  252,  297. 

Foster,  Joseph.  Alumni  Oxonienses,  1504 — 1714.  Oxford,  1891 — 92. 
4 vols.  210. 

Fournier,  Georges.  Hydrographie  contenant  la  theorie  et  la  pratique  de 
toutes  les  parties  de  la  navigation.  Paris,  1643.  280. 

Franklin,  Benj.  Complete  works ; ed  by  J.  Bigelow.  New  York, 
1887 — 88.  10  vols.  Ixxiii. 

Free  ports.  See  W.,  B. 

French,  N.  A narrative  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon’s  sale  and  settlement 
of  Ireland.  Louvain,  1668.  613. 

Gailhard,  J.  The  present  state  of  Venice.  London,  1669.  538. 

Gairdner,  James,  editor.  Three  fifteenth  century  chronicles.  London 
(Camden  Society),  1880.  Ixxxi. 

Gilbert,  J.  T.  Calendar  of  the  ancient  records  of  Dublin.  Dublin,  1894. 
I,  63,  166,  480,  485. 

Giffin,  Sir  R.  The  growth  of  capital.  London,  1889.  Ixxi. 

Goodall,  Charles.  The  Royal  College  of  Physicians.  London,  1684. 
27- 

Grass,  Samuel.  Memoria  excellentissimi  apud  Vratislavienses  poly- 
histori  medicini  domini  D.  Godofriedi  Schulzii.  (/;?  Appendix  ad 
ephemeridum  acad.  Gaesareo-leopoldinae  nat.  curiosorum  in  Ger- 
mania centurias  III.  and  IV.  Nuremberg,  1715.)  318. 

[Grey,  W.]  Chorographia  or  a survey  of  Newcastle  upon  Tyne. 
London,  1649.  304- 

Grimperl.  A MS.  on  the  bills  of  mortality  of  Paris  in  the  Bibliotheque 
de  I’Institut  National  de  France,  X.  214.  2 vols.  506. 

Guildhall  Library,  “Political  Tracts,  1680.”  Ixxxii. 

Hale,  Sir  Matthew.  The  primitive  origination  of  mankind  considered 
and  examined  according  to  the  light  of  nature.  London,  1677. 
xlv,  463,  509. 

[Hale,  T.]  Account  of  several  new  inventions.  London,  1691.  xxii. 
Halley,  Edmund.  An  estimate  of  the  degrees  of  mortality  of  mankind. 
{In  Philosophical  transactions  of  the  Royal  Society,  no.  196 
London,  1693.)  xli. 

Halliwell,  J.  O.  A collection  of  letters  illustrative  of  the  progress  of 
science  in  England.  London  (Historical  Society  of  Science),  1841. 
Ivi. 

Hamilton,  W.  Dated  book-plates.  London,  1895.  630. 

Hardinge,  W.  H.  Observations  on  the  earliest  known  MS.  census 
returns  of  the  people  of  Ireland. — On  MS.  mapped  and  other 
townland  surveys  of  Ireland  from  1640  to  1688. — An  unpublished 
essay  on  Ireland  by  Sir  W.  Petty,  {hi  Transactions  of  the  Royal 
Irish  Academy,  xxiv.,  antiquities.  Dublin,  1873.)  xvi,  xxi,  xxiv, 
Iv,  63,  142,  177,  485,  548. 


666 


List  of  Books  and  Manusadpts  nsed. 


}Iardinge,  W.  H.  On  manuscript  mapped  townland  surveys  of  Ireland 
of  a public  character.  f)i  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, 
VIII.,  39—55.  Dublin,  1864.;  xvi. 

Ilarleian  MSS.,  British  Museum.  438. 

Harleian  miscellany.  London,  1808 — 1813.  10  vols.  321. 

Hartlib,  Samuel.  Legacie  of  husbandry.  London,  1655.  250. 

[Hay  du  Chastelet,  Paul.]  De  I’dtat  present  de  la  France.  Cologne, 
1672.  252. 

[Heberden,  W.]  A collection  of  the  yearly  bills  of  mortality,  1657 — 1758. 
London,  1759.  xc,  xci,  641,  659. 

Hecker,  J.  F.  C.  Epidemics  of  the  middle  ages,  transl.  by  B.  G. 

Babington.  3rd  ed.  London,  1859.  Ixxxi. 

Hempton,  John.  The  siege  and  history  of  Londonderry.  Londonderry, 
1861.  I,  177. 

Higgons,  B.  Historical  and  critical  remarks  on  Bishop  Burnet’s  History 
of  his  own  time.  London,  1725.  xli. 

Higgs,  Henry.  Review  of  Bevan’s  Petty.  {In  Economic  Journal,  vol.  V. 
p.  72.  London,  1895.)  xlix. 

Histoire  de  I’Academie  Royale  des  Sciences,  annee  1771.  Paris.  510. 
Hobbes,  Thomas.  Opera  philosophica,  studio  Gulielmi  Moles  worth. 

Londini,  1841.  5 vols.  Ixxii,  Ixxxiii. 

Hodge,  W.  B.  On  the  rates  of  interest  for  the  use  of  money. — [A  letter 
to  the  editor.]  {In  Assurance  Magazine,  London,  1859,  Vol.  vill., 
pp.  68 — 96,  234 — 237.)  xxxix,  xliv,  xlvii,  li. 

Hodgkin,  J.  E.  MSS.  in  his  collection.  Ivi. 

Holinshed,  Ralph.  Chronicles  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. 

London,  1808.  6 vols.  Ixxxi. 

Holy  Bible.  384,  466. 

Horace,  epistles.  501. 

Horton,  S.  Dana.  The  silver  pound.  London,  1887.  444- 

Howard,  G.  E.  A treatise  of  the  exchequer  and  revenue  of  Ireland. 
Dublin,  1776.  2 vols.  xxvi,  272. 

Howell,  James.  Londonopolis,  an  historical  discourse.  London,  1657. 

383. 

Howell,  T.  B.  A complete  collection  of  state  trials.  London,  1816 — 26. 
33  vols.  71. 

Hull,  C.  H.  Graunt  or  Petty.?  The  authorship  of  the  Observations 
upon  the  bills  of  mortality.  {Iti  Political  Science  Quarterly,  Vol  xi., 
p.  1 13 — 132,  Boston,  1896.)  xlvi,  liv,  479. 

Husson,  Armand.  Les  consummations  de  Paris.  Paris,  1856.  506. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas.  The  history  of  Massachusetts.  Second  edition. 
London,  1760.  2 vols.  302. 

Ingram,  John  Kells.  A history  of  political  economy.  New  York,  1893. 

378. 

[J.  IL]  A letter  from  a gentleman  in  the  country  to  his  friend  in  the 


List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  used.  667 

city  concerning  Sir  William  Petty’s  posthumous  treatise  entitled 
Verbum  Sapienti.  London,  1691.  120. 

John,  V.  Geschichte  der  Statistik.  Stuttgart,  1884.  xxxix. 

Jones,  Richard.  An  essay  on  the  distribution  of  wealth.  London,  1844. 
Ixxiv. 

Journal  des  s^avans,  2 Aoust,  1666,  15  Mars,  1683.  422,  450. 

Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons.  London,  xix,  Ixxxv,  59,  62,  161, 
266,  345. 

Rennet,  White.  An  historical  register  and  chronicle  of  English  affairs. 
London,  1744.  3. 

Keymour,  John.  Observations  made  upon  the  Dutch  fishing  about  the 
year  1601.  London,  1664.  257. 

King,  Charles.  See  British  Merchant. 

Langtoft,  P.  Chronicle,  transcribed  by  T.  Hearne.  Oxford,  1725. 
2 vols.  xxi,  xxii. 

Lansdowne  MSS.,  British  Museum.  Ivi. 

Larcom,  Thomas  Aiskew.  See  Petty,  History  of  the  Cromwellian  survey. 
Latham,  Dr  John.  MS.  Collections  for  a history  of  Romsey,  (Brit.  Mus. 
Addl.  MS.  26,  774 — 8).  xiv.  412. 

Leake,  S.  M.  An  historical  account  of  English  Money.  3rd  ed. 
London,  1793.  443. 

Leclerc,  Jean.  Bibliotheque  universelle  et  historique,  vill.  Mars,  1686. 

523- 

Legouve,  E.  Moral  history  of  woman,  translated  by  J.  W.  Palmer. 
New  York,  i860.  378. 

Le  Maire,  (?)  M.  Paris  ancien  et  nouveau.  Paris,  1685.  2 vols.  505. 

Le  Neve,  P.  Pedigrees  of  the  knights,  ed.  by  G.  W.  Marshall.  London 
(Harleian  Society),  1873.  xxiv. 

L’Estrange,  Roger.  A discourse  of  the  fishery.  London,  1674.  242. 

de  Leti,  Gregorio.  Del  teatro  britanico.  Londra,  1683.  505,  543. 

Letters  and  papers  foreign  and  domestic  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VI 1 1. 

London,  1862 — 1898.  16  vols.  Ixxxi,  Ixxxii. 

Levasseur,  Emile.  La  statistique  officielle  en  France,  fn  Journal  de  la 
Societe  de  statistique  de  Paris,  tom.  xxvi.,  June,  1885.)  422. 

Lingard,  J.  History  of  England.  5th  ed.  London,  1849.  10  vols.  578. 

Liverpool,  Lord.  Treatise  on  the  coins  of  the  realm.  London,  1880. 
444- 

Lord  have  mercy  upon  us.  [Broadsheet ; London],  printed  for  M.  S. 

junior,  1636.  (Brit.  Mus.  816.  m.  9.  (23).)  426—428. 

Londons  Lord  have  mercy  upon  us.  Written  by  H.  C[rouch].  [Broad- 
sheet ; London],  printed  for  Richard  Harper,  1637  (Brit.  Mus.  1870. 
d.  (13).)  426—428. 

London’s  Lord  have  mercy  upon  us  ; a true  relation  of  the  seven  modern 
plagues  or  visitations  in  London.  [Broadsheet ; London],  1665. 
(Brit.  Mus.  816.  m.  9.  (24).)  426 — ^428. 


668 


List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  iised. 


London’s  Lord  have  mercy  upon  us.  [Broadsheet ; London,  printed  by 
T.  Mabb  for  R.  Burton  and  R.  Gilberson,  1665.  (13rit.  Mus.  816. 

m.  9.  (25).).  426 — 428. 

London.  [Various  bills  of  mortality  of  London.]  426. 

[Lowndes,  William.]  Report  containing  an  essay  for  the  amendment  of 
the  silver  coins.  London,  1695.  (Also  in  [McCulloch’s]  Select 
Tracts  on  Money,  1836.)  51,  439. 

Ludlow,  Edmund.  Memoirs,  1625 — 1672.  Edited  by  C.  H.  Firth. 

Oxford,  1894.  2 vols.  xix. 

Luttrell,  Narcissus.  A brief  historical  relation  of  state  affairs.  Oxford, 
1857.  6 vols.  Ixvi. 

Macaulay,  T.  B.  History  of  England.  Philadelphia,  1868.  5 vols. 

xxvi,  xxxi. 

McCulloch,  J.  R.  The  literature  of  political  economy.  London,  1845. 
xxxix,  xli,  639. 

Machyn,  Henry.  Diary,  edited  by  J.  G.  Nichols.  London  (Camden 
Society),  1848.  Ixxxi. 

Macray,  W.  D.  Annals  of  the  Bodleian  Library.  2nd  ed.  Oxford, 
1890.  Ivii. 

Mahan,  A.  T.  The  influence  of  sea  power  upon  history,  1660 — 1783. 
Boston,  1890.  243. 

Maitland,  F.  W.  Domesday  Book  and  beyond.  Cambridge,  1897, 

463. 

Maitland,  W.  History  of  London.  New  ed.  London,  1775.  2 vols. 

xli,  Ixxxiv,  Ixxxvii,  xc,  xci,  335,  405. 

Mallet,  Edouard.  Recherches  historiques  et  statistiques  sur  la  popula- 
tion de  Geneve.  {In  Annales  d’hygiene  publique  et  de  medecine 
legale  xvii.,  30,  Paris,  January,  1837.)  386. 

Malthus,  T.  R.  Principles  of  political  economy.  London,  1820.  274. 

Massie,  James.  Observations  relating  to  the  coin  of  Great  Britain. 
London,  1760.  438. 

Masson,  D.  Life  of  Milton.  Cambridge,  1859 — 94.  7 vols.  xxi. 

Mazure,  F.  A.  J.  Histoire  de  la  Revolution  de  1688.  Paris,  1825.  578. 

Meitzen,  A.  Geschichte,  Theorie  und  Technik  der  Statistik.  Berlin, 
1886.  Ixxvi,  450. 

Mercator;  or,  commerce  retrieved.  London,  1713 — 14.  252. 

Molyneaux,  Sir  Thomas.  [Correspondence  of.]  {hi  Dublin  University 
Magazine,  vol.  xviii.,  pp.  305 — 327,  470 — 490,  604 — 619.  Dublin, 

1841.)  XXX. 

Moore,  Thomas.  Memoirs,  Journal  and  correspondence.  London, 
1853 — 56.  8 vols.  vii. 

More,  Sir  Thomas.  Utopia,  ed.  by  J.  H.  Lupton.  Oxford,  1895.  475. 

Moreri,  Louis.  Le  grande  dictionnaire  historique.  2“  dd.  A Lyon, 
1681.  507. 

Morgan,  J.  Phoenix  britannicus.  London,  1732.  xv,  383. 


List  of  Books  and  Mannscripts  'used. 


669 


Mountmorres,  H.  R.,  Viscount.  History  of  the  principal  transactions  of 
the  Irish  Parliament,  1634 — 1666.  London,  1792.  2 vols.  xxvi,  207, 
266,  272. 

Mun,  Thomas.  England’s  treasure  by  foreign  trade.  London,  1664. 
(Repr.  in  W.  J.  Ashley’s  Economic  classics.  New  York,  1895.) 
30,  441. 

Munk,  William.  The  roll  of  the  Royal  College  of  Physicians  of  London. 

Second  ed.  London,  1878.  3 vols.  27. 

Narrative  and  account  concerning  the  hospital  on  Oxmantown  Green. 
Published  for  the  satisfaction  of  subscribers,  1671.  Now  republished 
by  Charles  Lucas.  Dublin,  1749.  165. 

Newcourt,  Richard.  An  exact  delineation  of  the  cities  of  London  and 
Westminster  and  the  suburbs  thereof... [map]  composed  by  a scale. 
London,  1658.— Facsimile,  E.  Stanford,  1878.  385. 

Newsham,  Thomas.  An  historical  and  statistical  inquiry  into  the 
progress  and  magnitude  of  the  population  of  Ireland.  London,  1805. 
142. 

Notes  and  Queries.  London,  1859,  1895.  Iviii,  633. 

Ogilby  and  Morgan.  A large  and  accurate  map  of  the  City  of  London, 

1677.  459,  533—534- 

Ogle,  William.  An  inquiry  into  the  trustworthiness  of  the  old  bills  of 
mortality.  (///Journal  of  the  Statistical  Society,  Vol.  55,  pp.  437 — 460. 
London,  1892.)  Ixxxiii,  Ixxxiv,  Ixxxvi,  xc,  xci,  336,  641. 

Ordnance  survey  of  the  county  of  Londonderry.  Dublin,  1837.  177. 

d’Orleans’,  P.  J.  History  of  two  Tartar  conquerors  of  China.  London 
(Hakluyt  Society),  1854.  508 — 9. 

Palgrave,  R.  H.  1.  See  Dictionary. 

Parliamentary  history  of  England.  London,  1806 — 20.  36  vols.  16 1, 

252,  266. 

Patten,  S.  N.  The  Interpretation  of  Ricardo.  {In  the  Quarterly  Journal 
of  Economics,  Vol.  vii.  pp.  322 — 352.  Boston,  1893.)  242. 

Penny  cyclopaedia.  London,  1833 — 43.  27  vols.  xc. 

Pepys,  Samuel.  Diary,  edited  by  H.  B.  Wheatley.  London,  1893 — 96. 

8 vols.  xiii,  xxiii,  xxxiv — xxxvi,  62,  317. 

Pett,  Sir  Peter.  The  happy  future  state  of  England.  London,  1688. 

xliii— xlv,  9,  103,  235,  237,  393,  422,  461. 

Petty,  Sir  W.  Advice  of  W.  P.  to  S.  Hartlib  concerning  education. 
London,  1648.  xliv,  118. 

Reflections  upon  some  persons  and  things  in  Ireland.  London, 

1660.  XV,  XX,  xxi. 

Discourse  of  duplicate  proportion.  London,  1674.  xxvii,  xli, 

9,  386. 

History  of  the  Cromwellian  survey  of  Ireland,  called  “The  Down 

Survey,”  edited  by  T.  A.  Larcom.  Dublin  (Irish  Archaeological 
Society),  1851.  xiii,  xvi — xviii,  xx,  6,  124,  177,  210. 


6/0  List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  used. 

Petty,  Sir  W.  “ Dr  Petty’s  register,”  MS.  in  Public  Records  office,  Dublin, 
xxxvii,  loo. 

Philosophical  transactions  of  the  Royal  Society.  London,  xli,  502, 
508,  513,  522,  525,  526,  529. 

Prendergast,  J.  P.  The  Cromwellian  settlement  of  Ireland.  London, 
1865.  xvi,  207. 

Present  state  of  France.  See  Besonge,  N. 

Present  state  of  the  United  Provinces.  See  Albigony,  W. 

Proposals  for  a national  bank.  London,  1697.  638. 

Purchas,  his  pilgrimes.  London,  1625.  5 vols.  509. 

Rawlinson  MSS.,  Bodleian  Library,  xxiii,  xxxi,  xxxvii,  xlii,  Ivi,  8, 

235— 237,  466,  467,  547,  548. 

Recherches  statistiques  sur  la  Ville  de  Paris.  Tom.  11.  Paris,  1823. 
422,  424,  506. 

Reflections  upon  the  bills  of  mortality.  London,  1665.  426 — 428,  660. 

Register  of  St  Michael,  Cornhill,  printed  for  the  Harleian  Society. 
London,  1873.  xxxiv. 

Register  of  the  King’s  and  Queen’s  College  of  Physicians  in  Ireland. 
Dublin,  1865.  165. 

Report  from  the  Commissioners  respecting  the  Public  Records  of  Ireland, 
1810 — 1815.  178. 

Reports  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission.  London.  Viz.  : 
3rd,  Ivi,  630;  4th,  Ivi,  237;  7th,  xxix,  Ivi,  125,  630;  8th,  237,  461; 
loth,  Ixxxi  ; nth,  xxxi,  365;  14th,  xxiv,  xxix;  15th,  Ivi,  Iviii, 
212. 

Ricardo,  David.  Letters  of  David  Ricardo  to  Thomas  Robert  Malthus, 
1810 — 1823.  Edited  by  James  Bonar.  Oxford,  1887.  274. 

Rogers,  J.  E.  T.  The  economic  interpretation  of  history.  2nd  ed. 
London,  1891.  460. 

History  of  agriculture  and  prices  in  England.  Oxford,  1866—87. 

6 vols.  288. 

Roscher,  Wilhelm.  Geschichte  des  englischen  Volkswirthschaftslehre 
im  16.  und  17.  Jahrhundert.  {In  Abhandlungen  der  k.  sachsischen 
Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaft,  Bd.  ill.)  Leipzig,  1857.  xxxix,  li,  26, 
241,  255. 

Die  Geschichte  der  Nationalokonomik  in  Deutschland.  Miinchen, 

1874.  Ixxviii. 

Royal  Society’s  MS.  Letter  books.  Ivi,  398,  518,  523. 

Ruding,  R.  Annals  of  the  coinage  of  Great  Britain  and  its  dependencies. 

3rd  ed.  London,  1840.  3 vols.  7,  44,  186,  443. 

Russell,  C.  W.  and  J.  P.  Prendergast.  The  Carte  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian 
Library.  London,  1871.  131. 

S.,  W.  The  golden  fleece.  London,  1656.  i,  30. 

Scaliger,  J.  J.  Opus  novum  de  emendatione  temporum.  Lutetice,  1583. 
388. 


List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  used.  671 

Scobell,  Henry.  A collection  of  acts  and  ordinances  of  general  use. 

London,  1658.  2 pts.  40,  81,  129,  178,  179,  357. 

Serpillon,  F.  Code  civil,  ou  commentaire  sur  I’ordonnance  du  mois 
d’avril,  1667.  Paris,  1776.  422. 

Seymour,  R.  Survey  of  London  and  Westminster.  London,  1734 — 35. 
2 vols.  Ixxxiv,  Ixxxvi. 

Short,  Thomas.  New  observations,  natural,  moral,  civil,  political  and 
medical  on  the  city,  town  and  county  bills  of  mortality.  London, 
1750.  xc. 

Simon,  J.  Essay  on  Irish  Coins.  Dublin,  1810.  7,  186. 

Sloane,  MSS.,  British  Museum.  100,  118,  237,  624. 

Smith,  Charles.  The  antient  and  present  state  of  the  county  of  Kerry. 
Dublin,  1756.  xxvi,  209. 

Smith,  Rev.  John.  Life,  journals  and  correspondence  of  Samuel  Pepys. 
London,  1841.  2 vols.  Ivii,  467. 

Smith,  John.  Chronicon  rusticum-commerciale  : or,  Memoirs  of  wool 
London,  1747.  2 vols.  30. 

Smyth,  Richard.  Obituaries,  edited  by  Loudon.  London  (Camden 
Society),  1849.  xxxvii. 

[Somers  Tracts.]  A collection  of  scarce  and  valuable  tracts.  2nd  ed. 

revised  by  W.  Scott.  London,  1809 — 1815.  13  vols.  71,  252,  448. 

South,  Captain.  An  account  of  the  number  of  people  in  Ireland.  {In 
Philosophical  transactions  of  the  Royal  Society,  no.  261,  vol. 
XXII.,  p.  520.  London,  1700.)  142. 

Sprat,  T.  History  of  the  Royal  Society.  London,  1667.  xxi,  xxxvi. 
State  papers,  domestic  series,  xxv,,  xxvi,  xxvii,  Ixxxi,  Ixxxiii,  Ixxxviii, 
Ixxxix,  122,  236,  407,  408,  427. 

State  papers,  Ireland.  124,  186,  212. 

Statutes  of  the  Realm.  London,  1810.  30,  50,  59,  62,  66,  103,  107,  160, 

218,  382,  460. 

Statutes  at  large  passed  in  the  parliaments  held  in  Ireland.  Dublin, 
1776 — 1804.  21  vols.  5,  155,  179,  222,  266,  272. 

Stowe  MSS.,  British  Museum.  460,  461. 

Siissmilch,  J.  P.  Die  gottliche  Ordnung  in  den  Veranderungen  des 
menschlichen  Geschlechts.  Berlin,  1742.  Ixxviii,  Ixxix. 

Taylor,  W.  F.  England  under  Charles  II.  London,  [1890.?].  xx. 
Temple,  Sir  William.  Works.  London,  1770.  4 vols.  xxix,  Ixxii,  26, 

186,  201. 

Temple,  W.  See  Essay  on  trade. 

Tesdorpf,  W.  Gewinnung  und  Verarbeitung  des  Bernsteins  in  Preussen. 
Jena,  1887.  83. 

Thurloe,  J.  Collection  of  state  papers.  London,  1742.  7 vols.  xx,  7. 

Thorpe,  Thomas.  State  papers  : Catalogus  lib.  MSS.  bibliothecae  South- 
wellianae  on  sale  by  Thorpe.  [London,  1834.]  xxviii,  Ivii,  Iviii,  i, 
4,  123,  236,  237,  238,  438,  450,  480. 


672  List  of  Books  and  Manuscripts  used. 

Thorpe,  Thomas.  Catalogue.  London,  1842.  161,651. 

'I'rades  Increase  (The).  London,  1615.  304. 

Traill,  H.  D.  Social  England.  New  York,  1894 — 96.  6 vols.  365. 

Trinity  College,  Dublin,  Library,  MS.  E.  2.  20. 

Verbiest,  Ferdinand.  Voyage  de  I’empereur  de  la  Chine  dans  la  Tartarie. 
Paris,  1685.  502,  508. 

Vossius.  Isaaci  Vossii  variarum  observationum  liber.  Londini,  1685.  464. 
[W.,  B.]  Free  ports,  the  nature  and  necessitie  of  them  stated.  London, 
1652.  61. 

Ward,  J.  The  lives  of  the  professors  of  Gresham  College.  London, 
1740.  XV,  xvi,  xxxiv. 

Webb,  A.  Compendium  of  Irish  Biography.  Dublin,  1878.  648. 

Weller,  Emil.  Die  Falschen  und  fmgirten  Druckorte.  Leipzig,  1864. 
252. 

[Weston,  Sir  Richard.]  A discourse  of  husbandrie  used  in  Brabant  and 
Flanders.  London,  1652.  250. 

Whitelocke,  B.  Memorials  of  English  affairs.  Oxford,  1853.  4 vols. 

xix. 

Whitworth,  Sir  Charles.  Scarce  tracts  on  trade  and  commerce,  serving 
as  a supplement  to  Davenant’s  Works.  London,  1778.  2 vols.  297. 

von  Wieser,  Friedrich.  Natural  value,  translation  by  C.  A.  Malloch. 
London,  1893.  45. 

Wilde,  W.  R.  Memoir  of  the  Dublin  Philosophical  Society  of  1683. 
(/;/  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin,  1846,  Vol.  III., 

pp.  160 176.)  XXX. 

Willcox,  W.  F.,  and  F.  S.  Crum.  A trial  bibliography  of  the  writings  of 
Siissmilch.  {In  Publications  of  the  American  Statistical  Association, 
V.,  310 — 314.  Boston,  1897.)  Ixxviii. 

[Wilson,  Thomas.]  An  account  of  the  founding  of  the  Royal  Hospital 
of  Charles  11.  near  Dublin  for  the  relief  and  maintenance  of  antient 
and  infirm  officers  and  soldiers  serving  in  the  Army  of  Ireland. 
Dublin,  1713.  166. 

Wood,  Anthony  a.  Athenae  Oxonienses.  London,  1721.  2 vols.  xiii, 

xix,  xxii,  xxxvii,  Hi,  I,  23,  210,  237,  319,  320,  450,  640. 

Yriarte,  C.  E.  La  vie  d’un  patricien  de  Venise.  Paris,  1885.  538. 


ERRATA. 


Page  vii,  note,  for  More  read  Moore. 

,,  Ixxxi,  note  4,  ,,  Marrilac  ,,  Marillac. 

,,  214,  last  line,  ,,  i,iooiooo  ,,  1,100,000. 

,,  238,  note  3,  ,,  Ilnd.  ,,  Fitzmaurice. 

,,  512,  line  IT,  ,,  Argier  ,,  Algier. 

,,  547,  line  12,  ,,  Nelligan  ,,  Neligan. 


INDEX. 


Abbott,  Wilbur  C.,  xxxin. 

Abortives,  347,  360,  361. 

Absentees,  46,  185,  193. 

Accident  as  a cause  of  death,  355. 

Acre,  Irish  and  English,  135,  1^2. 

Act  of  Explanation  (1663),  208,  615. 

Act  of  Navigation  (1651),  alluded  to, 
299 ; Petty  omits  to  mention  it 
directly,  Ixix. 

Act  of  Oblivion  (1660),  66,  612. 

Act  of  Satisfaction  (1653),  167,  580, 
606. 

Act  of  Settlement  (1652),  580,  601. 

Act  of  Settlement  (1662),  155,  167, 
580,  6ri;  attitude  of  James  II. 
towards,  591  n.,  592. 

Adam  and  Eve,  progeny  of,  388. 

Adam’s  fall,  617. 

Admiralty  Court  in  Ireland,  163;  Petty 
as  a judge  of,  xxvi. 

Adulteries  hinder  breeding,  373;  reason 
for  a law  against,  377. 

Adventurers  appoint  Petty  their  agent, 
xviii ; he  surveys  their  lands,  xviii ; 
their  claims,  599,  607  ; amount  and 
value  of  the  lands  allotted  them,  136, 
139,  140,  177,  178,  611,  613;  they 
retrench  a third  thereof,  582,  601. 

Advice^  The,  of  IV.  P.  to  Mr  Samuel 
Hartlib,  mentioned,  Ixiv,  118,  633. 

Advocates  in  Ireland,  165. 

Africa,  slaves  from,  296  ; territories  of 
England  in,  285. 

Age  as  a cause  of  death,  348;  a 
desirable  feature  for  the  bills,  491 ; of 
man,  622,  623;  in  Ireland,  144,  145. 

H.  P. 


Aged,  proportion  of,  to  all  who  die, 

352.  360. 

Agra,  population  of,  509. 

Agues  and  fevers  entered  promiscuously 
in  the  bills,  360. 

Air,  how  to  judge  healthfulness  of,  623 ; 
alterations  in,  cause  acute  diseases, 
350,  351  ; country  air  more  healthful 
than  that  of  London,  392,  393  ; 
London  air  than  that  of  Paris,  508  ; 
physical  experiments  upon  air,  324. 

-Albigony,  William,  his  State  of  the 
Netherlands,  cited  by  Petty,  253. 

Aldermen  of  London,  63. 

Ale  and  alehouses  in  Ireland,  146,  215, 
218,  223,  583,  586,  587,  589. 

Algiers  slaves,  512. 

Allhallows  Barking  parish,  383. 

Allhallows  upon  the  Wall  increased  in 
population,  380. 

Alloy  in  money,  85,  444,  445. 

Alms,  how  many  live  upon,  454. 

Alum  in  Ireland,  191,  20911. 

Ambassadors  allowed  freedom  of  wor- 
ship, 70. 

Amber,  83,  209. 

America,  vacant  territory  in,  22;  trans- 
plantation to,  42  ; when  fully  peopled, 
455;  trade  and  shipping  of,  242  n., 
243,  296,  299,  304 ; with  Ireland, 
190;  slaves  in,  296;  women  there 
bear  children  easily,  361. 

Amiens,  291  n. 

Amsterdam,  Petty  in,  xiv ; bills  of 
mortality  of,  40 1,  402;  population 
of,  ^53,  512,  513,  538—543; 

43 


6/4 


Index. 


expense  of  people  of,  253,  254; 
taxes  of,  253 ; value  of  buildings, 
251  ; mention  of,  399,  400,  403, 
404- 

Anabaptists,  200,  423. 

Anatomy  necessary,  129. 

Anglesey,  Arthur  Annesley,  first  Earl, 
charged  with  mismanaging  the  Irish 
revenues,  xxvi ; Pett’s  vindication  of, 
xliii,  xlv ; Petty’s  letters  to,  Ivi, 
240  n.  ; mentioned,  599,  616. 

Anne  of  Cleves  goes  to  Richmond, 
Ixxxi. 

Another  Essay  in  Political  Arithineticlc, 
by  Petty,  457—478,  641. 

Anxiety  hinders  breeding,  374. 

Apparatus  to  the  History  of  Dying, 
Petty’s,  mentioned,  3,  637,  638. 

Apprentices  remain  long  unmarried, 

373.  375- 

Aqua  vitae  exported  from  Ireland,  595. 

Arbutus  in  Ireland,  209. 

Aristippus  and  Diogenes  alluded  to, 
501  n. 

Aristotle  mentioned,  911.,  37811. 

Arithmetical  method.  See  Political 
Arithmetic. 

Arlington,  Sir  Henry  Bennet,  Earl  of, 
i86n.,  212. 

Armagh,  Bishop  of,  163. 

Arms  imported  into  Ireland,  596. 

Army,  expence  of,  116. 

Army  in  Ireland  (in  1641 — 1652),  140, 
141,  185,  599,  607;  (in  1672),  185; 
(in  1687),  589,  590. 

Army  lands  in  Ireland,  xvii,  136, 
139— 141. 

Art  and  Labour,  equation  between,  182. 

Articles  of  peace  of  1648,  153,  618, 
619. 

Artizans,  numbers  of,  293 ; food  of, 

93- 

Arundel,  Earl  of,  his  house  in  Lothbury, 
380. 

Asia,  territories  of  England  in,  285. 

Assessment,  49;  in  1661,  1664  and 
1665,  103;  in  Ireland,  17811.,  179; 
in  London,  460  ; of  personal  estates 
upon  oath,  115. 

Assyria,  paucity  of  people  in,  467  n. 

Astrology,  64. 


Athlone,  court  of,  580,  6or,  612. 

Aulirey,  John,  his  account  of  Petty, 
xiii  11.,  xxxii ; of  Graunt,  xxxiv, 
xxxvii ; of  the  authorship  of  the 
Observations,  xl.  Hi ; letters  to  and 
from  him,  Ivi,  4,  8,  237,  238. 

Augustinians  in  Ireland,  164. 

Autumn  the  unhealthful  season,  369. 

Auzout,  Adrien,  note  on,  526  n.;  men- 
tioned, 522,  523,  526—529,  534,  537, 
538,  541,  543. 

Averages,  law  of,  applied,  305,  462, 
470,  483. 

Bacon,  Sir  Francis,  viscount  St  Albans, 
influence  of  on  Petty,  Ixiii ; quoted 
by  Petty,  Ixiv  n.,  129;  by  Graunt, 
322. 

Bacon  exported  from  Ireland,  594. 

Balance  of  trade,  259 — 260,  313. 

Ballibelaghs,  an  Irish  land  name,  207. 

Baltic,  timber  and  iron  of,  258. 

Bampfield,  Thomas,  speaker,  xix. 

Bandle,  (an  Irish  measure),  20 r. 

Banians,  263. 

Banker,  the  trade  of  a,  447. 

Banks,  26,  28,  36,  82,  261,  265,  446; 
of  Holland,  265;  for  England,  31 1, 
312;  for  Ireland,  187,  219,  222. 

Ban  try,  209. 

Baptising  infants,  religious  opinion 
against,  362. 

Barbadoes,  185,  285,  299,  302. 

Bar  illon,  French  Ambassador  toEngland, 
592  n. 

Barley,  value  of,  275. 

Barnwel,  Mr,  his  verdict  for  land,  590. 

Barometer,  1 70. 

Baronies  of  Ireland,  215. 

Base  metals  as  money,  445. 

Bathurst,  Ralph,  xv  n. 

Bayle,  Pierre,  his  criticisms  of  Petty 
answered,  525. 

Bays  exported  from  England,  296. 

Beaver  imported  from  New  England, 
296. 

Bebb,  Rev.  Llewellyn  John  Montfort,  x. 

Bedlam,  more  are  lunatics  than  die  in, 

355- 

Beef  exported  from  Ireland,  296,  594. 

Beer  as  the  only  excizable  commodity. 


Index. 


675 


93  ; tax  on,  at  Amsterdam,  253  ; 
exported  from  Ireland,  595.  Ale. 

Beggars  and  begging,  7,  20,  30,  189, 

243,  353,  354,  474- 

Bell,  John,  clerk  of  the  Company  of 
Parish  Clerks,  xliii,  Ixxx,  660  ; de- 
fends the  searchers,  Ixxxix  n. ; praises 
Graunt,  Ixxxvii;  his  accuracy,  407  n., 
426 — 428. 

Benefices,  influence  of,  382. 

Benevolence,  65,  66. 

Bergen,  plague  at,  403,  404. 

Bermudas,  285. 

Berwick,  fish  from,  471. 

Bevan,  Dr  Wilson  Lloyd,  on  the 
authorship  of  the  Observations, 
xxxixn.,  xlvi,  xlvii,  xlviiin.,  1. 

Bibliography  of  Graunt,  658 — 660. 

Bibliography  of  Petty,  633 — 657. 

Billiards,  244. 

Bills  of  mortality  of  Dublin,  their 
history,  480 ; Petty’s  Observations 
upon  them,  479 — 498  ; beginning  of 
his  enquiries,  xxiv  n.,  398  n. ; his 
model  bills,  Ixxxix,  485 — 489  ; a bill 
printed  by  Graunt,  421  ; mentioned, 
210. 

Bills  of  Mortality  of  London,  Graunt’s 
Observations  upon,  314 — 431  ; how 
he  came  to  study  the  bills,  xxxv, 
333  ; their  history,  lxxx=:xci,  335 — 
346:  origin,  Ixxx  = Ixxxiii  ; publica- 
tion, Ixxxiii — Ixxxiv  ; area  included, 
Ixxxiv— Ixxxvi,  105,  457,  526,  529, 
536 ; form  and  contents,  Ixxxvii — 
Ixxxviii,  485 — 489,  491;  trustworthi- 
ness, Ixxxviii — xci,  347,  355 — 361, 
365  ; use,  333. 

Bills  weekly,  of  London  for  1597 — 1600 
now  published,  426,  427,  433 — 435. 

Bimetallism,  the  ratio  of  gold  and 
silver,  44411.  See  also  Silver. 

Birch,  Dr  Thomas,  his  labours  on  the 
London  bills,  641. 

Births,  taxation  of,  83 ; registers  of, 
210;  possible  maximum  of,  462; 
are  better  than  burials  for  judging 
of  population,  482. 

Birth  rate,  reasons  for  decline  of  during 
plagues,  366,  367.  See  also  Christen- 
ings. 


Biscayers  in  Ireland,  204. 

Bishops,  powers  of,  631  ; Roman 
Catholic,  in  Ireland,  164. 

Bishops’  numbering  of  the  communi- 
cants, xxxin.,  460,  461  n. 

Bishopsgate  has  lost  its  ancient  trade, 
380. 

Biskets  [perhaps  a misprint  in  original 
for  briskets]  exported  from  Ireland, 
595- 

Blackfriars  parish,  383. 

Blackwall,  536. 

Blood,  circulation  of,  360. 

Bloodshed  abhorred  by  Englishmen, 
354- 

Boats,  irregular  motion  of,  358. 

Bogs,  improvement  of  249. 

Bodley,  Sirjosias,  surveys  Ulster,  176, 

177- 

Bohm-Bawerk,  Eugen  von,  Ixix,  Ixxivn. 

Bombay  added  to  the  king’s  territory, 
302. 

Bongalls,  Irish,  85. 

Bonrepaus,  second  French  plenipoten- 
tiary, letter  to  Seignelay,  578 n. 

Books  generally  too  big,  490. 

Boroughs,  made  by  the  king,  632. 

Bowls,  244. 

Bowood,  Petty  MS.  at,  ix,  Ivin.,  Iviii. 

Boyle,  Michael,  Lord  Chancellor  of 
Ireland,  616. 

Boyle,  Robert,  Petty’s  letters  to,  Ivi. 

Brandenburg,  monopoly  of  amber  in,  83. 

Brandy  imported  from  France,  297. 

Brasenose  Collge,  Oxford,  Petty  made 
fellow  and  vice-principal  of,  xv. 

Breda,  the  Declaration  of,  599,  612. 

Breeders  fewer  in  London  than  in  the 
country,  372,  373. 

Brehon  law,  210. 

Brest,  279. 

Bribery  encouraged  by  high  customs,  55. 

Bricks  burned  with  coals,  304. 

Brief  of  Proceedings  between  Sanchey 
and  Petty,  Petty  writes,  xxi,  634. 

Bristol,  population  of,  506,  538 — 540 ; 
housing  of,  534;  bills  of  mortality 
in,  wanted  by  Petty,  480. 

Britannia  half-pence,  443. 

Brittany,  280. 

Brogues,  188. 


43—2 


676 


Index. 


l)rome,  Alexander,  655. 

llronsdon,  Peter,  praises  Petty’s  timber, 
XXV  n. 

Brouncker,  William,  second  viscount, 
takes  one  of  Petty’s  MSS.,  xxiiin.; 
sends  Graunt’s  Observations  to  Pepys, 
317  ; Petty’s  letters  to,  Ivin.,  480. 

Brouage,  279  n. 

Brown,  John,  of  Connaught,  616. 

Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  xlviii. 

Buckingham,  George  Villiers,  second 
Duke,  defeats  Petty,  xxvii. 

Buckle,  Henry  Thomas,  Ixxvi. 

Building  Trades,  earnings  of  after  the 
Fire,  308,  309. 

Bull,  Major,  ejectment  case  against, 
602. 

Bullibos,  Irish  land  name,  207. 

Bullion,  export  and  import  duties  on, 
92  ; free  exportation  of  advocated, 
445,  446. 

Bullioners,  85. 

Bull’s  Head  Tavern,  early  meetings  of 
the  Royal  Society  of,  xxi,  xxii. 

Burials,  uniformity  of,  535  ; relation  to 
christenings,  369,  370;  to  number  of 
people,  458  ; tables  of : Cranbrook, 
419 — 421;  London,  407 — 409;  Rom- 
sey,  412 — 415;  Tiverton,  416 — 418. 

Burnet,  Gilbert,  Bishop  of  Salisbury, 
on  the  authorship  of  the  Observations, 
xli. 

Butler  family,  168.  See  also  Ormond. 

Butter  produced  in  Ireland,  176;  ex- 
ported, 296,  594;  cost  of,  173. 

Cabins,  Irish,  156,  164,  223,  577,  610; 
number  of,  143  ; their  influence  on 
trade,  190. 

Caen,  Petty  at  school  in,  xiv. 

Cairo,  mortality  at,  402  ; population 
of,  509. 

Calicoes,  imported  from  the  East  Indies, 
296;  into  Ireland,  596. 

Camden,  William,  cited  by  Petty,  8 ; 
by  Cox,  155  n. 

Candles  exported  from  Ireland,  596. 

Canning  Street  has  lost  its  trade,  381. 

Canterbury,  province  of,  persons  in, 
461  n. 

Canvas,  French,  price  of,  88. 


Capers,  imports  of,  309. 

Capitalization,  Petty  on,  Ixxiii. 

Capuchins  in  Ireland,  164. 

Carlingford,  Theobald  Taaffe,  first  earl, 
616. 

Carolina,  285. 

Carp,  Graunt  on  increase  of,  xxxvii, 
4.82. 

Carribee  Islands,  285,  390. 

Carrickfergus,  first  part  of  Ireland 
settled,  204. 

Carthusians  in  Ireland,  164. 

Castration,  purpose  of,  375,  377. 

Casualties,  observations  on,  346 — 352  ; 
particular,  352 — 363  ; tables  of,  351, 
406 ; specified  in  the  bills  of  mortality 
in  1629,  342 ; number  specified 

should  be  reduced,  491. 

Cathedrals  in  repair,  243. 

Catholics  in  Ireland,  164,  167,  498 ; 
lands  of  581,  600;  in  1641  and  1687, 
606  ; gains  and  losses  of  by  changes 
under  James  1 1.,  590,  591  ; project  of 
making  them  considerable  in  1687, 
578,  579»  591- 

Cattle  in  England,  value  of,  106 ; few 
bred  in  Holland,  259 ; in  Ireland, 
raising  of,  173,  174,  559,  563,  566, 
575  ; number  and  value  of,  145,  152, 
174 — 176;  value  of  declined  in 
1687,  583,  590;  exports  of,  especially 
to  England,  xxvi,  31,  160,  161,  244, 

2995  595’  <^o9’  651. 

Celibacy,  25,  377. 

Census  of  Ireland  (1659),  48511.;  of 
London,  xliv,  405;  of  Paris,  5050., 
506  n. ; David’s,  384,  466. 

Chamberlayne,  Dr  Edward,  Ixi,  122, 
123,  284,  308. 

Chapels  for  large  cities,  472. 

Charges,  public,  t8  ; increase  of,  21. 

Charente,  279. 

Charite  hospital  in  Paris,  510. 

Charity,  motives  to,  353. 

Charles  I.,  execution  of,  effect  on 
marriage  rate,  400. 

Charles  H.,  prince  of  philosophers,  323; 
marriage  of,  3 ; dedication  of  Politi- 
cal Anatomy  to,  238,  2390.;  gift  to 
by  adventurers  and  soldiers,  179; 
his  opinion  of  Petty,  xxiii  ; his 


Ifidcx. 


religious  policy,  xxxi  n.;  recommends 
Graunt  as  a fellow  of  the  Royal 
Society,  xxxvi. 

Charter  House  not  included  in  the  bills 
of  mortality,  xc. 

Chatham,  disaster  at,  ■243, 

Cheapside  has  lost  trade,  381. 

Cheese  exported  from  Ireland,  594 ; 
cost  of,  173. 

Chelsea,  42. 

Cheshire,  Graunt  endeavoured  to  secure 
a bill  from,  399. 

Chevreau,  Urban,  his  Histoire  du 
monde  cited  by  Petty,  532. 

Child,  Sir  Josiah,  Ixix. 

Child-bed,  deaths  in,  361. 

Children,  high  mortality  of  first  noted 
by  Graunt,  Ixxvi ; are  about  one 
third  of  all  that  die,  349  ; labour  of, 
144,  308. 

Chimney  tax,  collateral  advantage  of, 
115- 

China,  density  of  population  in, 
542. 

Chinese  Emperor’s  journey  to  Tartary, 
508. 

Choking  accompanies  mother-fits,  359. 

Christ  Church,  Dublin,  164. 

Christ  Church  parish,  383. 

Christ  Church,  Southwark,  Ixxxvi. 

Christ  Church,  Surrey,  included  within 
the  bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxvi. 

Christenings,  when  first  included  in  the 
bills,  Ixxxvii,  xc ; best  basis  for 
calculating  the  population,  366 ; 
neglect  in  the  account  of,  361,  362  ; 
relation  of,  to  burials,  369,  370, 
372>  530;  tables  of;  Cranbrook, 
419 — 421  ; London,  407 — 409  ; 

Romsey,  412 — 415  ; Tiverton,  416 — 
418.  See  Births. 

Chronology,  biblical,  388. 

Chrysoms,  362,  363. 

Church,  charge  of,  19 ; preferments, 
72  ; revenue  of  might  be  increased, 
549>  558,  559>  572,  573;  state  of, 
242;  in  Ireland,  148,  607,  611  ; in 
France,  250. 

Churches  in  London,  not  suitable,  321 ; 
changes  in  size  of,  382  —383,  507. 

Churchwardens,  19,  383. 


677 

Circles,  concentric,  Petty’s  paper  on, 
xxx  n. 

Cities,  large,  advantages  and  disadvan- 
tages of,  290,  470 — 476. 

Civil  militia  of  Ireland,  215. 

Civil  war,  causes  of,  22,  23  ; slaughter 
by,  243  ; effect  on  population,  463, 
469  ; on  the  marriage  rate,  400. 

Clare,  Gilbert  Holies,  third  earl,  616. 

Clancarty,  (PDonough  Maccar thy,  fourth 
earl),  616. 

Clarendon,  Henry  Plyde,  second  earl, 
appointed  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland, 
57711.;  attacked,  613  n.;  speech  to 
council  in  Ireland,  591 — 592  n. 

Clay  imported  into  Ireland,  596. 

Clayton,  Thomas,  resigns  his  professor- 
ship for  Petty,  xv. 

Clergy,  lives  of,  72,  73,  79,  243  ; 
numbers  of,  80,  291,  292;  charge  of, 
559>  560. 

Clergy  of  Ireland,  livings  of,  81,  167, 
566,  567. 

Clipping  coin,  440. 

Cloth,  manufacture  of  gotten  by  Hol- 
landers, 59 ; price  of,  88 ; made 
cheaper  by  division  of  labour,  260 ; 
trade  of,  3011.;  is  lost,  119;  in  Ireland, 
209;  exported  from  England,  296. 

Clothing  of  the  Irish,  191,  201. 

Clover-grass,  288,  303  ; in  the  Nether- 
lands, 251;  on  heath-land,  249. 

Coaches  many  and  splendid,  243,  305  ; 
effect  on  trade,  381  ; number  of  in 
Ireland,  143. 

Coals  as  fuel,  531;  for  London,  471  ; 
increased  use  of,  304 ; effect  of  on 
health,  394 ; trade  in,  296 ; in 
Ireland,  589,  596. 

Coastline  of  England  and  France,  293. 

Cobs,  186,  187,  221. 

Cocoa,  imports  of,  from  America,  296. 

Cockran,  Mr,  bought  MSS.  of  Petty’s, 
Iviii  n. 

Coffee  imported,  58. 

Cogan,  Henry,  to  Pennington,  407  n. 

Coin,  amount  of,  106 ; part  of 

national  wealth,  34 ; melted  when 
superfluous,  446;  effect  of  reducing 
weight  of,  on  prices,  441;  on  debts, 
442>  443- 


Index. 


678 

Coinage,  Petty  on,  Ixix  ; royal  power 
of,  631. 

Colbert,  Jean-Baptiste,  242  n.,  252  n. 

Colemanstreet  parish,  383. 

Coleraine,  salmon  fishing  near,  209 ; 
housing  of  increased,  303. 

Collection  of  taxes,  cost  of,  35,  56, 
^ 473- 

College  of  Physicians  in  Dublin,  xxxn., 
165. 

Colleges,  dividends  of,  81. 

ColloquiiiDi  Davidis  cum  Anima  sua, 
translated  by  Petty,  xxviii,  638. 

Colonies,  planting  of,  455  ; profit  of 
571- 

Coloony,  Richard  Coote,  second  lord, 

6r6. 

Colps,  206. 

Commerce  and  large  towns,  473  ; of 
London,  greater  than  that  of  Paris 
and  Rouen,  507. 

Commodities  and  riches  pro  hinc  et 
nunc,  260  ; the  sale  of  depends  on 
the  use  that  foreigners  have  for  them, 
442. 

Common  Pleas  in  Ireland,  163. 

Commons,  improvement  of,  303. 

Communicants,  half  the  people,  393. 

“Compendium,”  Petty’s,  118. 

Compton,  Henry,  Bishop  of  London, 
631  n. 

Condorcet,  Marie  Jean  Antoine  Nicolas 
Caritat,  marquis  de,  Ixxvi  n. 

Confectures  manufactured  in  Portugal, 
258. 

Conformists,  number  of  in  1676,  46111. 

Connaught,  presidential  court  of,  163; 
protestants’  purchases  of  lands  in, 
138;  surveyed,  177,  value  of  lands, 
177,  606;  transplantations  to,  200, 
580. 

Conscience.  See  Liberty  of  Conscience. 

Constable,  office  of,  19;  in  Ireland, 
163. 

Constantinople,  plague  at,  403  ; popu- 
lation of,  509. 

Consumption,  searchers  can  recognize 
it,  348  ; as  a mask  for  the  pox,  356. 

Consumption,  productive  and  destruc- 
tive, 269,  270 ; the  true  basis  of 
taxation,  91,  271. 


Conveyances,  fraudulent,  264,  265. 

Convulsions  fall  upon  children,  349. 

Cooper,  Austin,  had  MSS.  of  Petty’s, 
Iviii  n. 

Cooper,  Samuel,  miniaturist,  xxxiv. 

Coote,  Charles  Henry,  on  maps  of 
London,  533  n. 

Copenhagen,  plague  at,  403,  404. 

Copper,  as  money,  85,  445  ; imported 
into  Ireland,  598. 

Copper  works,  Petty’s,  at  Kenmare, 

XXV. 

Copperas,  substitute  for,  19 1. 

Cordage  imported  into  Ireland,  596. 

Cork,  city,  209;  county,  215. 

•Cork,  importation  of,  309. 

Corn,  the  chief  food  of  the  multitude, 
81;  exported  from  Ireland,  595;  no 
want  of  in  England,  294 ; price  of, 
275  ; tax  on  at  Amsterdam,  253 ; 
value  of,  Ixxiii,  43,  48 ; compared 
with  silver,  50,  51,  89,  90. 

Cornell  University  Library,  318. 

Cornwall,  towns  in,  grown  less  populous, 

370- 

Coronations  and  plagues,  369. 

Corporations  expedient  for  Irish  trade, 
190,  222. 

Costs,  relation  of,  to  value,  Ixxiii. 

Cotton,  imports  of  from  America,  296 ; 
into  Ireland,  596. 

Cottons  exported  from  England,  296. 

Council  for  Irish  Industry  proposed, 

575- 

Council  office  in  Dublin  burned,  Iv. 

Counterfeiting,  danger  of,  86. 

Counties  in  Ireland,  meaning  of,  206 ; 
their  value  176 — 180;  their  number, 
215- 

Country,  proportion  of  breeders  in 
greater  than  in  London,  482  ; less 
apt  to  produce  males,  389  ; supplies 
people  to  London,  370,  371  ; more 
healthful  than  the  city,  392,  393 ; 
deaths  in,  461,  462,  535,  536,  610. 

“Country  parish.  The,”  is  Roinsey, 
xlvii,  xlviii,  412  n. 

Country  bills  of  mortality,  Graunt  on, 
388—394. 

Court  of  Claims,  Ireland,  viii,  153, 
185,  581,  606;  Ormond  in,  614. 


Index. 


Court  of  Grace,  Ireland,  580. 

Court  of  Innocence,  Ireland,  580,  601  ; 
deprives  Petty  of  lands,  xxiv. 

Court  of  Wards,  Irish,  abolished,  '27211. 

Courts  of  Ireland,  163,  568;  cost  of,  598. 

Covent  Garden,  broad  streets  of,  suited 
for  coaches,  381. 

Covent  Garden  parish,  see  St  Paul’s. 

Cowes,  housing  increased  in,  303. 

Cowkeepers,  Hollanders  rid  themselves 
cf  being,  267. 

Cox,  Sir  Richard,  and  Petty,  xxviii ; 
on  Political  Anatomy.,  123 — 124; 
his  History  of  Ireland,  652. 

Cracow,  plague  at,  403. 

Cranbrook,  mentioned,  317,  399,  400; 
table  for,  4 19-421. 

Credit,  nature  of,  53,  447. 

Cripplegate  a large  parish,  382. 

Cromwell,  Henry,  Petty  becomes  phy- 
sician to,  XV ; his  friendship  for 
Petty,  xviii — xx ; he  acquiesces  in 
the  Rump  government,  xvi ; Petty’s 
letters  to  him,  Ivi. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  his  degree  from 
Oxford,  xix  n.  ; effect  of  his  death, 
xix ; invites  New  Englanders  to  re- 
turn, 302  n. 

Cromwell,  Richard,  dissolves  Parlia- 
ment, XX. 

Crown  lands,  38 ; revenue  from,  in; 
might  be  increased,  562. 

Crusadoes,  Portuguese,  in  Ireland,  186. 

Culling  the  coin  in  Ireland,  184. 

Cunningham,  Rev.  Dr  William,  ix. 

Currants,  tax  upon,  50,  275, 

Custom,  long,  as  regulator,  243. 

Customs,  nature  of,  54,  92 ; original 
purpose  of,  83;  between  England 
and  Ireland,  219;  collateral  advan- 
tages of,  115  ; inconveniences  of,  56  ; 
Irish,  receipts  from,  197,  586 — 588  ; 
measures  of,  55 ; outward,  55 ; in- 
ward, 56;  of  the  three  kingdoms, 
value  of,  296 ; on  finished  goods, 
luxuries  and  raw  materials,  56 ; sub- 
stitute for,  57. 

Danby,  Sir  Thomas  Osborne,  Earl  of, 
letter  to  Ormond,  xxixn. ; orders  a 
religious  census,  xxxi  n. 


679 

Danes,  cowkeepers  for  the  Hollanders, 
267. 

Dantzig,  shipping  of,  251  ; plague  at, 
403,  404. 

Darwin,  Charles,  Ixxix. 

Davenant,  Charles,  Ixxvii,  650. 

David,  cited  by  Graunt,  352;  by  Petty, 
622;  his  census,  384,  466;  a psalm 
of,  translated  by  Petty,  xxviii,  638. 

Davies,  Sir  John,  cited  by  Petty,  155. 

Death,  causes  of  in  London,  in  1632, 
342—344 ; how  ascertained,  Ixxxix, 
346  ; accuracy  of  report,  348 — 352. 

Death  penalty,  67. 

Death-rate,  in  city  and  country,  the 
difference  of,  first  noted  by  Graunt, 
Ixxvi. 

Debentures  of  Irish  lands,  152,  599; 
number  of,  594  ; value  of,  593,  594, 
596,  606 — 608;  trade  in,  616. 

Debts,  effect  of  debased  money  on, 
44'2,  443- 

Declarations  of  Indulgence,  James’s, 
XXX— xxxi,  561,  592,  605. 

De  Clifford,  Edward  Southwell  Clifford, 
eighteenth  lord,  Iviii,  123,  236. 

Deeds,  forged,  in  Ireland,  581,  598. 

Defalcations  in  Ireland,  196. 

Delhi,  population  of,  509. 

De  Morgan,  Augustus,  on  the  author- 
ship of  the  Obsej'vations,  xxxix,  xlvii. 

Denmark,  shipping  of,  251. 

Deptford,  536. 

Derham,  Rev.  William,  Ixxvii — Ixxviii. 

Descartes,  Rene,  mentioned  by  Petty, 
286. 

Desmond,  209. 

Deventer,  403. 

Devonshire,  Lord  William  Cavendish, 
Duke  of,  631  n. 

Dialogue  of  Diamonds,  624 — 630. 

Diamonds,  imported  from  the  East 
Indies,  296. 

Dice,  244. 

Digby,  Sir  Kenelm,  his  experiments, 
Ixiv. 

Dillon,  Theobald,  seventh  viscount, 
616. 

Diminishing  returns  unknown  to  Petty, 
Ixxiii ; cf.  51,  52. 

Dioceses,  inequality  of,  301. 


68o 


Index. 


Diogenes  and  Aristippus  alluded  to, 
501  n. 

Discourse  concerning  the  Making  of 
Cloth,  Petty’s,  mentioned,  3. 

Discourse  of  Duplicate  Proportion,  by 
Petty,  extracts  from,  239 — 240  n., 
622 — 624;  mentioned,  38611.,  638. 

Diseases,  Graunt’s  descriptions  of,  xlvi ; 
table  of,  351  ; three  classes  of,  491  ; 
wlien  specified  in  the  bills,  342, 
Ixxxviii ; chronic,  350 ; are  more 
regular  than  epidemic,  352  ; acute, 
proportion  of  deaths  due  to,  349, 
350 ; depend  on  alterations  of  the 
air,  350. 

Dissenters,  characters  of,  262  ; case  of, 
263  ; number  of  in  London,  423  ; 
indulgence  for,  302.  See  Noncon- 
formists. 

Dissenting  divines  to  be  beneficed, 

567.  568. 

Distribution,  problem  of,  not  treated 
by  Petty,  Ixxiv. 

Divinity,  unintelligible  notions  of,  396. 

Division  of  labour,  260,  473  ; limited 
by  the  extent  of  the  market,  255, 
256. 

Doctors’  Commons,  507. 

Domesday  Book,  referred  to  by  Petty, 

463. 

Dominicans  in  Ireland,  164. 

“ Double  bottom,”  Petty’s  vessel,  xxii, 
xxiii,  XXX,  3. 

Double  writing,  Petty’s  machine  for, 
xiv,  74.  633. 

Downing,  Sir  George,  252  n. 

Down  Survey,  account  of,  xvi — xviii  ; 
Petty’s  papers  on,  are  burned,  Iv ; his 
description  of,  614,  615  ; mentioned, 

568,  570,  485  n. 

Drapers’  Company,  Graunt  a member 
of,  xxxiv. 

Drapery  exported  from  Ireland,  595. 

Dreams,  nature  of,  286. 

Drugs,  imported  from  the  East  Indies, 
296. 

Dublin,  ale  houses  of,  146;  births, 
482,  486;  burials,  482,  486;  census 
of  in  1659,  485  n. ; city  government, 
165  ; families,  hearths  and  houses  in, 
M3>  215,  303,  484,  485,  490,  496, 


497,  534 ; fish  at,  209 ; fortification 
of,  147  ; parishes  of,  490;  plague  at, 
151;  population  of,  398,  399,  498, 
538 — 540  ; compared  with  London, 
490 ; larger  than  Bristol,  506 ; pro- 
testants  in,  148,  589;  general  sta- 
tistics of,  496,  588,  589.  See  Bills. 

Dublin  Castle,  143. 

Dublin,  Philosophical  Society,  Petty’s 
relation  to,  xxiii,  xxx. 

Dublin  University,  162,  165,  61 1. 

Ducatoons,  221. 

Duelling,  77. 

Duke’s  Place  built  up  before  1662, 
380. 

Dunkirk,  279. 

Dunsany,  Christopher  Plunkett,  tenth 
baron,  his  verdict  for  land,  590,  591, 
602. 

Durdens,  Surrey,  Petty  withdraws 
thither  during  the  Plague,  xxiv. 

Dying  in  Ireland,  191,  596. 

Dye-stuffs  of  Turkey  worked  in  Holland, 
258. 

Earnings  of  the  Irish,  189. 

Earth,  interior  of,  455. 

East  India  Company,  243. 

East  Indies,  linen  from,  119;  imports 
from,  296 ; exports  of  money  to, 
439,  440  ; trade  of,  278. 

Ecclesiastical  government  of  Ireland, 
164. 

Economies,  the  term,  Ixxi  n. 

Edgehill,  battle  of,  619. 

Education,  public,  19 ; Petty’s  Advice 
to  Hartlib  for  the  Advancement  of 
Learning,  xv. 

Egmont,  John  Perceval,  first  earl, 
630  n. 

Election  to  office,  23. 

Elejuents,  The,  of  Ireland,  tract  by 
Petty,  545—621. 

Elizabeth’s  plantations  in  Ireland,  136, 
167. 

Employment  for  people,  29,  30,  118; 
in  Ireland,  147. 

Emporium,  fittest  spot  for,  455. 

Emulators,  numerous,  promote  arts, 
474- 

England  (sometimes  including  Wales), 


Index. 


68 1 


area  of,  105,  284,  285,  371,  558; 
population  of,  105,  371,  463,  464, 
467  n.,  558,  572 ; density  of,  217;  not 
fully  peopled,  21,  68,  455;  trade  of, 
312,  354;  imports,  273,  309; 
exports,  295 — 297  ; superlucration 
of,  292  n. ; wealth  of  doubled,  302  ; 
revenues  of  increased,  305  : impedi- 
ments to  the  greatness  of,  298 — 302  ; 
bears  the  whole  charge  of  foreign 
wars,  299 ; England  and  France 
compared,  Ixxii,  293 — 297  ; and  the 
Netherlands,  117. 

Englaiid^s  Guide  to  Industry,  book  by 
Petty,  238,  640. 

English  in  Ireland,  300  ; numbers  of, 
141,  142,  598;  are  aliens,  243; 

hardships,  159,  220,  600;  efficiency 
as  soldiers,  593 ; importance  in  trade, 
594- 

English  language  in  Ireland,  568,  570, 
575,  577- 

Englishmen  abhor  bloodshed,  354. 

Ent,  George,  xxvii,  xxxvi,  538  n. 

Epidemics,  172;  effect  of  on  the  health 
of  London,  347.  See  also  Diseases. 

Episcopacy,  24. 

Equity  and  Law,  differences  between, 

300. 

Essay,  An,  in  Political  Arithmetick 
concerning  the  Value  and  Encrease  of 
People  and  Colonies,  syllabus  of, 
454 — 455- 

Essay  on  the  Multiplication  of  Mankind, 
by  Petty,  lost,  453,  642. 

Essex,  Arthur  Capel,  Earl  of,  on  land 
titles  in  Ireland,  xxiv ; on  Petty, 
xxviii;  favours  Sir  James  Shaen, 
xxix ; letters  by,  18611.,  212;  men- 
tioned, i66,  212. 

Eustace,  Sir  Maurice,  616. 

Evelyn,  John,  his  opinion  of  Petty, 
xxxii — xxxiii ; as  a Latin  poet,  xxviii 
n.;  of  Lady  Petty,  xxxii;  on  the 
authorship  of  the  London  Observa- 
tions, xxxix — xl,  lii,  liii. 

Exchange,  nature  of,  Ixxiv ; as  “ local 
interest,”  47,  447  ; rate  of,  48,  187  ; 
laws  limiting,  447  ; in  Ireland,  185, 
186. 

Exchange,  The.  See  Royal  Exchange. 


Exchequer  of  Ireland,  163,  195. 

Excise,  91 — 95;  advantages  of,  115; 
on  houses,  46 ; on  consumption,  6 1 ; 
accumulative,  93  ; in  Ireland,  586  — 
588  ; London’s  share  of,  473. 

Exercise  promotes  breeding,  374. 

Exeter,  housing  increased  in,  303. 

Expectation  of  life,  45,  384,  386,  387. 

Expenditure,  national,  of  England, 

5^7-  _ 

Expenditures,  personal,  of  Englishmen, 
Ixxi,  78,  91,  105,  III,  294,  305,  306, 
559»  572,  574  ; of  Dutchmen,  253, 
254;  of  Frenchmen,  294;  of  Irish- 
men, 188,  216,  559,  588. 

“ Experiment,”  Petty’s  boat,  xxiii. 

Experimentation  precluded  in  econo- 
mics, Ixiv — Ixvi. 

Experiments  to  be  made  relating  to 
Land -Carriage,  by  Petty,  641. 

Exports  a touchstone  to  try  wealth, 
278;  to  be  kept  account  of,  568; 
prohibition  of,  59,  60 ; of  money, 
87;  from  Ireland,  198,  575.  See 
also  Customs. 

Eyres,  John,  616. 

Factions  in  a large  city,  472. 

Fall  of  man,  617. 

Families,  size  and  numbers  of,  527, 
528,  534;  in  Ireland,  142  ; in  Dublin, 

485.  ^ 

Farming  of  taxes  disapproved,  95;  in 
Ireland,  xxvi — xxix,  185,  195,  196, 
216. 

Farthings,  quantity  of  required,  447. 

Fashions  minted  in  France,  297. 

Favourites,  33  ; are  granted  lotteries, 
65. 

Feathers  exported  from  Ireland,  596. 

Fees,  75,  76;  retrenchment  of,  25,  26; 
effect  of  on  registry,  362. 

Females.  See  Males  and  females. 

Fellows  of  colleges,  375. 

Fenchurch  street  has  lost  its  trade, 
380. 

Fens,  draining  of,  303. 

Fever,  at  Romsey,  391;  purple,  fore- 
runs the  plague,  366. 

Fevers  and  agues  entered  promiscuously 
in  the  bills,  360. 


682 


Index. 


Fifth,  a tax,  84. 

Fiftl)  monarchy  men,  71. 

Fines,  68 — 71. 

Fingallians,  206. 

Finsbury  Fields,  42. 

Fire  in  Essex  Street,  Dublin,  in  1711,178. 

Fire  insurance,  public,  83. 

Fire  of  London,  Petty’s  losses  by, 
xxiii ; Graunt’s  relation  to,  xli ; its 
effect  on  him,  xxxvii ; on  the  parishes 
within  the  bills,  Ixxxiv  ; mentioned, 
243.  507- 

Fish,  number  of,  455  ; exported  from 
Ireland,  595  ; imported  from  New 
England,  296. 

Fish  supply  of  London,  471. 

Fisheries,  how  encouraged,  59 ; in 
Ireland,  145. 

Fishing  trade,  profit  of  to  the  Hol- 
landers, 257,  309;  is  declining, 

242  n. 

Fitton,  Sir  Alexander,  Lord  Chancellor 
of  Ireland,  616. 

Fitzmaurice,  Lord  Edmond,  ix,  Iviii ; 
his  Life  of  Petty.,  viii,  xiii,  655,  656. 

Pdtzgerald,  Edward,  613  n. 

Fitz  Gerald  family,  168. 

Five  Essays  in  Political  Arithmeticlc, 
by  Petty,  521—544,  644. 

Flanders,  husbandry  in,  249,  25011. 

Flax,  on  heath-land,  249  ; brought 
from  France,  119;  in  Ireland,  272  — 
274;  statute  for  planting  flax,  218, 
223  ; in  the  Netherlands,  251,  259. 

Fleetu^ood,  Charles,  in  Ireland,  xvi, 
note. 

Fleet-street,  42,  trade  of,  381. 

Flesh  seldom  eaten  in  Ireland,  191. 

Flood,  population  of  the  world  since 
the,  465,  477. 

Florence,  Duke  of,  his  diamond,  627. 

Food,  cheapness  of  in  England,  244, 
288;  at  London,  531;  in  Ireland, 
19 1 ; and  wages,  181  ; wholesome- 
ness of,  and  chronic  disease,  351  — 
35^- 

Footmanship  of  the  Irish,  166. 

Foreign  goods,  expense  of  Ireland  for, 
587  ; to  be  discouraged  there,  222. 

P'oreign  trade,  theory  of,  87 — 89,  309  ; 
produces  wealth,  295. 


Forests,  imjirovement  of,  303. 

Forfeited  land  in  Ireland,  area  and 
value  of,  168,  598,  599,  618;  dis- 
position of,  61 1. 

Fornication  punished,  69  ; reason  for 
law  against,  377  ; hinders  breeding, 
373- 

Fortrey,  Samuel,  252  n.,  297  n.,  309. 

Fortune  telling,  64. 

Foster,  Prof.  Michael,  ix. 

P'oundling,  20,  28,  29. 

P'ournier,  Georges,  his  Hydrographie 
cited  by  Petty,  280,  284. 

Fowl,  number  of,  455. 

France,  ai’ea  of,  250,  284,  285  ; map 
'of,  250;  population,  291,  46711.; 
wealth,  242,  250;  interest  in,  254; 
superlucration  of,  254,  29211.;  exports 
and  imports,  252,  283,  297,  309  ; 
gabelle,  55,  74,  83 ; harbours,  278, 
279,  283;  sea  power,  251,  278 — 280; 
manufactures  paper,  258;  has  many 
churchmen,  263;  revenues  of,  252 — 
253,  254,  271,  272  ; offended  by  the 
Political  Arithmetick,  238,  240; 

would  not  gain  by  possessing  Ireland, 
156 — 157;  splendour  of  the  court, 
295  ; Petty’s  comparisons  of  with 
England,  Ixxii. 

France,  and  a universal  monarchy, 
467  11. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  adopts  a passage 
from  Petty,  Ixxiii  11. 

Fraternity  of  Physicians,  165. 

Free  ports,  60,  61. 

Free  schools,  abundance  of,  72. 

Freight  of  English  shipping,  value  of, 
296. 

French,  Nicholas,  61311. 

French  pox,  355,  356. 

French  language  used  in  Ireland,  igi. 

Frenchnien,  number  of,  estimated  to  be 
in  London,  383  11. 

P’riars,  in  Ireland,  164. 

Frieze,  201  ; exported  from  England, 
296;  from  Ireland,  595. 

Fruit,  tax  on,  at  Amsterdam,  253. 

Fuel  cheap  at  London,  531.  See  also 
Coals, 

Fuller’s  earth,  prohibition  to  export, 

59- 


Index. 


Furniture,  imported  from  France,  297  ; 
splendour  of,  305. 

Further  Assertion  of  the  Propositions 
concerning  London,  Petty’s,  643. 

Further  Obso'vation  upon  the  Dublin- 
Bills,  by  Petty,  493—498,  643. 

Gabelle  in  France,  55,  74,  83. 

Gamesters  do  not  add  to  wealth,  195, 
196. 

Gardens  in  London,  filling  up  of,  381. 

Garrans,  166,  173,  175. 

Gelding,  purpose  of,  375,  377. 

General  bill  of  mortality.  See  Bills. 

Geneva,  mortality  in,  386  n. 

Genoa,  merchants  in,  263  ; plague  at, 
403,  404. 

Gentlemen  put  younger  sons  to  trade, 

312,  313- 

Geographical  Description  of  the  King- 
dotn  of  Ireland,  based  on  Petty’s 
surveys,  651. 

Gilbert,  William,  177. 

Glass  for  measuring  diamonds,  626. 

Glorified  bodies,  meaning  of,  455. 

Glue  exported  from  Ireland,  594. 

Gneeres,  206. 

Goddard,  Dr  Jonathan,  xxi,  xxxvi. 

Gold  as  money,  183  ; when  debased, 
84 ; not  money  but  a commodity 
next  like  to  money,  444 ; formerly 
abundant,  now  (1676)  scarce,  242; 
art  of  making,  if  known  would  but 
exalt  silver,  395  ; imported  into 
Ireland,  596 ; for  entries  of  Gold 
and  Silver  jointly,  see  Silver. 

Goldsmiths  melt  money,  85. 

Gookin,  Vincent,  xvii,  7,  656,  657. 

Gorges,  Dr,  ejectment  case  against,  602. 

Gout,  356,  360. 

Government,  forms  of,  23 ; effect  of 
popular  government  on  trade,  263  ; 
internal  and  mystical  government  of 
Ireland,  164. 

Governours,  charge  of,  18. 

Grace  Church  Street,  trade  of,  380. 

Granard,  Earl  of,  166. 

Grand  Cairo,  mortality  at,  402  ; popu- 
lation of,  509. 

Grand  juries  in  Ireland  raise  monies, 
196. 


683 

Grant,  Edward,  the  classicist,  xxxviii. 

Grass,  Samuel,  318. 

Graunt,  Henry,  xxxiv. 

Graunt,  John,  life  of,  xxxiv — xxxviii ; 
birth,  xxxiv;  tastes,  xxxiv;  education, 
XXXV.  The  Natural  and  Political 
Obso'vations  published,  xxxv ; why 
reprinted,  viii ; Graunt’s  claim  to 
their  authorship,  xxxix — liv,  320, 
322  ; action  of  the  Royal  Society 
upon  the  Observations,  xxxvi ; he 
becomes  a fellow,  xxxvi ; falsely 
charged  with  causing  the  Fire  of 
London,  xli ; his  losses  by  the  h'ire, 
xxxvii ; his  conversion  to  Roman 
Catholicism,  xxxvii,  xlv ; his  death, 
xxxvii;  opinionsof  his  contemporaries, 
xxxvii,  xxxviii ; his  methods  and 
merits  as  a statistician,  xlvii,  xlix, 
Ixvi,  Ixxv — Ixxix  ; his  faults,  Ixxvi, 
Ixxvii ; the  chief  facts  which  he 
discovered,  Ixxv,  Ixxvii;  his  influence 
upon  Petty,  Ixx,  Ixxix ; on  later 
statistical  writers,  Ixxvii,  Ixxix. 

Graunt,  John,  his  Observations,  315 — 
431;  appendix  to,  432—4351  bib- 
liography of,  658 — 660  ; accuracy  of 
the  tables  in,  407  n.,  4 1 2 n.,  426 — 428  ; 
cited  by  Petty,  27,  45,  80,  303,  458, 
461,  481,  483,  485,  526,  527,  534, 
535>  541  > bo8,  610  : otherwise  men- 
tioned, 14511.,  45911.,  46711. 

Graunt,  Mary,  xxxiv. 

Gray’s  Inn,  507. 

Great  Case  ( The)  of  Transplantatioii  in 
Ireland,  not  by  Petty,  655 — 657. 

Green,  Ann,  resuscitated  by  Petty,  xv. 

Green  sickness,  xlvi,  358. 

Gresham  College,  317,  322,  32411., 
334  ; telescopes  at,  358  ; Petty  made 
professor  of  music  at,  xv,  xxxiv ; 
Royal  Society  meets  there,  xxii. 

Guernsey,  298,  299. 

Guinea  trade,  shipping  employed  in, 
304- 

Gunpowder  imported  into  Ireland,  596. 

Haarlem,  plague  at,  403. 

Hackney,  included  within  the  bills, 
Ixxxv,  344 ; not  properly  part  of 
London,  423;  is'a  part  of  London, 


hidcx. 


684 

529;  not  less  l)aiTen  Ilian  London, 
371 — 373;  table  for,  410. 

Hale,  Sir  Matthew,  on  Graunt’s  Ob- 
servations^ xlv;  cited  by  Petty,  463. 

Halifax,  Sir  George  Savile,  first  mar- 
quis of,  631  n. ; his  recoinage  project, 
Ixi,  438,  439. 

Halley,  Edmund,  on  the  authorship  of 
the  Obse7'vations,  xli ; Graunt’s  in- 
fluence on,  Ixxvii ; letter  of  H. 
Justel  to,  522,  523. 

Hamburg,  shipping  of,  251. 

Hampshire,  a parish  in  (i.e.  Romsey), 
371,  412. 

Hands  the  father  of  wealth,  Ixxi,  68, 

377- 

Harbours  of  Holland  and  of  France, 

257- 

Hardinge,  W.  H.,  on  Petty’s  accuracy, 
xxi  n. ; on  his  Essay  on  Ireland^ 
548. 

Harrington,  Sir  James,  influence  upon 
Petty,  Ixii ; political  ideas,  23. 

Hartlib,  vSamuel,  Petty’s  friend,  xv ; 
letters  to,  Ivi. 

Hawkins,  Mr,  222. 

Health  of  the  city  judged  by  the  bills 
of  mortality,  347. 

Heart  beats  3000  times  an  hour,  360. 

Hearth  money,  nature  of,  64 ; the  best 
accumulative  excise,  94;  imposed  in 
England,  460  n. ; in  London  and  in 
the  country,  473;  in  Ireland,  190, 
27211.,  farmed,  497;  payment  of  in 
flax  proposed,  272,  273. 

Hearths,  and  population,  534 ; in 
Ireland,  610;  in  Dublin,  497. 

Heath,  improvement  of,  249,  303. 

Heberden,  Dr  William,  his  labours  on 
the  London  bills,  641. 

Hemp,  statute  for  planting,  in  Ireland, 
218,  223;  Russian,  worked  in  Holland, 

258. 

Henry  II.,  his  invasion  of  Ireland, 

157- 

Henry  VI I. ’s  chapel,  531. 

Henry  VIIL,  feared  the  plague,  Ixxxi. 

Herring  exported  from  Ireland,  216, 

29^>  595- 

Ilerring-tax,  proposed  for  Scotland, 

277- 


Heterodoxy,  causes  of,  263  ; extent  of, 
362;  effect  of  on  trade,  263,  264; 
punishment  of,  22,  70 — 73. 

Hibernice  Delinealio,  studio  Guilielmi 
Petty ^ 651. 

Hides  exported  from  Ireland,  296, 
594,  609;  from  New  England,  296. 

Highlands  of  Scotland,  a proposition  for 
quitting,  285 — 290. 

Highways,  charge  of,  20;  making  of, 

29- 

Hill,  Dr  Abraham,  624 — 62511. 

History,  The,  of  Arts,  Petty  writes, 
1 1 8 11. 

History  of  the  Dowti  Survey,  Petty 
writes,  xxi,  650,  651. 

History,  The,  of  Trades,  Petty  writes, 
XV,  11811.,  653. 

Hoarding  of  good  money,  443. 

Hobbes,  Thomas,  Petty  studies  with 
him  in  Paris,  xiv ; how  far  his 
disciple,  Ixi,  Ixiii;  his  theory  of 
value,  Ixxiii ; his  opinion  on  reading, 
Ixi. 

Hodge,  W.  B.,  on  the  authorship  of 
the  Obset'vatiotis,  xxxix,  li. 

Llodges,  Dr  Nathaniel,  Ivii. 

Hodgkin,  J.  Eliot,  ix,  Ivin.,  212. 

Holborn,  42,  381. 

Holidays  in  Ireland,  216,  218,  223. 

Lloly  Bible  used  by  Petty,  198,  263, 
384,  464—467,  477,  478,  577;  as 
law,  67. 

Hoyhead,  204. 

Hooke,  Robert,  xxiv. 

Hops,  imported  into  Ireland,  596,  609. 

Horace  quoted  by  Petty,  49,  60,  501. 

Horn  for  measuring  dianionds,  626. 

Horse,  English,  31;  duty  on,  55; 
what  one  can  transport,  249,  250 ; 
Irish,  166,  173,  175  ; exported,  594. 

Horse  (troops)  of  special  advantage  in 
Islands,  275. 

Horseinens’  beds,  207. 

Hospital  and  Free  .School  of  King 
Charles  11.  in  Dublin,  165. 

Hospital  for  Soldiers,  Dublin,  166. 

Hospitals  advocated,  29;  of  London 
and  Paris  compared,  508,  530  ; were 
omitted  from  the  London  bills,  xc. 

Hotel  des  Invalidcs,  166. 


Index. 


685 


Hotel  Dieu,  hospital  in  Paris,  508,  510, 
511,  528,  603. 

Hours  of  labour,  no. 

Houses  (or  Housing),  of  England  and 
Wales,  105,  106;  has  increased, 

303;  of  London,  105,  385,  459,  533  ; 
of  Ireland,  142 — 144,  132,  175,  288, 
583,  610;  of  Scotland,  288;  taxation 
of,  40;  at  Amsterdam,  253. 

Howel,  Janies,  his  Londonopolis  cited 
by  Sir  Peter  Pett,  xliv. 

Hayls,  John,  portrait  painter,  xxxiv. 

Huguenots  greatest  traders  in  France, 
263. 

Hume,  David,  Ixx. 

Husbandmen,  wages  of,  259;  Hol- 
landers seldom  are,  267. 

Husey,  Mr,  his  verdict  for  land,  590. 

Hyde,  Henry.  See  Clarendon. 

Idlers,  employment  for,  59;  public 
support  of,  269. 

Idiots  as  state  wards,  83. 

Imperial  federation  proposed  by  Petty, 
298,  299. 

Imports,  duties  on,  92 ; prohibition  of, 
60;  of  Ireland,  584 — 588. 

Impotents,  maintenance  of,  20,  261 ; 
in  Ireland,  144,  189. 

Incidence  of  land  tax,  36,  39 ; of 
tithes,  39. 

Inchiquin,  William  O’Brien,  second 
earl,  136,  616. 

Income,  national,  Ixxi — Ixxii ; relation 
of  to  wealth,  Ixxiii. 

Incurables,  hospital  for,  51 1. 

Independents  in  Ireland,  200. 

India,  religion  of,  263;  rice  in,  181. 

Indigo  imported  into  Ireland,  191; 
from  America,  296. 

Indulgence.  See  Declarations. 

Infant,  meaning  of  in  the  bills  of 
mortality,  348;  starved  at  nurse, 
352- 

Infant  mortality,  noted  by  Graunt, 
Ixxvi,  rate  of,  349,  622. 

Ingoldsby,  Sir  Henry,  xxv,  n.,  616. 

Ingram,  John  Kells,  on  Petty,  vii. 

Inheritance  taxes  apparently  alluded 
to,  83. 

Innate  heat,  348. 


Innocents  in  Ireland,  136,  14 1,  153, 
i79>  582,  598,  6or,  612,  613; 

Petty’s  opinion  of,  xxiv.  See  also 
Court  of  Innocence. 

Inns  of  Court,  charge  of,  26. 

Insurance,  fire,  54;  maritime,  54,  57; 
by  government,  83. 

Interest,  Petty’s  theory  of,  Ixxiii,  Ixxiv, 
47,  446 — 448  ; rate  of,  243;  includes 
an  insurance  premium,  447,  448;  has 
fallen,  304;  cause  of  low,  261;  laws 
limiting,  447,  448;  in  Ireland,  221; 
in  France  and  Holland,  254. 

Inventors,  74,  75. 

Invisible  College,  an  early  name  for 
the  Royal  Society,  xxi. 

Ireland — Physical  features  : area,  135, 
214,  215,  478;  climate,  170,  171; 
mines,  223;  natural  abundance,  6, 
272,  273. 

Ireland — Fopidatiotf.  in  1641,  149 — 
151,  600,  6or;  in  1652 — 53,  149, 
600,  60  r,  610;  census  of  in  1659, 
48511.;  in  1672,  141,  142,  149,  214; 
in  1676,  272;  in  1687,  543,  544, 
558,  600,  601,  610;  diminished  by 
tumults,  303,  608;  underpeopled,  6, 
46,  217,  272,  455,  467  n. 

Ireland — Lands-,  general,  135 — 14 1; 
surveys,  6,  176,  206,  214,  215;  titles, 
xxiv,  46,  61 1 ; values,  46,  176 — 180, 
182,  558,  565,  588;  to  be  bought  by 
the  king,  577.  See  also  Absentees. 

Ireland — Government  •.  general,  162 — 
165,  568,  600;  cost  of,  560;  a 

burden  to  England,  242,  285 — 290, 
578;  proposed  sale  of,  285—290; 
proposed  union  with  England,  157, 
158,  161,  162,  298,  300,  573;  parties, 
167,  168;  rebellions,  46,  155,  156, 
618,  619;  parliament  affectionate  to 
Ormond,  9;  courts,  46,  47,  227,  581; 
officials,  215,  219;  settlement,  154, 
243;  fears  for  the,  in  1687,  597;  by 
transplantation  to  England,  555,  556; 
army,  5,  6,  593,  naturalization,  266. 

Ireland — Trade-,  in  general,  128,  160, 
188—198,  221,  396,  575,  594;  fitness 
for,  189 — 192;  Petty’s  Report  on, 
21 1—223;  council  for,  575;  in  cattle, 
31,  214,  216,  244,  299;  capacity  for. 


686 


Index. 


300,  555,  575;  lack  of,  396;  exports 
and  imports,  184,  198,  -216,  273,  296, 
564,  565,  575,  584,  585,  596;  ship- 
ping, 208;  rate  of  interest,  447; 
money,  7,  184,  214,  221,  273;  wealth, 
214;  houses  and  hearths,  214;  im- 
provement of,  217,  223;  have  in- 
creased, 303,  304. 

Ireland — Revemies\  xxvi,  xxix,  7,  179, 
227,  231,  566,  567,  585—588;  growth 
of,  271;  quit  rents,  39;  tithes,  164; 
hearth  money,  272 — 274;  customs, 
583—59^;  excise,  584—592; 
tobacco  monopoly,  83;  debt,  217, 
227,  231 ; public  accounts,  195. 

Ireland — History,  first  settled  from 
Scotland,  204;  from  1641  to  1687 
summarized,  619 — 621;  in  1687, 
578,  579>  5831  586—591.  See  also 
Ireland — Government : rebellions. 

Ireland — Religious  Matters'.  5,81,  164, 
167,  198,  461,  498,  557,  558,  560, 
561,  578,  582,  592. 

Ireland — Petty's  Interest  in-,  xv,  xvi, 
128,  604,  6r6;  ti'eats  it  as  a political 
animal,  129;  Graunt’s  knowledge  of 
Ireland,  xlviii. 

Heland,  The  Political  Anatomy  of, 
by  Petty,  121 — 23:. 

Ireland,  A Treatise  of,  by  Petty,  545 — 
621. 

Irish  people,  traits  of,  198,  201,  202, 
206,  273,  361,  362;  as  soldiers, 

593;  merriment,  616,  617;  drink 
little  ale,  589;  emigration  of,  141, 
i5r>  157’  158,  573’  600;  can  dye 
somewhat,  596;  their  language,  206; 
nation  abolition  of,  577. 

Iron  in  Ireland,  xxv,  145,  209,  595; 
worked  in  Holland,  258 ; in  Luic-land, 
258. 

Islands,  defensibleness  of,  254,  257, 
292. 

Islington,  included  within  the  bills  of 
mortality,  Ixxxv,  344;  not  part  of 
London,  423;  a part  of  London, 
529;  table  for,  410. 

Italy,  shipping  of,  251 ; quicksilver  and 
silk  of  worked  in  Holland,  258. 

Jacobuses  and  guineas,  444. 


Jamaica,  285,  302. 

James  L,  beginning  of  his  reign,  335; 
his  plantation  in  Ireland,  136, 
167. 

James,  Duke  of  York,  his  lands  in 
Ireland,  136,  140,  61 1,  616. 

James  IL,  King,  his  kindness  to  the 
Irish,  578;  his  Irish  policy,  1686 — 
1687,  XXX,  591  ; his  interest  in  Petty, 
XXX,  546,  547  ; dedications  of  Petty’s 
works  to,  503,  524,  554. 

Jeofifreys,  Robert,  xix. 

Jersey,  isle  of,  298;  profits  the  French, 
299. 

Jesuits  in  Ireland,  164. 

Jesus  Christ,  19,  27. 

Jews,  wealthy  by  trade,  95;  as  mer- 
chants, 263;  numbers  of,  465,  466; 
taxation  of,  83,  84. 

John,  Vincenz,  ix,  645. 

Jones,  Sir  Theophilus,  6r6. 

Judges,  powers  of,  631,  632  ; in  Ireland, 
163,  165,  602. 

Justel,  Henri,  Ixxvii;  letter  from  to 
E.  Halley,  522;  to  the  Royal  Society, 
518  ; informs  the  Society  of  a French 
answer  to  Petty’s  Essays,  42  5 n. 

Justice,  charge  of,  19;  in  a city,  473; 
in  the  country,  255. 

Justice  of  the  peace,  office  of,  19;  in 
Ireland,  163,  165,  196,  223. 

Juvenal  quoted  by  Petty,  80. 

Kelp  exported  from  Ireland,  596. 

Kenmare,  Petty’s  colony  at,  xxv — xxvi, 
209  n. ; destruction  of,  xxxi. 

Kerry,  underpeopled,  467  n. ; courts  in, 
165;  forfeitures,  168;  Latin  spoken, 
19 1 ; plants,  209;  Ormond’s  lands, 
614;  Petty’s,  xxiii  n. 

King,  Gregory,  Ixxvii,  650. 

King  of  England,  Powers  of  the,  by 
Petty,  630 — 632. 

Kings  County,  Ireland,  measured  in 
1630,  176,  177. 

King’s  and  Queen’s  College  of  Physi- 
cians in  Ireland,  165. 

Kingsale,  209,  573 ; houses  of  increased, 

.303- 

King’s  Bench  in  Ireland,  163. 

Kingsland  hospital,  356. 


Index. 


687 


Kingston,  Robert  King,  second  lord, 
farmer  of  Irish  revenues,  xxvii,  616, 

King’s  Weston,  50611. 

Konigsberg,  plague  at,  403,  404. 

Labour,  the  father  of  wealth,  Ixxi,  68, 
377;  relation  of  to  value,  44,  45, 
307,  443;  dear  when  corn  is  plentiful, 
274;  hours  of,  no;  portion  of  people 
fit  for,  307;  a par  between  labour 
and  land,  Ixxi,  44,  45,  181,573,  574; 
between  labour  and  art,  182.  See 
also  Division  of  labour. 

Labourers,  raising  of  money  a tax  upon, 

87. 

Lambeth  included  in  the  bills  of  mor- 
tality, Ixxxiv,  344;  not  properly  part 
of  London,  423;  table  for,  410. 

La  Motte,  John,  his  house  turned  into 
a tenement,  380. 

Land-Carriage,  Petty’s  experiments  on, 
250. 

Land-oaths,  199. 

Land,  the  mother  of  wealth,  Ixxi,  68, 
377;  value  of,  44 — 46,  50;  how 
determined,  89,  570,  573;  depends 
on  density  of  population,  286,  287, 
289,  290,  592;  affected  by  a change 
of  coins,  444 ; intrinsic  and  extrinsic 
value  of,  396 ; need  of  survey  of, 
.^95?  39<5;  original  and  primitive 

differences  between,  250,  255;  im- 
provement of,  244 ; effect  of  selling 
land  to  foreigners,  313  {see  also 
Absentees);  taxation  of  land,  38, 
115,  12011.;  par  between  land  and 
labour,  Ixxi,  44,  45,  181,  573,  574. 

Lands  of  England  and  Wales,  value  of, 
105 ; to  be  coined  into  current  coin, 
558;  of  Ireland,  value  of,  176 — 182, 
214,  597,  606;  has  declined  (1687), 
57o>  573>  580,  583,  590;  to  be 
accurately  valued,  582;  years’  pur- 
chase of,  7,  447;  titles  of,  195,  570, 
573)  581  ; how  far  cultivated,  174, 
175- 

Land’s  End,  a source  of  fish-supply, 
471- 

Landsmen  and  seamen,  281,  282. 

Lanesborough,  Sir  George  Lane,  vis- 
count, 616. 


Language  of  Ireland,  206. 

Lansdowne,  Henry  Charles  Keith  Petty 
Fitzmaurice,  fifth  marquis,  ix ; his 
Petty  MSS.  Iviii ; his  MS.  of  Petty’s 
Essay  on  Ireland  lost,  548. 

Larcom,  General  Thomas  Aiskew,  124; 
on  Worsley,  xvin.;  on  Petty’s  survey, 
xvii. 

La  Rochelle,  siege  of,  280  n. 

Latin  frequent  among  poorest  Irish, 
191 ; of  Irish  priests,  198. 

Latin  words  used  by  Petty  and  by 
Graunt,  xlviii. 

Law,  when  it  flourishes,  76;  too  many 
matters  regulated  by,  243;  law  and 
equity,  300. 

Laws  of  nature,  9,  48,  243,  445. 

Law  suits,  Petty’s,  xxv;  called  la 
chicane.,  507. 

Law  Merchant,  261. 

Lawyers,  excessive  number  of,  26,  27  ; 
in  London,  530 ; and  in  Paris,  507  ; 
object  to  registers  of  land,  264. 

Laziness,  punishment  for,  261 ; of  the 
Irish,  201. 

Lead  exported  from  England,  296; 
to  Ireland,  596;  to  Turkey,  442; 
worked  in  Holland,  258. 

Leadworks  in  Ireland,  209. 

Leadenhall  Street  has  lost  its  trade, 
380. 

Leather  exported  from  Ireland,  595. 

Lecturers,  79. 

Leeuwarden,  plague  at,  403. 

Leghorn,  merchants  in,  263. 

Leinster,  surveyed,  177;  value  of  land, 
177,  178,  606. 

Letterees,  131,  582;  lands  of,  136. 

Leyden,  Petty  in,  xiv ; plague  at,  402, 
404- 

Liberty  of  conscience,  xxxin.,  Ixii, 
Ixxiii,  70,  261,  262,  578,  592. 

Libraries,  ix,  72. 

Liege,  25811. 

Lighthouses  in  Ireland,  208. 

Lights,  rising  of  the,  359. 

Lincoln,  decrease  of,  370,  372. 

Lincoln’s  Inn,  507. 

Linen,  imported  into  England,  273; 
from  Ireland  and  Scotland,  296,  595; 
from  the  East  Indies,  119. 


688 


Index. 


Lisbon,  merchants  in,  -263. 

lavergrowlh,  xlvi,  xlvii,  357 — 359. 

Loadstones,  624. 

Lock  hospital,  356. 

Loml^ard  Street,  has  lost  its  mercery 
trade,  381. 

Lombards,  26,  36,  82,  261. 

London — location,  etc. : area,  457,  470, 
526,  531;  westward  movement  of, 
xlvi,  41,  321,  380,  381;  map  of, 
3^5»  533»  542  ; bounds  of  liberties  of, 
401;  parishes  of,  24,  457;  inequality 
between,  382 ; will  always  be  the 
greatest  cohabitation  of  people  in 
England,  42  ; best  size  for,  470 — 476. 

London — houses  : number  and  value 
of,  105,  106,  303,  459,  528;  size  of, 
385,  building  of  prohibited  (1656), 
4011.,  41;  burned  in  1666  [see  also 
Fire),  507;  rebuilding  of,  2430.,  294, 
308,  309 ; increase  of,  370 ; are  great 
and  glorious,  2^3. 

London — population-.  331,  383 — 386, 
400,  459,  460;  is  one-fifteenth  of  all 
England,  107;  calculations  of  by 
Graunt  and  Petty,  Ixvii ; census  of, 
xliv,  401,  405,  406;  growth  and 
doubling  of,  304,  378—381,  387— 
389,  394,  456—460,  469;  grows  by 
immigration,  370,  371,  389,  482; 
soon  replenished  after  plagues,  367. 

London — vital  statistics:  births,  481, 
482,  486,  604,  605;  burials,  338 — 
342,  407 — 409,  481,  486;  males  and 
females,  41 1;  tables  of,  406 — 41 1, 
426,  432—435. 

London  compared  with'.  Paris,  251, 
423.  4^4^  517.  518,  530.  537;  Rome, 
517,  518;  Amsterdam,  251;  other 
cities  generally,  503,  509,  544,  603; 
with  the  country,  373,  389,  392,  393, 
498. 

London — 77iiscellaneons:  air,  392,  393; 
aldermen,  63 ; assessment,  460 ; 
beggars,  354;  bills  of  mortality,  see 
Pills;  bishop’s  palace,  380;  defence, 
354>  387*  472;  food  supply,  471; 
hospitals,  530;  murder  infrequent, 
354;  plague,  10911.,  363,  364,  51; 
shipping,  530;  trade,  374;  taxes, 
103,  370,  371;  undertaxed,  114. 


I.ondon  bridge  stays  westward  move- 
ment of  the  city,  380. 

Londonderry  surveyed  by  T.  Raven, 
177;  housing  of  has  increased,  303. 

Longevity,  measure  of,  172,  350,  352, 
623. 

Looking  glasses,  price  of,  624. 

Lord  Chancellor  of  Ireland,  163,  204, 
205,  616,  631. 

Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  163. 

Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  163,  204, 
205,  228 — 230. 

Lord  Mayor  of  London,  his  relation  to 
the  bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxviii. 

Lord  Justices  of  Ireland,  163. 

Lotteries,  64 — 65. 

Loughrea,  court  of,  580. 

Lucerne,  288  n. 

Ludgate,  42,  321,  381. 

Lunatics,  state  wards,  83 ; are  few, 

355- 

Lungs,  the  bellows  of  the  body,  359. 
See  also  Lights. 

Luttrell,  Narcissus,  on  Petty’s  death, 
Ixvi. 

Luxury  a cause  of  civil  war,  23  ; policy 
of  restraining,  192;  import  duties  on 
luxuries,  56. 

Macarthy,  General  Justin,  xxxi. 

McCulloch,  John  Ramsay,  vii,  xxxix, 

1. 

Mackenbory,  209. 

Madder  in  the  Netherlands,  251,  259; 
imported  into  Ireland,  191. 

Mahometan  religion  in  India,  263. 

Maid-servant,  wages  of,  305. 

Males  and  females,  relative  number  of, 
Ixxvi,  25,  320,  374—378,  483,  603; 
in  London,  386 ; in  the  country, 
389;  distinguished  in  the  bills,  342, 
347 ; males  prolific  longer  than  fe- 
males, 375;  tables  of,  for  Cranbrook, 
419 — 421;  for  London,  41 1;  for 
Romsey,  412 — 415;  for  Tiverton, 
416 — 418. 

Mangerton,  Mount,  467  n. ; Petty’s 
estates  near,  xxiv. 

Manufactures,  in  Ireland,  197 — 198; 
flourish  in  cities,  473 ; more  gained 
by  than  by  husbandry,  256. 


Index. 


689 


Manuscripts  used  in  printing  this  ed.,  lix. 

Manx  language,  206. 

Map  of  London,  385,  533,  542. 

Map  of  France,  anno  1647,  250. 

Maps,  Petty’s,  of  Ireland,  xvii,  6n,, 
177,  614. 

Mare  clausum,  550,  559,  569,  573. 

Marine  insurance,  83. 

Marriages  taxed,  83;  civil,  effect  on 
marriage  rate,  xci,  400;  encourage- 
ment of,  377,  378  ; not  in  the  bills  of 
mortality,  347;  should  be,  491 ; occur 
early  in  Ireland,  608. 

Marillac,  Charles  de,  letters  of,  about 
the  plague,  Ixxxin. 

Martyn,  John,  publisher,  122. 

Maryland,  285. 

Mary’s  Colechurch,  a small  parish,  382. 

Matthews,  Colonel,  616. 

Massachusetts,  General  Court  of,  302  n. 

Massareene,  Sir  John  Skefhngton, 
second  viscount,  616. 

Master  of  the  Rolls  in  Ireland,  163. 

Masts  imported  from  New  England, 
296 ; prices  of,  623,  624, 

Mathematical  method  in  economics, 
Ixviii. 

Malthus,  Thomas  Robert,  debt  of,  to 
Graunt,  Ixxix. 

Measles,  one  half  that  die  of  are 
children,  349. 

Measure  of  value,  44;  see  also  Value. 

Meath,  Edward  Brabazon,  second  earl, 
his  house,  143. 

Medals  and  money,  85. 

Medicaments,  manufacture  of,  75. 

Mercantilism,  Petty’s  relation  to,  Ixix. 

Mercery  gone  from  Lombard  Street, 
381. 

Merchandise,  more  gained  by  than  by 
manufacture,  256. 

Mero-motu  men,  131  n.,  582;  lands  of, 
136. 

Mersenne,  Marin,  xiv. 

Metal-men,  mortality  of,  350. 

Metaphysics,  study  of,  270. 

Meteorological  instruments  needed,  1 71. 

Microscope,  627. 

Middlesex  and  Surrey,  parishes  in, 
included  within  the  bills,  Ixxxv, 
Ixxxvi. 


Mile,  Irish,  210. 

Militia,  charge  of,  18;  a gentle  tax, 
275;  drill  of,  276;  in  Ireland,  166, 
168,  169,  569. 

Milk,  cost  of  in  Ireland,  173. 

Milled  money  exported,  439. 

Mills  in  Ireland,  609. 

Milne,  James,  on  the  editorship  of  the 
Collection  of  the  Yearly  Bills,  641. 

Mines  in  Ireland,  223. 

Minory,  plague  at,  403. 

Miscellaneous  Catalogue  of  Experiments, 
Petty’s,  642. 

Mithridate,  93. 

Mogul’s  diamond,  the  Great,  627. 

Mohammed,  date  of  birth  of  used  by 
Petty,  526. 

Mohommedanism  permits  polygamy, 
374* 

Molasses  exported  from  Ireland,  596. 

Molyneaux,  William,  letter  from, 
XXX  n. 

Monarchy,  universal,  grows  difficult, 
467  n. 

Monasteries,  dissolution  of,  in  Ireland, 
f94,  195- 

Money,  nature  of,  183;  the  fat  of  the 
body  politic,  1 13;  amount  of  in  circu- 
lation, 34,  310;  how  to  ascertain  it, 
51 ; amount  needed,  35,  36,  112,  113, 
265,  310,  446;  scarcity  of,  and  taxes, 
34 ; scarcity  of  remediable  by  a bank, 
446  ; plenty  since  the  discovery  of 
the  West  Indies,  50;  England  has 
more  than  her  neighbours,  119;  has 
increased,  304;  exportation  of,  32; 
cannot  be  prevented,  57,  58,  87,  445, 
446 ; may  profit  the  country,  58, 
440 ; exportation  or  annihilation  of 
diminishes  the  commonwealth,  268, 
269 ; raising  and  debasing  money, 
84—88,  439,  441,  444,  445,  631; 
money  of  gold  and  silver  the  best 
rule  of  commerce,  439  ; money  of 
Ireland,  7,  183 — 187,  192,  219; 

badness  of,  196;  raising  of,  221,  444; 
little  needed,  569;  exported,  583. 

Money,  Quanttdumcunque  concerning, 
by  Petty,  437—448. 

Montes  pietatis,  82. 

Monogamy,  Graunt  on,  Ixxvi. 

44 


H.  P. 


690 


/ ndex. 


Monopolies,  74. 

Monopoly  price,  119. 

Montrath,  Charles  Coote,  third  earl, 
616. 

Moon,  supposed  irregular  motion  of, 
xlvii,  358. 

Moray,  Sir  Robert,  xxxvi,  Ivin.,  3n., 
322. 

Mordaunt,  Charles,  afterwards  third 
earl  of  Peterborogh,  63111. 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  his  Utopia  men- 
tioned, 286,  475. 

Moreri,  Louis,  his  G^'atid  Dictionnaire 
cited  by  Petty,  507,  537. 

Morley,  George,  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
letter  from,  xxxi  n. 

Mortality,  bills  of.  See  Bills. 

Moses,  number  of  Israelites  under, 
465—466. 

Mother,  a disease,  xlvi,  358. 

Mun,  Thomas,  Ixix. 

Muster,  46711.;  surveyed,  177;  value 
of  lands  in,  178,  606. 

Munster,  Presidential  Court  of,  163. 

Murder  infrequent  in  London,  354. 

Murray.  See  Moray. 

Music,  Petty  as  professor  of,  xv. 

Mutilation  as  a punishment,  67. 

Names  in  Ireland,  568,  570. 

Nantes,  291  n. 

Naples,  merchants  in,  263  ; plague  in, 

403- 

Napper,  Mr,  ejectment  case  against, 
602. 

Nai'rative  of  the  Sale  and  Settlement  of 
Ireland  cited  by  Petty,  613,  616. 

Narrow  seas,  England  secure  in  the 
sovereignty  of,  284. 

Natural  history,  nature  of,  322,  323. 

Natural  knowledge,  improvement  of, 
271. 

Naturalization,  266. 

Natural  and  Political  Observations 
upon  the  bills  of  Mortality^  314 — 431. 
See  also  Graunt. 

Nature,  laws  of.  See  Laws. 

Naval  stores,  trade  in,  257,  258. 

Navy  of  England  requires  36,000  men, 
276;  increased,  243,  304;  expense 
of,  1 16,  1 1 7. 


Needham,  Walter,  M.D.,  xxxvi. 

Negroes  in  American  plantations,  303. 

Neligan,  Dr.,  of  Dublin,  123,  124,  236, 

547- 

Netherlands,  Petty’s  opinion  of,  Ixxii; 
population,  541 — 543;  taxes,  95, 
253.  254;  agriculture,  250,  251; 
trade,  95,  251,  283;  charity,  83; 
wealth,  117  ; war  with  in  1665,  103. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  dedication  of  Dis- 
course of  Duplicate  Proportion  to, 
24011. 

Newcastle,  William  Cavendish,  marquis, 
xiv. 

Newcastle,  housing  of,  303  ; shipping, 
304 ; reputed  unhealthful,  394. 

Newcourt,  Richard,  his  map  of  London, 

385- 

New  England,  added  to  the  King’s 
territory,  285,  302 ; population  of, 
291;  exports  from,  296;  government 
of,  298;  husbandry  in,  300;  trans- 
plantation of  people  from,  301,  302  ; 
few  women  barren,  303 ; migration 
to,  390. 

“New  English”  in  Ireland,  167,  616. 

Newfoundland,  281,  285,  390. 

Newgate,  381. 

Newington,  included  within  the  bills  of 
mortality,  Ixxxv,  344 ; not  part  of 
London,  423  ; a part  of  London, 
529 ; not  less  barren  than  London, 
372,  373  i talkie  for,  410. 

New  Netherland,  285. 

New  Philosophy  (Bacon’s),  influence  of 
on  Petty,  xxii,  Ixiii — Ixv. 

New  River  Company,  Graunt  a member 
of,  xli. 

New  River  supplies  water  for  London, 
471. 

Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  Petty’s  opinion  of 
his  Principia,  Ixxix. 

Noah,  465. 

Noblemen  put  younger  sons  to  merchan- 
dise, 312,  313. 

Nominees,  131,  582. 

Nonconformists,  number  of  in  1676, 
461 11. ; increase,  243  ; not  included 
in  the  bills,  xc. 

Norfolk,  Graunt  endeavoured  to  secure 
a bill  from,  399. 


Index. 


691 


North,  Sir  Dudley,  Ixix. 

Northumberland,  Graunt  endeavoured 
to  secure  a bill  from,  399. 

Norway,  573. 

Norwich,  housing  increased  in,  303 ; 
labour  of  children  in,  308. 

Norwich  stuffs,  attempt  to  manufacture 
them  in  Ireland,  xliii  n. 

Notes  in  this  book,  purpose  of,  viii. 

Nottinghamshire,  Graunt  endeavoured 
to  secure  a bill  from,  399. 

Number,  weight  and  measure,  terms  of 
used,  244,  261,  638. 

Oak  timber,  little  dearer,  243. 

Oates,  Titus,  xlv. 

Oaths  in  Ireland,  199. 

Oatmeal  and  rice,  181. 

Observations  upon  the  Bills  of  mortality 
of  London^  by  Graunt,  314 — 432  ; 
editions  of,  658 — 660. 

Observations  upon  the  Cities  of  London 
and  Rome,  by  Petty,  515 — 518,  644. 

Observations  upon  the  Dublin  Bills  of 
Mortality,  by  Petty,  479 — 491,  640; 
writing  of,  xxvii. 

Obvervations  upon  the  Trade  in  Irish 
Cattle,  Petty  writes,  651. 

Of  ?naking  Cloth  ivith  Sheep's  Wool, 
Petty  writes,  324  n.,  650. 

Offices,  lessening  of,  25;  sale  of,  76, 
77;  fees  of,  like  monopolies,  75,  76; 
taxation  of,  63,  84. 

Ogle,  Dr  William,  on  the  trustworthi- 
ness of  the  bills  of  mortality,  xc. 

“Old  English”  Papists  in  Ireland,  167. 

“Old  Irish,”  167,  215. 

“Old  protestants  ” in  Ireland,  167. 

Oldenburg,  Henry,  on  the  authorship 
of  the  Observations,  xliii. 

Ormond,  James  Butler,  first  duke,  note 
on,  7,  8;  becomes  Lord  Lieutenant 
of  Ireland,  5 ; his  interest  there,  7, 
8;  his  lands,  136,  163,  613,  614, 
616;  present  of  ^30,000  to,  3,  179; 
succeeded  by  Robartes,  3 1 9 n.;  charged 
with  mismanaging  the  Irish  revenues, 
xxvi;  employs  John  Graunt,  xxxviin., 
xliii  n.;  reappointed  in  1676,  xxviii ; 
Petty’s  letters  to  Ormond,  Ivi. 

Ormond,  James  Butler,  second  duke. 


dedieation  of  Political  Arithmetick 
to,  125. 

Orphan  asylums  advocated,  29. 

Orphans,  maintenance  of,  20. 

Orphans,  provision  for,  261. 

Orrery,  Lionel  Boyle,  third  earl,  616. 

Ossory,  Thomas  Butler,  earl  of,  letter 
of  Ormond  to,  xxxixn.,  811. 

Overseers  of  the  poor,  duties  of,  383. 

Oxford,  Petty  at,  xv  ; Graunt’s  Obser- 
vations printed  at,  317. 

Oxmantown-Green  hospital,  Dublin, 
165. 

Pageants,  effect  of,  33. 

Paper  manufactured  in  France,  258 ; 
imported,  297,  309. 

Par  between  lands  and  labour,  Ixxi. 

Pardoe,  Mark,  Petty’s  publisher,  xlii, 
45311.,  480. 

Paris,  area  of,  531  ; bills  of  mortality 
of,  251  n.,  422,  424,  425,  51011.; 
births  in,  422,  604 ; buildings  of, 
251;  burials  in,  481,  506,  507; 
census  of,  505  n.,  506  n.  ; hospitals  of, 
506 — 530  ; murder  frequent  in,  354  ; 
Petty  in,  xiv ; population  of,  251, 
505—508,  527,  528,  530,  527,  537., 
543;  compared  with  London,  251, 
517,  503,  603. 

Paris  Garden  made  a parish,  Ixxxvi. 

Parish  Clerks,  Company  of ; their 
relation  to  the  bills  of  mortality, 
Ixxxii,  333,  335,  346;  their  hall, 
Ixxx  ; printing  press,  Ixxxiii. 

Parish  registers,  Cromwell’s  act  for  the 
keeping  of,  xci,  356 11. 

Parishes,  23,  79,  371  ; of  Dublin,  484  ; 
of  England,  148  ; of  France,  290  ; 
of  Ireland,  5,  148,  215;  of  London; 
382  ; included  within  the  bills, 
Ixxxiv — Ixxxvi,  338 — 346,  382  ; in- 
equality of,  xlvi,  5,  301,  302,  321 
382,  490,  581. 

Parliament,  supremacy  of  in  Ireland, 
568,  573- 

Parsons,  learning  of,  382. 

Parties  in  Ireland,  167,  168. 

Pasture  land,  rent  of,  249. 

Patents  upon  inventions,  Petty  on,  xiv, 
74,  75- 


692 


Index. 


I’atents  hinder  working  of  Irisli  mines, 
223. 

Paternoster  Row,  mercery  trade  in, 
381. 

Pawnshops.  See  Monies  pietatis. 

Pearls,  prices  of,  624. 

l^eerage  offered  Petty,  xxviii,  xxix. 

Peers,  king  makes,  631. 

Pekin,  population  of,  508. 

Pell,  Dr  John,  Petty’s  letters  to,  Ivi. 

Penalties,  67. 

Pendula  called  Swingswangs,  324. 

People,  value  of,  Ixxi,  106,  152,  267, 
454,  512,  564.  See  also  Population. 

Pepper  imported  from  the  East  Indies, 
296,  441  ; cheap,  275. 

Pepys,  Samuel,  presents  Petty  to  Charles 
II.,  xxi  ; appointed  by  James  II.  to 
examine  Petty’s  Treatise  of  Ireland., 
547  ; had  MSS.  of  Petty’s,  xxxi  n., 
Ivi — Iviii ; letters  by  Petty  to,  xxviii, 
546,  547  n. ; his  opinion  of  Petty, 
xxxiii ; his  relations  with  Graunt, 
xxiv,  xxxvi,  xxxviii,  buys  the  Obser- 
vations, 317;  his  opinion  of  Gi'aunt, 
xxxviii. 

Pennington,  Sir  John,  admiral,  letters 
to,  407  n. 

Perceval,  Sir  John.  See  Egmont. 

Perch,  Irish,  172. 

Perpetuanas  exported  from  England, 
296. 

Persia,  paucity  of  people  in,  467  n. ; 
prices  in  influence  prices  in  England, 
625. 

Personal  estates,  value  of,  106,  ,107; 
assessment  of  upon  oath,  115. 

Peru,  silver  in,  50,  181,  182  ; Peru 
pieces,  221. 

Pesthouse,  337. 

Pett,  Sir  Peter,  Petty’s  letters  to,  Ivi ; 
his  interest  in  political  arithmetic, 
Ixxvii ; on  the  authorship  of  the 
Observations,  xliii — xlv ; his  Petty 
MSS.  100,  124,  237. 

Petty,  Anthony,  father  of  Sir  William, 
xiii — xiv. 

Petty,  Charles,  afterwards  Baron  Shel- 
burne, Ixxix,  238,  240,  45011. 

Petty,  Henry,  afterwards  Baron  Shel- 
burne, 652. 


Petty,  John,  Surveyor-General  of 
Ireland,  xxiv  n. 

Petty,  Lady,  marriage  of,  xxv  n.  ; char- 
acter of,  xxxii ; letter  to  Southwell, 
238;  to  Edmund  Waller,  xxixn. 

Petty,  SirWilliam — Lifeofxm — xxxviii, 
birth,  xiii,  boyhood,  xiii — xiv,  on  the 
continent,  xiv,  invents  an  instrument 
for  double  writing,  xiv,  74,  goes  to 
London,  xiv  ; Advice  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Learning,  xv,  at  Oxford,  xv, 
professor  in  Gresham  College,  xv, 
xxxiv,  xl ; becomes  fellow  of  Royal 
College  of  Physicians  of  London, 
27  n.  ; appointed  physician  to  H. 
Cromwell,  xv,  executes  the  Down 
Survey,  xvi,  xvii,  177,  614 — 616,  is 
commissioner  of  distribution,  xvii — 
xviii,  arranges  with  Adventurers  at 
London,  xviii;  attacked  by  Sanchey, 
xix — XX, defends  himselfin  Parliament, 
XX,  writes  on  his  Irish  experiences,  xx, 
xxi,  joins  the  Royal  Society,  xxi — xxii, 
reports  on  Graunt’s  Observations, 
xxxvi,  317;  builds  his  “double  bot- 
tom,” xxii — xxiii,  his  lands  in  Ireland 
secured  at  the  Restoration,  xxiii — 
xxiv,  his  activity,  1 ; knighted,  xxiv, 
removes  to  Ireland,  xxiv,  investigates 
Dublin  bills,  398  n. ; assists  Graunt, 
xxxvii ; loses  lands,  264  n. ; builds  a 
colony  at  Kenmare,  xxv— xxvi,  bids 
for  farm  of  Irish  taxes,  xxvi — xxvii, 
writes  Political  Anatomy  (1672)  and 
Political  Ariihmetick  (1676),  xxvii, 
is  arrested,  xxviii,  becomes  charter 
member  of  the  College  of  Physicians 
of  Dublin,  165,  seeks  to  become  a 
member  of  the  Irish  Council,  xxviii — 
xxix,  war  with  the  farmers,  xxix,  xl ; 
his  duel,  77  n.;  establishes  Dublin 
Philosophical  Society,  xxx,  strives  to 
influence  Irish  policy  of  James  II., 
xxx — xxxi,  his  health  impaired,  xxxi, 
450  ; his  death,  xxxi — xxxii ; his 
marriage,  xxxii,  opinions  of  his 
friends,  xxxii — xxxiii ; his  portrait 
engraved  by  Sandys,  652. 

Petty,  Sir  William — Writings:  vii, 
lx — Ixxiv,  bibliography  of,  633 — 657; 
habit  of  writing,  Iv  ; MSS.  xxxvii  n.. 


Index. 


693 


Iv — lix,  9n.,  100,  11811.,  121  n.,  123, 
124,  125,  13 1 n.  ; letters,  Ivi,  Iviii, 
911.,  24011.,  46611.,  46711.,  480,  545, 
547  n. ; his  claims  to  the  authorship 
of  the  London  Observations,  xxxv, 
xxxix — liv;  as  a disciple  of  Hobbes, 
Ixi — Ixiii ; of  Bacon,  Ixiii,  Ixiv  ; his 
political  ideas,  Ixii,  his  religious 
ideas,  Ixii,  his  method  compared  with 
Graunt’s,  Ixxv;  his  economic  ideas, 
Ixvi — Ixix. 

Philosophy,  unintelligible  notions  of, 
396  ; the  new.  See  New. 

Phoenicians  in  Ireland,  204. 

Phthisic  (Tyssick),  360. 

Physicians,  excessive  number  of,  27  ; 
have  two  women  patients  to  one 
man,  376  ; perhaps  inform  searchers 
of  cause  of  death,  349 ; those  of 
London  better  than  those  of  Paris, 
508. 

Pick-pockets,  69. 

Pictures,  price  of,  182. 

Piece  of  8 reals  in  Ireland,  184. 

Pilchard  in  Ireland,  209,  296,  595. 

Pillory,  67. 

Pipe  staves  imported  from  New  England, 
296. 

Pirates,  customs  an  insurance  against, 
54- 

Plague,  effect  of  on  population,  109, 

I TO,  303,  463;  on  births,  376; 

remedies  for,  320 ; Petty’s  Plan  of 
Lessening  the  Plague,  xxivn.,  10911.  ; 
in  London,  363 — 368,  531  ; caused 
keeping  of  the  bills,  Ixxx — Ixxxii, 
335  ; deaths  due  to  it,  100,  151,  243, 
349>  536  ; not  fully  returned,  347, 
365  ; effect  of  on  health  of  London, 
347  ; on  its  size,  475 ; plague  in 
Ireland,  609;  at  Constantinople,  509, 
at  Paris,  531 ; at  Romsey,  390—391; 
at  Tiverton,  41711.;  in  various  con- 
tinental cities,  403 — 405. 

Plantations,  American,  300 ; population 
of,  291,  301,  government  of,  298;  a 
burden  to  England,  242. 

Plantations  of  Elizabeth  and  Janies  1. 
in  Ireland,  167. 

Plate,  customs  on,  92 ; better  as  money, 
243- 


Play  houses,  state,  83. 

Plebeians  of  France  and  of  England,  294. 

Plough  lands,  206,  207. 

Polanders  cowkeepers  for  the  Hol- 
landers, 267. 

Politician  Discovered  not  liy  Petty,  636. 

Political  Anatofny  of  Ireland,  1 21 — 23 1 : 
note  on,  122 — 124,  xxvii,  Ixi,  647. 

“Political  anatomy,”  the  phrase,  129. 

Political  Arithmetick,  a Discourse,  pp. 
232— 3T3;  iTote  on,  235,  236,  xxvii, 
645—647. 

“ Political  arithmetick,”  the  phrase, 
239 — 24011.;  nature  of,  Ixi,  Ixv ; 
illustrations  of,  244,  313  ; contrasted 
with  statistics,  Ixvii ; gives  a gross 
image  of  affairs,  61 1. 

Political  economy,  the  term,  Ixxi  11.,  18 1. 

Political  Pastimes  and  Paradoxes  a fit 
title  for  Petty’s  Dialogue,  621. 

Political  Survey  of  Ireland,  another 
title  for  the  Political  Anatomy,  647. 

Politics,  true,  is  to  preserve  peace  and 
plenty,  395. 

Policy  determines  wealth  and  strength 
of  a country,  250 — 255  ; of  the  Hol- 
landers, 261. 

Poll  money,  34,  61 — 64,  an  accumu- 
lative excise,  94;  collateral  advantages 
of,  1 15;  in  Ireland,  179,  399. 

Polygamy,  118;  Graunt  on,  Ixxvi,  320, 

374—378- 

Poor,  numerous,  305;  care  of,  29;  is 
better  in  middle-sized  parishes,  383  ; 
in  France,  294. 

Pope,  reverence  of  Irish  for,  199,  200. 

Population,  desirable  to  be  known,  485, 
491  ; how  ascertained,  63,  393,  533, 
6ro;  increase  of,  78,  381,  462,  463, 
604,  605 ; density  of,  34,  68,  255, 
286 — 290,  300. 

Portman,  Sir  John,  proposed  as  fellow 
of  the  Royal  Society  by  Graunt, 
xxxvii. 

Portsmouth,  housing  increased  in,  303. 

Portugal  mamufactures  confectures,  258 ; 
shipping  of,  251. 

Potatoes,  a bread-like  root,  273  ; food 
in  Ireland,  201. 

Post  office,  revenue  from,  in,  256, 
257>  305- 


694 


Index. 


Poundage,  a name  for  customs,  77. 

Poverty,  34  ; due  to  want  of  discipline, 

I’owell,  Frederick  York,  ix. 

Power,  causes  of,  18. 

Powers,  The,  of  the  King  of  England, 
by  Petty,  630 — 632. 

Pox.  See  French  Pox. 

l^rague,  plague  at,  403. 

Preaching  of  Irish  priests,  199. 

Prerogative,  royal,  630,  632  ; uncer- 
tainty as  to  is  an  impediment  of 
England’s  greatness,  300. 

Presbyterians  in  Ireland,  200. 

Preston,  Mr  Alderman,  616. 

Price,  political  and  natural,  90 ; what 
determines,  182  ; relation  of  cost  to, 
474;  effect  of  debased  money  on,  441. 

Prices  in  Ireland,  188. 

Prices  of  commodities,  proportions  of, 
623 — 624. 

Priests  in  Ireland,  164,  198,  199,  218, 
223,  568,  569. 

Prisons  in  Dublin,  166. 

Privileges  and  Practice  of  Parliaments 
not  by  Petty,  636. 

Proby,  Mr  Alderman,  17711. 

Proctors  in  Ireland,  165. 

Professions,  lessening  of,  26  ; taxation 
of,  84. 

Projectors  of  new  taxes,  82. 

Prohibited  commodities,  57. 

Proportion,  duplicate.  Petty  on,  622  — 
624,  627,  628.  See  also  Discourse. 

Propositions  concerning  the  Government 
of  Ireland,  by  Petty,  225 — 231. 

Protective  duties,  269. 

Protestants,  possess  three-fourths  of  the 
trade  of  the  world,  263  ; importance 
of  in  Ireland,  xxxi,  14 1,  142,  144, 
148,  156,  200,  591,  593,  607;  in 
England  fear  growth  of  Catholics, 

578. 

Provisoes,  167. 

Psalm,  the  104*''',  translated  into  Latin 
by  Petty,  xxviii,  638. 

Public  Oeconomy,  the  A.B.C.  of,  481. 

Purples,  see  Fever,  purple. 

Ouakers  in  Ireland,  200. 

Qnantiilnmcnmpce  conceniing  Money, 


by  Petty,  437 — 448 ; editions  of, 
638 — 640;  occasion  of,  Ixi. 

Quart  d'Escii,  87. 

Queen’s  County  measured  in  1630, 

Queries  for  the  Trial  of  Mineral 
Waters,  Petty  writes,  642. 

Quetelet,  Lambert  Adolphe  Jacques, 
Ixxvi. 

Quicksilver,  258. 

Quit  rents  not  a tax,  80,  81  ; in  Ireland, 
XXV,  38,  139,  178,  599. 

Radical  moisture,  348. 

Rainfall,  measurement  of,  170;  at 
Dublin  and  London,  172. 

Ranelagh,  Richard  Jones,  first  earl, 
defeats  Petty’s  application  for  Irish 
farm,  xxvii;  letter  to  Ormond,  xxix  n. 

Rape  in  Holland,  259;  exported  from 
Ireland,  596. 

Raven,  Thomas,  177. 

Rebellion  of  1641  in  Ireland,  149 — 154, 
577,  609. 

Rebels  but  bigger  thieves,  189. 

Recoinage,  86,  310,  438. 

Redriff  included  in  the  bills  of  mortality, 
344;  table  for,  410. 

Reflections  on  the  Weekly  Bills  of 
Mortality  not  by  Graunt,  660. 

Reflections  upon  some  Persons  and 
Things  in  Ireland,  Petty  writes,  xv, 
XX,  xxi,  634  ; Latin  words  in,  xlviii. 

Regicides’  lands  in  Ireland,  597. 

Registers  of  lands,  26,  36,  83,  264,  265, 
570- 

Regularity  of  social  phenomena  ob- 
served by  Graunt,  Ixxvi. 

Religion  a cause  of  civil  wars,  22 ; 
charge  of,  23 ; flourishing  of,  79 ; 
Petty’s  attitude  towards,  Ixiii ; of  the 
Irish,  198. 

Religions  reduced  to  three,  491. 

Rent,  Ixxiii,  Ixxiv,  42 — 45,  49,  52,  78, 
89,  90,  174,  180 — 182,  241,  249,  267, 
268,  46711.,  564;  in  Ireland,  559, 

583- 

Report  frotn  the  Council  of  Trade  in 
Ireland,  211 — 223,  mentioned,  132. 

Rcpublique  dcs  Lettres  cited  by  Petty, 

525- 


Ijidex. 


695 


Restoration,  advantages  of,  66 ; in- 
creased the  population  of  London, 
469  ; effect  of  on  Petty,  xxiii — xxiv. 

Restorees,  581,  582,  598,  618. 

Resurrection,  number  that  will  rise  in 
the,  46611. — 467  n. 

Retailers  a kind  of  gamesters,  28. 

Revenue,  peculiar  branches  of,  83. 

Revenue  of  King  of  England,  557,  566, 
571,  600.  See  also  Ireland. 

Rey  in  Persia,  magnitude  of,  525. 

Rhamnus  berries,  191. 

Ricardo,  David,  Ixix. 

Rice  in  India,  181. 

Riches,  nature  of,  Ixxii,  26,  32,  91. 

Ricketts,  xlvi,  xlvii,  349,  357 — 359. 

Rising  of  the  lights,  xlvi. 

Rivers  to  be  made  navigable,  29,  303. 

Rivers,  Thomas  Savage,  third  earl,  his 
house,  380. 

Roberts,  John,  Lord,  3i9n. 

Robinson,  Henry,  Ixix. 

Rome,  ancient^  population  of,  466,  518, 
532;  modern,  517,  518,  529,  538, 
603;  plague  at,  403,  404. 

Romsey  in  Hampshire,  Petty’s  birth- 
place, xiii,  xlvii,  xlviii,  371,  388,  391, 
400;  table  for,  412 — 415. 

Rooke,  Laurence,  his  lectures  on 
geometry,  xxii. 

Roscher,  Wilhelm,  on  Petty,  vii ; on 
Graunt  and  Slissmilch,  Ixxviii. 

Roscommon,  Wentworth  Dillon,  fourth 
earl,  his  lands,  136. 

Rosin,  imports  of,  309. 

Rota  club,  230. 

Rotherhithe,  included  within  the  bills  of 
mortality,  Ixxxv;  not  part  of  London, 
423. 

Rouen,  population  of,  506,  529. 

Royal  College  of  Physicians  of  London, 

XV,  27  n. 

Royal  Exchange,  The,  full  of  merchants, 
243  ; stays  the  westward  movement 
of  London,  380. 

Royal  Family,  expences  of,  116,  117. 

Royal  Society,  incorporated,  xxii ; in- 
fluence of  Bacon  on,  Ixiii ; Petty’s 
connection  with  its  early  history,  xxi, 
xxii;  second  charter,  625 n.;  Petty 
vice-president,  xxvii;  reads  papers. 


522,  638,  641,  642  ; his  letters  to  the 
Society,  Ivi ; elects  Graunt,  xxxvi ; 
orders  the  printing  of  his  Observations, 
xlii,  xliii,  314,  317  ; what  he  learned 
from  it,  398 ; a ballad  on,  324, 
mentioned,  334. 

Royalists  come  to  London,  469. 

Rump  Parliament,  Henry  Cromwell 
acquiesces  in  its  government,  xvi ; 
refers  charges  against  Petty  to  the 
Commissioners  for  Ireland,  xx. 

Russia,  hemp  of,  258;  silver  in,  181, 
182. 

Saint  Andrews,  Holborn,  growth  of  in 
population,  380. 

St  Anne,  Westminster,  included  in  the 
bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxvi. 

St  Bartholomew  hospital,  511. 

St  Bartholomew  the  Great  included 
within  the  bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxv. 

Saint  Bonnet’s  Grace  Church,  a small 
parish,  382. 

Saint  Botolph’s,  Bishopgate,  a parish 
of  middle  size,  382. 

St  Clement’s  Danes  parish,  345. 

St  David’s  Head,  204. 

St  Dunstan’s,  Fleet  Street,  burial  of 
Graunt  in,  xxxvii. 

Saint  Giles,  character  of  parish  of,  356  ; 
grown  in  population,  380. 

St  James,  Duke’s  Place,  included  within 
the  bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxiv. 

St  James,  Westminster,  included  in  the 
bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxvi. 

Saint  John  Evangelist’s  a small  parish, 
382. 

St  Katharine  Creechurch,  Ixxxv. 

St  Margaret,  Westminster,  included  in 
the  bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxv,  Ixxxvi, 

346. 

St  Martin-in-the-Fields,  Ixxxvi,  345, 
346;  character  of,  356;  size  of,  380, 
472. 

St  Mary,  Savoy,  included  within  the 
bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxv,  346. 

St  Matthew’s,  Friday-street,  a small 
parish,  382. 

Saint  Olave’s,  Southwark,  grown  in 
population,  380. 

St  Patrick’s,  Dublin,  164. 


696 


/ ndex. 


St  Taul’s  Cathedral  not  included  in  the 
bills  of  mortality,  xe  ; greatness  of, 
382,  531;  dean’s  house,  380. 

Saint  Paul’s  Churehyard, woollen  drapery 
trade  in,  381. 

St  Paul’s,  Covent  Garden,  made  a 
parish,  345  ; included  in  the  bills, 
Ixxxv ; growth  of,  379,  380. 

St  Saviour,  Southwark,  Ixxxvi,  382. 

St  Thomas’  hospital,  51 1. 

Sainfoin,  288,  303. 

vSalaries  in  Ireland,  218,  219. 

Salisbury  Plain,  31, 

Salmon  in  Ireland,  209,  296,  595. 

Salt  in  Ireland,  296,  563,  575;  taxation 
55?  74’  83,  253. 

Saltpetre  imported  from  the  East  Indies, 
296. 

Salubrity,  scale  of,  623. 

Sanchey,  Sir  Jerome,  his  life,  xix — xx  n., 
his  dispute  with  Petty  xix— xxi, 
mentioned,  xvi  n. 

Says  exported  from  England,  296. 

Scala,  plague  at,  403. 

Scarlet  carried  to  the  Indies,  440. 

Schools,  charge  of,  19. 

Schultz,  Gottfried,  translator  of  Graunt’s 
Observations^  3 1 8 n . , 350  n . , 3 7 8 n . , 

645- 

Scilly  Islands,  573. 

Scotland,  population  of,  543,  544, 

imports,  296;  taxes,  271,  277,  566; 
Ireland  settled  from,  204 ; no  ad- 
vantage to  England,  242  ; a proposi- 
tion for  quitting,  285 — 290,  572, 

579;  union  of  with  England,  298. 

Scots  in  Ireland,  141,  142. 

Scurvy  has  increased,  360. 

Scythians  in  Ireland,  204. 

Seamen,  259,  260,  numbers  of  in 

France  and  England,  264,  280,  292; 
how  increased,  276,  277,  281 — 293. 

Searchers,  Ixxxix,  xc,  346,  careless, 
347;  bribed,  356. 

Seasons,  sickliness  of,  368 ; healthful 
are  fruitful,  321. 

Sects  in  Ireland,  14 1,  142,  144, 

148. 

Security  and  value,  45,  46. 

Seine,  not  so  navigable  as  the  Thames, 
530- 


Sentinels,  73. 

Serges  exported  from  England,  296. 

Sermons,  numerous,  73  ; effect  of  on 
uniformity,  472 — 473. 

Servants  in  Ireland,  number,  144. 

Several  Essays  in  Political  Arith?netick, 
by  Petty,  449—544,  649,  650. 

Sex.  See  Males  and  females. 

Sexton,  connection  of  with  the  bills  of 
mortality,  346. 

Shadwell,  Thomas,  126. 

Shaen,  Sir  James,  xxivn.,  xxvii,  xxix. 

Sheep  trade,  lessening  of,  59. 

Shelburne,  Charles  Petty,  first  baron. 
See  Petty. 

Sheriff,  office  of,  19,  631  ; in  Ireland, 
163,  168,  169,  196. 

Shilling,  proper  weight  and  fineness 
for,  440 ; Dutch,  84. 

Shipbuilding,  Petty’s  experiments  in, 
xxii,  xxiii,  260  n. 

Shipmoney,  34. 

Shipping  trade,  advantages  of,  258, 
260,  261  ; of  Europe,  251  ; of 

England  and  France,  276,  280 — 284, 
^93’  538,  539- 

Ships,  varieties  of,  260 ; undermasting 
of,  261  ; sail  area  and  speed,  261, 
262  ; in  combat,  279,  value  of,  106, 
260,  624. 

Shires,  inequality  of,  301. 

Shoes  exported  from  Ireland,  596. 

Silk,  258,  296,  441,  596. 

Silver  the  only  money,  444,  used  as 
money,  183;  fineness  of,  51;  when 
debased,  84  ; small  coins  objection- 
able, 445,  scarce,  242  ; carried  into 
the  Indies,  440  ; into  Ireland,  596  ; 
passes  in  foreign  trade  as  bullion 
merely,  440,  441  ; taken  from  the 
Spaniards,  296  ; its  price,  43,  Ixxiii. 

Silver  and  gold  are  universal  wealth, 
269,  295  ; their  relative  values,  44, 
50,  51,  89,  183;  must  be  rated  by 
the  estimation  of  the  whole  world, 
444- 

Sinecures,  76. 

Sin,  original,  617. 

Situation  determines  wealth  and  strength 
of  a country,  250 — 255. 

Skins,  exported  from  Ireland,  594. 


Index.  697 


Slaves,  value  of,  Ixxi  n.,  512;  in 

American  plantations,  296. 

“Sluice  boat,”  Petty’s.  See  Double 
Bottom. 

Small  pox  foreruns  the  plague,  366 ; 

one-half  that  die  of,  are  children,  349. 
Smith,  Adam,  Ixix. 

Smith,  Erasmus,  616. 

Smith,  Richard,  his  opinion  of  Graunt, 
xxxviii. 

Smiths  in  Ireland,  143,  145. 

Smoke  unhealthful,  373. 

Smuggling,  55,  56. 

Snow  in  Ireland,  172. 

Soldiers,  expenditure  of,  589 ; hired  by 
the  Dutch,  266. 

Soldiers’  lands  in  Ireland,  178,  61 1. 
Soldiers  and  officers  of  ’49,  their  pay, 
598,  601. 

So7ne  Queries  whereby  to  Exatnhie 
Miue7-al  Waters,  Petty  writes,  642. 
Soul,  immortality  of,  71. 

Soulz,  French,  84. 

Southwell,  Sir  Robert,  life  of,  Ivi  n. ; 
his  interest  in  political  arithmetic, 
Ixxvii ; his  care  of  Petty’s  MSS., 
Ivii— lix,  123,  125,  236,  238,  547; 
letters  to  and  from,  xiii,  xxvii,  xxviii, 
xlii,  Ivi,  4,  9,  438,  45011.,  45311., 
466  11.,  467  n.,  480,  506  11. 

“ Sovereign  of  the  Seas,”  ship,  304. 
Sovereignty,  nature  of,  23  ; Hobbes 
on,  Ixii. 

Spain,  cause  of  Holland’s  breach  with, 
262;  churchmen  in,  263 ; Irish  trans- 
planted to,  200;  shipping  of,  251; 
silver  from,  296;  West  India  trade 
of,  160,  257. 

Spanish  ambassador,  his  house,  380. 
Spectacles  for  the  older  sight,  627. 
Spinner,  ability  of  a,  354. 

Spleen  as  a cause  of  death,  357. 
Springham,  Matthias,  177. 

Standard  of  health,  482,  483. 

Starved,  how  many  are,  352. 

State  of  E7igla7id,  by  E.  Chamberlayne, 
cited  by  Petty,  284,  308. 

State  of  Erance,  a book  cited  by  Petty, 
252,  290. 

State  of  the  Netherla7ids,  by  William 
Albigony,  cited  by  Petty,  253. 


Statistical  method  of  Graunt,  xlvii,  xlix, 
Ixxv,  Ixxix. 

Statistical  office,  Petty’s  plans  for, 

XXX. 

Statistical  value  of  excise,  95. 

Statistics,  the  use  of,  Ixvi  ; differs  from 
political  arithmetic,  Ixvii. 

Stearne,  Dr  John,  165. 

Steel  imported  into  Ireland,  596. 
Stephens,  H.  Morse,  ix. 

Stepney,  included  within  the  bills  of 
mortality,  Ixxxv,  344;  not  properly 
part  of  London,  423;  table  for, 
410. 

Still-births,  number  of,  360,  361  ; 

searchers  can  recognize,  347. 

Stivers,  Dutch,  84. 

Stock  of  England  sufficient,  31 1. 
Stockings  exported  from  Ireland, 
595- 

Stone  seems  to  decrease,  360. 
Stonehenge,  31. 

Stopford,  Capt.  James,  616. 

Stopping  of  the  Stomach,  xlvi,  358. 
Strafford’s  Survey  of  Ireland,  177. 
Strangers  taxed,  83. 

Strangury,  360. 

Students  in  universities,  number  of, 
27,  28. 

Stuffs  exported  from  England,  296. 
Subsidiary  coin,  85,  86. 

Subsidies  of  1661  in  Ireland,  179, 
Sugar,  258,  275,  296,  596,  609. 
Suicide,  regularity  of  observed  by 
Graunt,  Ixxvi. 

Suicides  a sort  of  madmen,  355. 
Sumptuary  laws,  58. 

Superlucration,  amount  possible  in 
England,  308,  309;  in  France,  254, 
292  n. 

Superstitions  of  the  Irish,  199,  200. 
Surgeons,  number  of,  27;  of  London 
better  than  those  of  Paris,  508. 
Surveys  of  Ireland,  xvi — xx,  176 — 180, 
206,  207 ; of  lands  proposed,  49. 
SUssmilch,  Johann  Peter,  Ixxvi  n., 
Ixxviii,  Ixxix. 

Sweden,  Shipping  of,  251. 

Swine  pox,  344. 

Symner,  Major  Miles,  xviii. 

Syphilis.  See  French  Pox. 


H.  P. 


45 


698 


Index. 


Tables  for  London,  406 — 41 1;  ex- 
l)lanalions  of,  429 — 431;  for  Cran- 
brook,  419 — 421;  for  Dublin,  486 — 
489;  for  Romsey,  412 — 415;  for 
Tiverton,  416 — 418. 

Tadi)ole,  John,  brings  in  the  bills  in 
Dublin,  480. 

Tallow  exported  from  Ireland,  296, 
595,  609. 

'I'angier,  in,  n6,  302. 

Tartary,  Chinese  emperor’s  journey  to, 
508. 

Tate,  Nahum,  126. 

Taxes,  Petty’s  interest  in,  Ixix ; his 
tax  system,  Ixxii ; his  Treatise  of 
Taxes.,  i — 97;  cost  of  collection,  21; 
taxes  in  kind,  21,  35,  81,  190,  191, 
277;  unequal,  32,  37,  62,  104,  114; 
shifting  of,  36,  39,  80,  81 ; several 
sorts  of,  38 — 47  ; their  advantages, 
115  ; may  increase  wealth,  268—271 ; 
ways  of  levying,  in,  112,  301; 

farming  disapproved,  301 ; are  great, 
242;  proportion  to  income,  91,  189; 
indirect,  103  n. 

Teeming  women,  number  of  in  London, 
384,  385- 

Teeth,  death  of  children  due  to,  349. 

Telescopes  at  Gresham  College,  xlvii, 

358. 

Tellmg  of  Noses,  a calculation  by  Petty, 
xxxi  n. , 461  n. 

Temple,  Sir  William,  serves  with  Petty 
on  a committee  on  the  trade  of 
Ireland,  xxvin.;  plans  to  remodel 
Irish  Privy  Council,  xxviii;  on  the 
Irish  farm,  xxix;  mentioned,  212. 

Tennis,  244. 

Tenths,  meaning  of,  77. 

Territory,  relation  of  to  wealth  and 
strength  of  a country,  249 — 256  ; of 
the  King  of  England  increased,  302. 

Test,  Commons  address  to  James  11. 
on  the,  63111. 

Thames  makes  London  great,  42; 
more  navigable  than  the  .Seine,  530. 

Theatres,  public,  83;  are  magnificent, 
^43- 

Thermometer,  170. 

Thievery,  cause  of,  189;  prevention  of, 
474,  475;  in  Ireland,  202. 


Thorpe,  Thomas,  Iviii,  123,  237. 

Thring,  Jacob,  registrar  of  Dublin, 
421. 

Thrush,  death  of  children  due  to, 
349- 

Thiinen,  Johann  Heinrich  von,  Ixv. 

Timber,  cost  of,  624;  decay  of,  294; 
exported  from  Ireland,  595;  of  the 
Baltic,  worked  in  Holland,  258. 

Tin,  English,  55,  258,  296,  445,  596; 
as  money,  84,  445. 

Tithes,  77 — 82;  no  tax,  80,  81 ; aliena- 
tion of,  24,  25;  incidence  of,  39; 
certainty  of,  264,  265;  from  dis- 
senters, 72;  in  cities,  78;  in  Ireland, 
139,  609. 

Titles,  Petty’s  opinion  of,  xxviii — xxix. 

Tituladoes,  63. 

Tipperary,  palatinate- court  in,  163; 
surveyed,  177. 

Tiverton,  plague  at,  417  n.;  typhus  at, 
41811.;  a table  for,  416,  418;  men- 
tioned, 317,  399,  400. 

Tobacco,  from  America,  296 ; cheap- 
ness of,  275;  in  Ireland,  83,  188, 
189,  191,  192,  563,  575,  596,  609. 

Token  money,  84. 

Tolls,  83. 

Tongue  exported  from  Ireland,  594. 

Tonnage,  a name  for  customs,  57,  77. 

Tools,  value  of,  182. 

Toulouse,  population  of,  540. 

Tower  Hill,  31. 

Town  lands,  206,  207. 

Trade,  the  way  to  wealth,  194,  250 — 
255;  flourishes  among  the  heterodox, 
263,  264;  procures  treasure,  269; 
prohibition  of,  299;  centres  in  certain 
streets,  473;  is  always  quick  some- 
where, 259;  need  of  knowing  it,  34, 
53;  increase  of,  304;  alleged  decay 
of,  242;  trade  of  the  world,  value 
of,  295,  31 1 ; of  Europe,  257;  of 
England  and  France,  295 — 297;  of 
Ireland,  188 — 198;  Report  upon, 
21 1 — 223;  to  be  restored,  221. 

T'ades,  History  of,  written  by  Petty, 
XV,  Ixiv,  11811.,  653. 

Trained  bands,  a gentle  tax;  numbers 

of,  385- 

Train  oil  exported  from  Ireland,  596. 


Index, 


6gg 


Transplantation,  6,  137,  555,  556,  561, 
574>  655—657. 

Transportation  of  people,  cost  of,  559. 

Travel,  expense  of,  474. 

Treachery  of  Irish,  202. 

Treacle,  93. 

Treasure.  See  Silver. 

Treatise,  A,  of  Irela7id,  545 — 621;  its 
purpose,  Ixi. 

Ti’eatise  of  Naval  Philosophy,  Petty 
writes,  xxiin.,  648. 

T'eatise  of  Taxes  and  Cofitribntions, 
by  Petty,  i — 97;  its  occasion,  Ixi; 
importance,  Ixx;  Latin  words  in  it, 
xlviii,  xlix;  reprinted,  237,  634 — 
637- 

Tree  planting,  29. 

Trent,  river,  161. 

Tresor  trouve,  55. 

Trinity  College,  Dublin,  165,  237. 

Trinity  in  the  Minor ies  included  within 
the  bills  of  mortality,  Ixxxv ; a small 
parish,  382. 

Turf  for  fuel  in  Ireland,  192. 

Turgot,  Anne  Robert  Jacques,  and 
Petty  on  interest,  Ixxiv. 

Turkey,  government  of,  20;  dye-stuffs 
of,  258;  merchants  in,  263;  buys 
English  lead  and  tin,  442,  445. 

Turks  may  overrun  England,  42. 

Turnips,  251. 

Twentieth,  a tax,  84;  a name  for 
customs,  77. 

Two  Essays  in  Political  Arithmetick, 
by  Petty,  501— 513,  643. 

Two’s,  an  Irish  land  measure,  207. 

Typhus  at  Tiverton,  41811. 

Tyrconnel,  Richard  Talbot,  earl  of, 
commander-in-chief  in  Ireland,  xxxi, 
546,  577  n.,  589,  616. 

Ulster,  surveyed,  177;  value  of  lands 
in,  178,  606. 

Undermasting  of  ships,  261. 

Uniformity  difficult  to  preserve,  263. 

Union  of  England  and  Ireland,  159, 
161,  162,  219 — 221,  298,  301, 

567. 

Universities,  charge  of,  19,  26,  28. 

Ushant,  279,  573. 

Utrecht,  Petty,  in,  xiv. 


Usury.  See  Interest. 

Value,  Petty’s  theory  of,  Ixxiii;  origin 
of,  51;  natural  and  artificial,  90; 
intrinsic  and  extrinsic,  625,  626; 
equalizing  of,  43,  44.  See  Land, 
People. 

Venice,  government  of,  40;  merchants, 
263;  population,  538—540. 

Verbiest,  Ferdinand,  502. 

Verbum  Sapienti,  by  Petty,  99 — 120; 
discussed,  Ixi,  Ixx,  Ixxi ; mentioned, 
128,  132,  134. 

Vernier,  Thomas,  71. 

Vernon,  colonel,  136. 

Vesalius,  read  by  Petty,  xiv. 

Virginia,  285,  302. 

Vox  popnli,  605. 

Wages,  Petty’s  theory  of,  Ixxiv;  must 
be  certain,  52  ; limited  by  law,  20  ; 
relation  of  to  price  of  food,  2740.; 
raising  of  money  a tax  upon,  87;  of 
artizans,  564,  maidservants,  305  ; sea- 
men and  husbandmen,  259;  English 
are  triple  Irish,  592. 

Wales,  union  of  with  England,  161. 
See  England  and  Wales. 

Wallis,  John,  xxi. 

War,  expense  of,  18;  causes  of,  21,  22; 
the  power  of  making,  301 ; is  the  fire 
of  hell,  8r. 

Ward,  Seth,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  xl. 

Watches,  apparent  irregular  movement 
of,  xlvii,  358. 

Watchmaking,  division  of  labour  in, 

473- 

Water  carriage  in  England  and  in 
France,  293,  294. 

Watling  Street  has  lost  its  trade,  381. 

Watkins,  Richard,  xv  n. 

Wax  exported  from  Ireland,  596. 

Wealth,  its  amount,  Ixx,  Ixxi,  51,  105 — 
108,  117. 

Wealth,  its  nature:  the  effect  of  past 
labour,  no;  hands  its  father,  lands 
its  mother,  Ixxi,  68,  371;  universal 
and  local,  147,  295;  perishable  and 
durable,  259;  relation  of  to  income, 
Ixxiii ; consists  chiefly  in  foreign 
trade,  295;  domestic  wealth,  196 — 


700 


hidex. 


197;  wealth  of  the  people  dis- 
tinguished from  wealth  of  the  mon- 
arch, 272,  295,  298,  299,  555,  556. 

Wedding,  number  of  children  to  a, 
388,  389,  400;  tables  of:  for  Cran- 
brook,  419 — 421;  for  Romsey,  412 — 
415;  for  Tiverton,  416 — 418. 

Weather,  investigation  of,  170. 

Weekly  bills  of  mortality.  See  Bills. 

Welsh  language,  206. 

West  Country,  beggars  to  be  sent  to,  354. 

West-Frizia,  area  of,  542. 

West  Indies,  sugar  of,  257;  trade  of, 
258,  278. 

West  Looe,  Petty  represents,  in  Richard 
Cromwell’s  parliament,  xix. 

Westminster,  a distinct  city,  423;  in- 
cluded in  the  bills,  Ixxxiv,  Ixxxvi, 
342;  comprehended  within  “Lon- 
don,” 459;  court  at,  381;  palace  of, 
42;  table  for,  410. 

Westminster  Hall,  Pepys  buys  Graunt’s 
Observations  at,  xxxvi,  317. 

Weston,  Sir  Richard,  250. 

Wexford,  language  in,  206. 

Wheat,  value  of,  275. 

Whistler,  Daniel,  presents  Graunt’s 
Observations  to  the  Royal  Society, 
xxxvi. 

White  Chapel  grown  in  population,  380. 

Whitehall,  42. 

Wilkins,  John,  Bishop  of  Chester,  xxi, 
xxii,  xxiv,  xxxvi. 

Willcox,  Walter  Francis,  ix. 

William  III.,  Political  ArithmeticJz 
dedicated  to,  239,  240. 

Williamson,  Sir  Joseph,  his  interest  in 
political  arithmetic,  Ixxvii;  relation 
to  the  Political  Anatomy,  122,  124; 
mentioned,  237,  45011. 

Willoughby,  Francis  (?),  had  MS.  of 
Political  Arithmetick,  237. 


Winchester,  decrease  of,  370,  372. 

Winchester,  marquis  of,  his  house 
turned  into  a tenement,  380. 

Windet,  John,  printer,  Ixxxiii, 

Windmills  in  Holland,  256. 

Winds,  170,  171. 

Wine,  importation  of,  60,  304,  309  ; 
from  France,  297  ; from  Spain,  50, 
58  ; into  Ireland,  586,  587,  596  ; 
smuggling  of,  60,  61. 

Wiseman,  Thomas,  to  Pennington, 
407  n. 

Women  more  frequently  ill  than  men, 
376.  See  also  Males  and  Females. 

Wood,  Anthony,  his  life  of  Petty, 
xiiin. ; of  Graunt,  xxxviii ; letter  of 
Aubrey  to,  8 n. 

Wood,  Robert,  210. 

Wool,  exports  of,  from  England,  295, 
296;  from  Ireland,  175,  296;  pro- 
hibited, 59,  60;  worked  in  Holland, 
258;  manufacture  of  said  to  be  de- 
clining, 242  n.  ; is  flourishing  258  ; 
seat  of  at  London,  381. 

World,  age  of,  388;  population  of, 

295>  463—465.  467  n-.  477.  478. 

Worms,  children  die  of,  349. 

Worship,  liberty  of,  71. 

Worsley,  Benjamin,  surveyor  in  Ireland, 
xvi — xviii. 

Wren,  Sir  Christopher,  his  lectures  on 
astronomy,  xxii. 

Yarmouth,  increased,  303. 

Yarn,  exportation  of,  5911.;  in  Ireland, 
222,  296;  Turkish  in  Holland,  258. 

Yearly  bill  of  mortality.  See  Bills. 

Years,  healthfulness  of,  368,  369,  390. 

Years’  purchase,  Ixxiii,  45.  See  also 
Land. 

York,  Duke  of.  Sec  James  11. 

York,  province  of,  persons  in,  461  n. 


CAMBRIDGE:  I’RINTED  BY  J.  AND  C.  F.  CLAY,  AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS. 


/ 


v:?  '•>  • 


